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Kim Groop With the Gospel to Maasailand - Åbo Akademi

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on cattle. Cattle have traditionally provided <strong>the</strong> Maasai with <strong>the</strong>ir main<br />

nutrition and large herds are thus regarded as wealth. Although <strong>the</strong> cattlebased<br />

nutrition has gradually been substituted or complemented with<br />

agricultural products, <strong>the</strong> cow is still considered <strong>the</strong> backbone of Maasai<br />

society. While <strong>the</strong> Arusha also view cattle in terms of wealth, <strong>the</strong>y are<br />

secondary <strong>to</strong> land, which has been more important <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong>m than <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

pas<strong>to</strong>ral brethren. In both Arusha and Maasai society, cows are subject <strong>to</strong><br />

various kinds of sacrifices. Cattle are sacrificed at most of <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />

ceremonies. The sacrificial slaughtering of cattle, as well as oxen, rams<br />

and sheep, is also performed <strong>to</strong> bring peace, break spells and cure<br />

sicknesses. Cattle are ascribed with both material and spiritual value. 16<br />

Ano<strong>the</strong>r feature typical for <strong>the</strong> Arusha and Maasai is <strong>the</strong>ir agesystem.<br />

All Maasai men belong <strong>to</strong> an age-set, in<strong>to</strong> which <strong>the</strong>y are<br />

initiated through circumcision. During certain ceremonies, all Maasai<br />

men in a given age-set advance <strong>to</strong> more senior age-grades with more<br />

responsibilities and privileges. Spencer compares <strong>the</strong> age system with ‘a<br />

queue climbing up a ladder […] with each successive climber<br />

representing an age-set and each rung an age grade’. 17 At <strong>the</strong> bot<strong>to</strong>m of<br />

indicate him <strong>to</strong> be a “spirit” with whom <strong>the</strong>y can communicate. He is like a fa<strong>the</strong>r in<br />

relationship <strong>to</strong> his child.’ (Benson 1974, 76). Hodgson claims <strong>the</strong> opposite meaning that <strong>the</strong><br />

addressing of Enkai as a male ‘reflects <strong>the</strong> his<strong>to</strong>rical influence of Christian imagery.’<br />

(Hodgson 2000a, 762-763). Priest likewise discusses <strong>the</strong> feminine sex of Enkai, noting that<br />

‘<strong>the</strong> use of feminine gender does not necessarily mean that <strong>the</strong> Maasai view deity as a<br />

feminine, however. Some Maasai names for God are in <strong>the</strong> masculine gender as well. […]<br />

<strong>the</strong> vast majority of Maasai nouns do not refer <strong>to</strong> beings or things that are intrinsically<br />

masculine or feminine.’ (Priest 1990, 114). Flatt similarly notes that ‘prayers are offered <strong>to</strong><br />

him as a “fa<strong>the</strong>r”. It is claimed that this is not due <strong>to</strong> external contact, but is a traditional<br />

usage. We might find reason <strong>to</strong> question this claim, but it certainly seems <strong>to</strong> be <strong>the</strong><br />

contemporary cus<strong>to</strong>m.’ (Flatt 1980, 58). Flatt and Priest, like most male authors, write him,<br />

when indicating Enkai, whereas female authors like Kiel (1997, 88-89) and Hodgson<br />

address Enkai as she.<br />

16 Huntingford 1953, 121-122; Priest 1990, 83-109, 113, 120-141; Benson 1974, 90-110,<br />

121-123. There are many aspects of sacrifice in Maasai society. Maasai offer sacrifices on a<br />

daily basis in <strong>the</strong> form of milk, beer etc. In general religiosity is tightly interwoven with<br />

Maasai and Arusha life. See for instance Priest 1990, 141-150; Flatt 1980, 85-89, 99-109<br />

and Hodgson 2000a, 762-763. For more on Maasai and cattle <strong>to</strong>day, see Campbell 1993,<br />

258-271.<br />

17 Spencer 1993, 140-141.<br />

25

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