Equity in School Water and Sanitation

EQUITY IN SCHOOLWATER AND SANITATIONOvercoming Exclusion and Discriminationin South AsiaINDIA COUNTRY REPORT

EQUITY IN SCHOOLWATER AND SANITATIONOvercoming Exclusion and Discrimination inSouth AsiaINDIA COUNTRY REPORT

Cover Photo: © UNICEF/India/Sanjay Barnela© United Nations Children’s FundRegional Office for South Asia (UNICEF ROSA) 2009ISBN 978-9937-8215-4-4The views expressed are those of the authors, and not necessarily those of UNICEF. The designations inthis publication do not imply an opinion on legal status of any country or territory, or of its authorities, or thedelimitation of frontiers.Any parts of this document may be freely reproduced with the appropriate acknowledgement.For further information and copies, please contactRegional Education AdvisorUNICEF Regional Office for South Asia (ROSA)P.O. Box 5815,Lekhnath MargKathmandu, NepalEmail: rosa@unicef.orgDesigned and colour separation: Digiscan Pre-PressPrinted at: Format Printing Press, Kathmandu, Nepal

ContentsForewordSeries IntroductionAcknowledgementsAcronymsExecutive Summaryvviiixxxiii1. Introduction 11.1 Background 11.2 Purpose of the Study 11.3 Study Objectives 11.4 Research Process 11.5 Report Outline 22. Context 32.1 Country Overview of Water and Sanitation 32.2 Education Overview 52.3 Inclusion and Exclusion in Schools 73. Methodology 93.1 Details of the Research Sites 93.2 The Selection Process and Selection Criteria 93.2.1 Selection of districts 93.2.2 The sample districts 93.2.3 Selection of sites 113.3 Research Tools used for the Study 133.4 The Fieldwork 134. Findings and Analysis 154.1 Enrolment and Attendance on the Day of Visit 154.2 Facilities (Water and Sanitation) and Their Use 164.3 Two Case Studies 214.3.1 Promising practice 214.3.2 When things go wrong 234.4 Senior Secondary Schools: Untouched by WATSAN or any such Campaigns 244.5 The Midday Meal and its Dynamics 254.6 Voices and Experiences of Primary School Children 274.7 Children with Special Needs 274.8 Voices and Experiences of Adolescent Boys and Girls 284.9 The Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion 314.10Learning from the Study 31

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATION5. Conclusions and Recommendations for the India Study 336. Conclusions and Recommendations from a Regional Perspective 376.1 Conclusions 376.2 Recommendations 406.2.1 Sufficiency and maintenance of facilities 406.2.2 Inclusion and non-discrimination 426.2.3 Transfer of good practice from school to families and community 43Bibliography 45Annex 1: Research Methodology for the Overall Study 48Annex 2: Detailed Research Data for the India Study 50Annex 3: Research Tools 54Annex 4: Case Studies 69Annex 5: Excerpts from SSHE Guidelines 76iv

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaCountry Report BhutanForewordA study was commissioned by UNICEF ROSA in order to understand the interplay of inclusion andexclusion related to Water, Sanitation and Education. The purpose of this study was to generatesufficient evidence to raise awareness on the role played by water and sanitation in discriminationwithin the classroom. A four country qualitative research study was initiated in Bhutan, Nepal,Bangladesh, and India. The data collection and field work were carried out in Lalitpur and Mirzapurdistricts of Uttar Pradesh, India.The objectives of the study were: To examine, in India, the relationship between water and sanitation related issues and the ways inwhich they affect the opportunities of those who belong to a group perceived as being unclean. To identify and record instances of good practices. To explore the possibility of good practice in schools having a transformative role in altering traditionaldiscriminatory practices.It is believed that at the high school and secondary school level, lack of toilet facilities could lead topoor attendance of students, especially of girls. This study has examined the extent to which thepresence of toilets and safe drinking water support learning, and positively influence regular attendanceof students, especially of girls. Inclusion and exclusion related issues in the sample schools havebeen analysed through interaction with parents, children, and teachers.The study found evidence of subtle and not-so-subtle forms of exclusion within schools based uponthe existing caste/class structure. The attitudes and beliefs of teachers reflected their prejudicesagainst some groups of children in schools. It was also found that where teachers have a positive andinclusive attitude and a sense of ownership, it is reflected in the school environment.On the positive side, children were observed washing their hands before the midday meal, though notalways with soap. The study also found that girls are determined to study and that absence of toiletswould not deter or discourage them. However, their school life would be better if they had access to aclean and safe toilet.The study makes some important recommendations based on the evidence gathered. It is of primaryimportance to alter teacher behaviour and attitudes through training/orientation programmes forteachers, teacher educators and educational administrators on inclusion and exclusion.Finally, the study finds that if a programme is to make any meaningful impact, it must start with thecommunity and move towards the school. It will need community support and ownership if theprogramme gains are to be sustained.Daniel TooleRegional DirectorUNICEF ROSAv

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Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaCountry Report BhutanSeries IntroductionThis series of five publications is the outcome ofa South Asia regional study into Equity in SchoolWater and Sanitation, commissioned jointly by theWASH and Education Sections of UNICEFRegional Office for South Asia (ROSA). The studywas carried out in four countries of the region –Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal. Eachcountry has produced its own report, and thesehave been supplemented by a fifth report, whichsummarizes the country reports and expands thefindings into a regional perspective.This study was developed following a web-basedliterature search (Ollieuz, 2008) to collect evidenceabout different kinds of water and sanitation-basedexclusion and discrimination in schools in orderto obtain an overview of available evidence andalso to define areas which required more research.The search showed that although there isconsiderable anecdotal evidence on exclusionfrom and discrimination within school related toissues around water and sanitation, there is littlein the way of empirical research.The study therefore set out to examine theseissues of exclusion and discrimination in schoolsin South Asia and to consider the potential forschools being able to act as agents of change incombating this exclusion and discrimination. Theaim of the study was to:raise awareness both atGovernment and practitioner levelsof the part that issues related towater and sanitation play inchildren's exclusion from anddiscrimination within education,and to suggest actions which needto be taken at the level of policyand practice which would help toredress this situation.The overall objectives of the study were:i. To examine the relationship between water andsanitation related issues and the ways in whichthey affect, for both practical and psychologicalreasons, both the inclusion and theopportunities of children who belong to groupsthat are perceived as being unclean,menstruating girls and children affected bycommunicable diseases.ii. To identify and record instances of good andinclusive practice.iii. To explore the possibility of good practice inschools having a transformative role in alteringtraditional discriminatory practices within thecommunity.The method chosen for the study was qualitativeresearch. While qualitative research has certainlimitations in that it can only ever cover a smallsample of sites, the advantages are that it allowschildren's voices to be heard and their stories tobe told in a way which can never occur throughquantitative studies. In this way it highlights theoften subtle ways in which exclusion anddiscrimination can affect children and also pointsto actions which need to be taken so that exclusionand discrimination can be addressed andchanged.In three of the four countries, twelve schools inthree districts were carefully chosen for in-depthstudy (in India, 24 were chosen) and fieldresearchers spent periods of three days coveringthe schools and their communities (one day inprimary, one day in secondary and one day in thecommunity). Although these were very smallsamples, nevertheless, it was felt that the in-depthdiscussions could draw out findings which wouldbe more widely applicable.vii

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONIn all countries, adolescent girls were seen to faceconsiderable disadvantage when they weremenstruating. The result was that a largeproportion of girls simply did not attend school forseveral days each month. While the lack ofsanitary facilities could not be directly linked withschool drop-out, it seems certain that theembarrassment experienced by the girls, and theirfalling behind with their studies as a result offrequent absence, will increase its likelihood.Findings on discrimination against children forissues related to water and sanitation were moremixed and varied both between countries andwithin individual countries. However, there certainlywere indications that some children were treatedless favourably than others. The ways in whichthis discrimination played itself out also varied, butit included situations where certain children weremade to carry out tasks such as cleaning toiletswhen others were not; certain children beingexcluded from privileges such as fetching waterfor the teacher; and, in many instances, certainchildren always sitting separately from others atthe back of the class. There were also clearindications that children who were discriminatedagainst in this way could be perceived by teachersas being less intellectually able and less committedto their studies.A clear message which emerged was that onecould not make simple assumptions as to preciselywhich groups of children were discriminatedagainst. In some instances, they were childrenfrom traditionally ‘untouchable’ castes, but not allDalits were treated in this way. In some instancesthey were children from minority ethnic groups,but some ethnic groups did not face this kind ofdiscrimination. In several cases they were thechildren who were perceived as always coming toschool less clean than others, often because theylived far away or because they came from familieswho might not have the facilities to enable themto keep clean. In all countries it appeared thatchildren from very poor families were more likelyto be ones who could face this kind ofdiscrimination.A positive message arising from the study wasthat both children and adults were aware thattraditional discriminatory attitudes were changing.While children in some schools expressed stronglytraditional views about whom they would sit nextto or eat with, several others were aware thatschool allowed them a place where they couldshare food and water with everyone and havemixed group friendships, although they did alsosay that they might not be able to extend thissituation to their home context.There were, however, indications in all countriesthat new elites could sometimes arise in this newcontext and play themselves out in the samedomain of cleanliness and uncleanliness. Severalinstances were given of teachers favouringchildren who were clean, neat, clever, richer andfrom more powerful families. It was acknowledgedthat these children might or might not come fromthe traditional elites.All country studies have examples of excellentpractice. Ways in which this practice has beencreated vary from country to country but commonelements include: Sufficient and well maintained facilities Clearly worked out systems of cleaning A positive relationship between school andcommunity so that good practice in one isreinforced by good practice in the other. Thereare many examples of children transferringgood hygiene practice they have learnt atschool to their families Children who are aware of the importance ofgood hygiene practices A strong ethos of inclusion in which all tasksand privileges are shared equally and childrenare automatically assumed to sit together andmix together regardless of social or economicdivisions.Thus, the study has showed the potential of schoolas an agency of change and indicates that this isan area which could definitely benefit from furtherattention.viii

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaCountry Report BhutanAcknowledgementsWe are extremely grateful to the children, teachers and parents who agreed to participate in thestudy and interacted with us in the schools and the villages that our teams visited. This study wouldnot have been possible without their support. The children and adolescent boys and girls providedvaluable insights into the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion – we have learnt a lot from them.We would like to thank the officials of the School Education Departments of the Government of India(GoI) and the Government of Uttar Pradesh (UP), as well as the Director of Secondary EducationBoard, UP, for allowing us to carry out this study in the schools. We would like to extend our thanksto the district and block level officials of the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), Panchayati Raj Department(Mirzapur), the pradhan and Panchayat representatives and the block and village level functionaries,Auxiliary Nurse Midwives (ANMs), Anganwadi workers (AWWs), parents and the village community.Samphe Lhalungpa, Lizette Burgers, Shushmita Dutt and Dipak Roy from UNICEF ICO, and VinobaGautam, Amit Mehrotra, Ranjit Singh and Sushil Kumar Pandey from UNICEF Uttar Pradesh extendedinvaluable support to us at different stages of the study. Many thanks.Many thanks also to UNICEF ROSA, Kathmandu, for commissioning this qualitative research andproviding us the opportunity to conduct the study. We thank Hilary Thornton, lead researcher, for herinsights and support during the design of the study and the support extended during the testing ofthe tools in the field. Thanks to Susan Durston, William Fellows and Liz Maudslay of UNICEF ROSAfor reposing their confidence in us.We were fortunate to have a sensitive and experienced team of field investigators consisting of NitiSaxena, Somlata Shukla, Sunita Singh, Mahima Chauhan and Aditi Singh. Our grateful thanks tothem for carrying out the field research with perceptive enthusiasm in record time.Vimala RamachandranBharat PatniNishi Mehrotraix

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONAcronymsAIDSANMAPLASERASHAAWWBPLBRCBSACEPCRCDalitDFIDDIOSDISEDPROEGSERUFCFGDGERGICGoIGPEPHDRHIVHSICDSICOILOIMRKCCIKGBVLMPLSMDMMSNGONGPAcquired Immune Deficiency SyndromeAuxiliary Nurse MidwifeAbove Poverty LineAnnual Status of Education ReportAccredited Social Health ActivistAnganwadi Worker (an ICDS centre is known as an Anganwadi)Below Poverty LineBlock Resource CoordinatorBlock Shiksha Adhikari (Block Education Officer)Child Environment ProjectConvention on the Rights of the ChildAn alternative term used for the Scheduled Caste (SC) communityDepartment for International Development (UK)District Inspector of SchoolsDistrict Information System for EducationDistrict Panchayati Raj OfficerEducation Guarantee SchemeERU Consultants Private LimitedForward CasteFocus Group DiscussionGross Enrolment RatioGovernment Intermediate CollegeGovernment of IndiaGram Panchayat Environment ProjectHuman Development ReportHuman Immunodeficiency VirusHigh SchoolIntegrated Child Development SchemeIndia Country OfficeInternational Labour OrganizationInfant Mortality RateKnowledge Community on Children in India – a UNICEF initiativeKasturba Gandhi Balika Vidhyalaya (Residential schools for girls whohad dropped out of school after primary school. This is for classes 6–8)Licentiate Medical PractitionerLalitpur siteMidday MealMirzapur SiteNon-Governmental OrganizationNirmal Gram Puraskar (beautiful village prize or award)x

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaCountry Report BhutanNPEGELNPRCNREGSNUEPAOBCPSROSASCSEESSMCSSASSHESTTSCUNDPUNICEFUPUPSVECWAWATSANWESNational Programme of Education for Girls at Elementary LevelNyaya Panchayat Resource CoordinatorNational Rural Employment Guarantee SchemeNational University for Education Planning and AdministrationOther Backward ClassesPrimary SchoolRegional Office for South Asia (UNICEF)Scheduled Caste (also referred to as Dalit)Social Economic and Education StatusSchool Management CommitteeSarva Shiksha Abhiyan (Education for All)School Sanitation and Hygiene EducationScheduled TribeTotal Sanitation CampaignUnited Nations Development ProgrammeUnited Nations Children's FundUttar PradeshUpper Primary SchoolVillage Education CommitteeWaterAidWater and SanitationWater Environment and Sanitationxi

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Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaCountry Report BhutanExecutive SummaryUNICEF ROSA (Regional Office for South Asia)commissioned a four-country qualitative researchstudy in Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh and India tounderstand the dynamics of inclusion andexclusion and generate sufficient evidence to raiseawareness both at the government and thepractitioner level on issues related to water andsanitation and the role that they play in children'sexclusion from and discrimination within education.At the inception workshop in December 2008, itwas agreed that the country teams would: (a)review country-wise secondary data on water andsanitation; (b) map the water and sanitary situationin sample schools and explore how they affect orinfluence inclusive participation of children inschools; (c) conduct qualitative in-depth researchto gain an understanding of the practical andpsychological barriers which children can face inrelation to water and sanitation; and (d) presentcase studies of good and inclusive practices inschools in relation to water and sanitation andexplore the possibilities of these good practicesbeing extended both to other schools and to thewider community.Given the size of India, ERU Consultants PrivateLimited (ERU), New Delhi, that conducted thestudy in India, focused on the state of UttarPradesh (UP). A purposive sample of 24 primary,upper primary, high/secondary schools andintermediate colleges was selected from 12villages in Lalitpur and Mirzapur districts in thestate. The research tools consisted of acombination of school observation schedules,semi-structured in-depth interviews withstakeholders, focus group discussions (FGDs),structured activities/role-plays and groupdiscussions with children of different age groups.They were finalized in consultation with leadresearcher Dr Hilary Thornton during the fieldworkin February 2009.The nodal agency for Water and Sanitation(WATSAN) at the national level is the Departmentof Drinking Water in the Government of India'sMinistry of Rural Development, which overseesthe implementation the Total Sanitation Campaign(TSC) programme. TSC is being implemented bythe Department of Panchayati Raj in UP, whichcovers all rural schools for the provision ofseparate urinals and toilets for boys and girls, andadditionally, the promotion of hygiene educationand good sanitary habits among students. TSC inUP was launched in 2002, and secondary dataindicates that 28 per cent of the households hadbeen covered by the campaign in 2008. Whilemost schools are understood to have beenprovided with hand pumps for safe drinking water,the availability of a hand pump in a school doesnot automatically imply that it will be in a workingcondition, or that its water is ‘safe’ (i.e. free ofcontamination), or that all children have equalaccess to it. Similarly, while the secondary dataon primary schools indicates that most schoolshave toilets and urinals, the field study found thatthe proportion of functioning toilets was far less.Enrolment in government primary schools is nowover 90 per cent, but the picture changes as wemove from primary to upper primary to high school/secondary school. It is widely acknowledged thatchildren drop out of school for many reasons –poor quality, little relevance of the education beingimparted, and dysfunctional schools are the issueswhich have been documented extensively. Thecombination of gender, social and locationdisadvantages makes some groups of childrenextremely vulnerable to dropping out.It is believed that at the high school and secondaryschool level, lack of toilet facilities could lead topoor attendance of students, especially of girls.While this issue has not yet been researchedxiii

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONsufficiently, it is believed that the presence of toiletsand easy availability of safe drinking watercontribute towards creating a positive environmentfor learning. In this study we tried to explore theextent to which the presence/absence of waterand sanitation facilities influence regularattendance of students, especially of girls.Equally, food, water and sanitation are the threeimportant domains where inclusion/exclusionplays out. Hierarchies of caste/community aremanifested on the ground through social practicesrelated to eating, drinking and the use of commonfacilities. Traditionally, certain kinds of work,especially that concerning cleaning toilets, anddisposal of dead animals, has been done by themost disadvantaged in the social hierarchy,namely the Dalits (SC). Though social reformmovements have made a big difference in manyparts of the country, rural areas continue to lagbehind. Existing research shows that schools arenot free from such prejudices. Within the school,exclusion could also be subtle and not discerniblein routine classroom observations or during schoollevel interactions. Therefore, this study exploresinclusion and exclusion related issues in thesample schools through interaction with parents,children, and teachers.Main findings and learningsEnrolment: There is a gap between thenumber of students enrolled in school, theaverage attendance as reflected in schoolrecords and the students present on the dayof visit. At best 83 per cent of the enrolledstudents were present on the day of visit andthe worst case was of only 30.3 per centstudents being present. In Lalitpur theproportion of girls attending school is less thanthose enrolled, indicating greater absenteeismamong girls. While District Information System forEducation (DISE) data indicates that over90 per cent of the schools have separatetoilets for girls and boys, our study revealsthat only three of the 12 schools (25 percent) surveyed in Lalitpur and seven of the11 schools (80 per cent) surveyed inMirzapur had functioning toilets for boys; thecorresponding numbers for girls’ toilets arefour out of 12 (33 per cent) for Lalitpur andeight out of 11 (80 per cent) for Mirzapur.Similarly, while almost 50 per cent of thetoilets were noted as being not clean, verydirty or extremely dirty/unusable in Lalitpur,the situation in Mirzapur was significantlybetter. The difference between the twodistricts can be attributed to the work donethrough the TSC programme in Mirzapurand the absence of the TSC programme inLalitpur.Maintenance of facilities received specialattention in schools where the facilities werefound to be usable and clean. Children areassigned duties to clean, the garbage is clearedevery week, and the headteacher and villagepradhan take an active interest in ensuringcleanliness. Conversely, there was no systemfor maintenance in the schools where theheadteachers/pradhan did not take an activeinterest in the overall hygiene and cleanlinessof the schools. In villages where TSC resultedin widespread use of toilets at home, thispractice was also carried to the school. On theother hand, the facilities were dirty anddysfunctional in schools in a majority of thevillages where the sanitation programme wasnot effective.Design: Not much planning goes into thedesign, location and safety of toilets. In almostall the schools the toilets are small and thedoors open inwards, which means that the userhas to step on the pot to shut the door. If thetoilet is soiled, then it makes using it all themore difficult.Social inequality and exclusion: In theabsence of a total sanitation campaign and amovement for social and gender equality,schools mirror the inequalities present in thevillage leading to discernible exclusionpractices.Attitudes and prejudices of teachers: Theattitudes and beliefs of teachers reflected theirprejudices against poor children and againstspecific social groups accentuatingdiscrimination in schools. Equally, whereteachers have a positive and inclusive attitudeand a sense of ownership, the schoolenvironment is positive. Involvement of thepradhan and other important stakeholdersmakes a big difference in the school and in thecommunity. The situation in the village and thecommunity in which the school is embedded isxiv

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaCountry Report Bhutanvery important as is reflected in the contrastbetween schools in Mirzapur and Lalitpur.Under a dynamic leadership, a school couldemerge as a role model; however for this tohappen a conscious effort needs to be madeto use good practices as sites for training andadvocacy.Manifestation of exclusion: Exclusionmanifests itself in different forms, namelyexclusion/inclusion based on: social group and community (Dalits,Sahariya [ST] and OBC) economic status of students (not welldressed, dirty clothes, do not bathe) performance in the school (good in studies/not good in studies; regular/irregular) visible disabilities, infectious diseases (e.g.scabies, bad cough) gender (differential duties assigned to boysand girls).Children, duties and exclusion: Significant differences were observedbetween the two districts regarding themanner in which inclusion and exclusionplayed out in the nature of duties assignedto children. Some better-off or powerful parentsintercede on behalf of their children toensure that they are not given certain duties.Children from very poor families are thusgiven the worst duties. All children participate in pouring (actuallythrowing) water from a distance, sweepingand dusting the classrooms, picking up thelitter (like paper and other articles on theground) and fetching water. This is donewithout touching a broom. Parents do notlike their children cleaning toilets and theywould like the village sweeper to do this. Soif the pradhan is proactive and concernedabout the school, a sweeper becomesavailable, otherwise cleaning the schoolcampus and toilets remains a problem thatis mostly shouldered by the children. Thechildren also clean toilets used by theteachers and when the school toilets areused by the community (when the schoolcomplex is rented out for marriages andfestivals). Government primary and upper primaryschools do not have any funds to hire aperson to clean the premises and theydepend on the village Panchayat and thepradhan to arrange payments for this.Responsibilities of children: The children, especially in primary schools,were found shouldering the majorresponsibility of cleaning and maintainingtoilets. Children are assigned duties by the teacher/headteacher and they do not have a say. Children’s forums that exist are notempowered and children do not have a sayin what they do.Good practices and silver linings: All children were observed washing theirhands before the midday meal. However,not all schools had soap. Dalit leaders are today vocal and resistovert/obvious forms of discrimination orexclusion in school. Given the overallpolitical and administrative climate in UttarPradesh, blatant exclusion or discriminationis not discernible, but subtle forms continuein the schools against very poor children. Adolescent and young boys were found tovalue friendship, mingling with everyone inschool and at play. In villages where socialinequalities and prejudices continue to bepresent, the children said that they do nottell their parents/grandparents that they eat,play and sit with children from other castesand communities. However, the girls did notmake such an unequivocal statement; theywere found mixing with each other, but didnot talk about it. Girls are determined to study and they allsaid that absence of toilets will not deter ordiscourage them. However, their school lifewould be better if they had access to a cleanand safe toilet.Subtle and not-so-subtle forms ofexclusion: Cooking and serving of the midday meals:The situation in the sample schools wasmixed. There were schools where cookingwas done in the open and children were fedin a non-discriminatory manner and therewere schools where children from theforward castes and economically well-offfamilies did not eat the school meal. Gendersegregated seating was observed in mostschools. Where teachers practised caste barriersxv

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONand did not accept water from Dalit orMuslim children, where they did not taste/touch the midday meal and where theydifferentiated between children from betterofffamilies and the very poor, socialexclusion was found to be a worrying realityin the school and in the classroom. Sahariya (a tribal community) children werethe most disadvantaged. Teachers andfellow-students did not interact with them asequals and the study found deep-rootedsocial prejudices against this particularcommunity, thereby affecting theperformance of Sahariya children in school.Drop-out rates are high among Sahariyachildren because of frequent migration andtheir inability to understand what is beingtaught in school. Children were assigned duties according totheir age and gender and in many schoolsthe social standing of the families they camefrom. The work burden of children was highin several schools and the teachers werenot sensitive to this. Children worked for acouple of hours and those who did, missedthe morning prayer and school assembly.Ignorance and insensitivity towards Childrenwith Special Needs (CWSN) underpinned mostof the interactions with teachers and duringschool observations. Despite well-articulatedguidelines/design specifications, none of thetoilets had requisite safety structures forunhindered mobility for children with physicaldisabilities. In case they felt the need to usethe toilet, they were either sent home withsomeone or their parents were called to carrythem home. Access to the hand pump (mainsource of drinking water in all the schools) wasalso not CWSN friendly.Adolescents and sanitation: No adolescent boy or girl said that theydropped out because of lack of toiletfacilities; they said that the toilets were dirtyand unusable for all students. Most of theboys said that if they had an opportunity tostudy they would continue whether therewas a toilet or not in school. While availabilityof toilets would certainly make a differenceto their lives in school, boys and girls havelearnt to cope with the discomfort. If theteachers were good and they taught well andregularly, they would come to school. Thegirls said that education was very importantas it enhanced their status in their familiesand in the community. They saw educationas a precious opportunity, a process thatcan help them break out of the cycle ofpoverty and powerlessness.All adolescent girls admitted that theymissed school when they had theirmenstrual periods and took the help of otherstudents to catch up. They also said thatthey do not sit next to or touch a girl whenshe has her period. They have grown upwith this custom and do not see it asexclusion or discrimination – ‘it happens toall of us!’RecommendationsAddress attitudes and beliefs: To alterteacher behaviour and attitudes UNICEFshould introduce training/orientationprogrammes for teachers, teacher educatorsand educational administrators on inclusionand exclusion. This needs to be done in theoverall framework of the Constitution of India,the right to equality and non-discrimination andthe CRC.Link between school and community: A totalschool sanitation programme has to start withthe community, move towards the school andcome back to work with the community toreinforce practices and sustain the momentumfor positive change as the school is embeddedin society. The school sanitation programmeneeds to forge linkages with the government'sTSC; the school could become a hub foreducation and awareness raising.Take the school as a whole: The schoolneeds to be taken as a seamless and integratedinstitution where education, child development,child protection, nutrition, safe water andsanitation together contribute to a positiveschooling experience for children. To this endthe following steps are recommended: The headteacher, teachers, and villageleaders (Panchayat) need to be involved indeveloping a plan for the school (includinglocation of hand pumps and toilets) and acomprehensive timetable that factors in theteaching and learning processes as well asthe school environment. The administration or the village Panchayatxvi

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaCountry Report Bhutanhas to take responsibility for themaintenance and upkeep of the facilities,including a person who would clean theschool premises and the toilets. The childrencould join in and support these activities,but not shoulder the entire burden ofcleaning and maintenance.Drinking water and sanitation facilities needto be designed keeping in view easyaccessibility for all children. Structural andconstruction flaws, including ventilation andlight, have to be given due importance fromthe beginning. Children could participate inworkshops and be asked to draw and designtoilets so that the planning/designing is childcentric.Children should not be made to clean andsweep as soon as they come to school inthe morning. They could assist in tidying upbefore they leave school in the afternoon/evening. This is important to nurture apositive self-image and self-esteem amongchildren and also to impress upon them theimportance of personal hygiene in school.UNICEF could consider bringing groups ofchildren together to let them articulate thework that they can do and the work that theycannot do in schools, thereby drawing aclear line (as guidelines for programmemanagers and teachers) between work/tasks that are or are not harmful to children(physically, emotionally, psychologically).The parameters need to be defined by thechildren themselves and adhered to.Children's forums need to be empoweredto discuss and decide what they can do andwhen, including developing a roster ofresponsibilities where all children participatein turns. Such a process would have alasting impact on attitudes and practices.Special and focused effort is necessary toplan for the needs of children withdisabilities, making sure that the middaymeal, drinking water and toilet facilities areaccessible to them and that they are treatedwith love and with dignity.All children should be trained/oriented onuse of facilities – water, toilets and otherfacilities. Respect for other children (notmessing up toilets, not contaminating thewater or the area around the hand pump)also needs to be instilled in them. Teachers need to be sensitized (orientedand trained) to using rights-based languageand practising inclusion. This languageshould permeate all areas of the school –teaching and learning, classroommanagement, cleanliness and hygiene,sanitation, midday meal, etc.Identify and address exclusion: Inclusionand exclusion need to be identified and handledwith sensitivity as well as firmness. TheConstitution of India guarantees all citizens theright against discrimination. The schoolsanitation programme could start by educatingchildren/communities about their rights ascitizens and the teachers about theconstitutional guarantees and the importanceof adhering to them. Non-discrimination should be made a nonnegotiableprinciple in school – this needsto be adhered to in midday meal distribution,in equal and uninhibited access to safedrinking water, use of urinals and toilets andall other facilities. Posters on child rights and on constitutionalrights and guarantees need to be displayedprominently in every school. These need tobe written in a simple language so thatchildren from all the classes can read andunderstand them. It would also be good todisplay posters that convey the message ofequality and non-discrimination. Theseposters should have a phone number (UPhas a childline number 1098, but ruralchildren were not aware of it) and addresswhere the children can call or write.Good practices as sites for training: Usesites of good practices as a hub for trainingand orientation of administrators, teachers,Panchayat leaders and school managementcommittees. Good practice case studies needto be disseminated; stories of schools and rolemodels among teachers, principals andchildren have to be written and made availableto all schools. Special awards could be givento schools that demonstrate inclusion andequality in all facets of the life of the school (inthe classroom, in extra-curricular activities andeven in maintaining facilities).Budget for maintenance and retro-fitting:In view of the finding that a large number oftoilets are in a state of disrepair and that thedesign itself is a problem in some cases, it isxvii

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONimportant to ensure allocations/budgets forretro-fitting. It is therefore recommended thatthe School Sanitation and Hygiene Education(SSHE) and other WATSAN programmesconsider the inclusion of funds for retro-fittingat the school level.Needs of adolescent girls need urgentattention: Again, as a first step, UNICEF couldorganize school-level workshops with girls inClasses 6 to 10 to develop a friendly and usabletoilet complex. This could easily be done underthe aegis of the government's two special girls'education programmes, the NationalProgramme of Education for Girls atElementary Level (NPEGEL) and KGBV, thatseek to address the educational needs of girlsat the upper primary level (Classes 6 to 8).Equally, the proposed secondary educationmission of the government also provides agood opportunity to try out new strategies andcome up with workable ideas to improve theoverall schooling experience of adolescentgirls.The silver lining is that winds of change are blowingand with concerted efforts from the governmentand other stakeholders (including UNICEF) a lotcan change in a short time.xviii

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Report1Introduction1.1 BackgroundIn 2007, UNICEF Regional Office for South Asia(ROSA) commissioned a desk study to understandthe effect of water and sanitation on social exclusionin schools in South Asia (Ollieuz, 2008). This studywas based on secondary literature and anecdotalevidence. Concluding from the valuable insightsfrom this study, the researcher recommended thatUNICEF ROSA follow it up with another study togather empirical evidence to explore whether theinclusion and exclusion practices documented inthe desk study were widespread. It was agreedthat a qualitative research study would fill in thegaps in the earlier research.Accordingly, in late 2008, UNICEF ROSA identifiedresearch teams in four countries in South Asia(Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and India) ‘to producesufficient empirical evidence to raise awarenessboth at the government and practitioner level ofthe part that issues related to water and sanitationplay in children’s exclusion from and discriminationwithin education, and to suggest actions whichneed to be taken at the level of policy and practicewhich would help to redress the situation.’At the inception workshop for this study held inKathmandu in December 2008, the participantsconcluded that due to the constraints of time andlimited resources available for this phase of theproject, it would be too ambitious to aim to collect‘sufficient empirical evidence’, and hence UNICEFROSA agreed that these studies would be confinedto simply collecting ‘sufficient evidence’.ERU Consultants Private Limited (ERU), NewDelhi, was appointed as researchers for the studyin India.1.2 Purpose of the StudyThe purpose of the study is to produce sufficientevidence to raise awareness at both governmentand practitioner levels of the issues related to waterand sanitation that play a part in children’s exclusionfrom, and discrimination within, education, and tosuggest actions that need to be taken at the levelsof policy and practice which would help to redressthis situation.1.3 Study ObjectivesThe overall objectives of the study are:i. To examine the relationship between water andsanitation related issues and the ways in whichthey affect, for both practical and psychologicalreasons, both the inclusion and the opportunitiesof children who belong to groups that areperceived as being unclean, menstruating girlsand children affected by communicablediseases.ii. To identify and record instances of good andinclusive practice.iii. To explore the possibility of good practice inschools having a transformative role in alteringtraditional discriminatory practices within thecommunity.1.4 Research ProcessAt the inception workshop held in Kathmandu, thecountry teams agreed on a common methodologyfor the qualitative study. It was also agreed that thestudies would focus on a purposive sample ofschools so as to be able to understand if and howdiscrimination occurred, and to document somegood practices. The research was to be sodesigned so as to tease out not only the behaviourbut also the attitudes of the key stakeholders.In accordance with the decision taken during theworkshop, the scope of the India study was limitedto one of India’s largest states, Uttar Pradesh (UP).This was because it was felt that though India is a1

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONvery large country, UP is a microcosm of the countryin many ways. The state is one of the moreeducationally backward states in the country whereinequality among social groups is pronounced, andthe status of women has remained an area ofconcern. The sex ratio – a sensitive indicator ofwomen’s status – is low at 898 (number of womento 1,000 men), and female literacy is also low at42.2 per cent (as compared with male literacy at68.8 per cent); 21.1 per cent of the state’spopulation consists of Scheduled Castes (SC),though the percentage of Scheduled Tribes (ST) 1is low at 0.1 per cent (GoI, 2006). At all stages ofschooling, the proportion of girls to boys isconsistently low – especially amongst SC and STcommunities.Another compelling reason for selecting UP wasthat over the years the state has received Waterand Sanitation (WATSAN) hardware and softwareinputs in many areas of its 70 districts. Efforts havealso been underway to strengthen a school healthand sanitation programme. It was hence felt bothby UNICEF and ERU that it would be possible totease out sufficient evidence to understand thecorrelation between WATSAN and the educationindicators in this state.It was agreed that the India team would focus ontwo districts (out of the 70) in the state, and thatthe sample selection would be purposive anddesigned to capture the impact of good and not sogood water and sanitation programmes.Additionally the focus of the team would also beon social exclusion in schools.Lalitpur is a focus district of the UNICEF IndiaCountry Office (UNICEF ICO), where efforts areongoing to ensure convergence of different sectorsthat impact on the overall health and wellbeing ofchildren. Therefore, UNICEF ICO recommendedthat Lalitpur be selected as one of the sampledistricts. This was agreed to in Kathmandu. Thesecond district, Mirzapur (in the eastern part of UP),was chosen after extensive consultations/discussions with UNICEF ICO as well as UNICEFLucknow 2 WES and the education teams.Draft research tools were developed by ERU inearly January 2009, and finalized afterconsultations with the lead researcher (refer toAnnex 3). The tools were translated into Hindi, asthis is the spoken language in the region selectedfor the study. Field-testing of the tools in the Rajgarhblock of Mirzapur district was completed in earlyFebruary 2009.Data collection from 24 schools at 12 sites in thetwo districts was completed during February 2009.A review workshop with all senior researchers andfield investigators was held in Lucknow on 14 March2009 after data entry/analysis had been completed.1.5 Report OutlineThis report conforms to the agreed outlinedeveloped by the lead researcher. Chapter 1,Introduction, is followed by the Context in Chapter2. Chapter 3 delineates the Methodology, whileChapter 4 tables the Findings and their Analysis.Chapter 5 contains the Conclusions andRecommendations. Finally, Chapter 6 provides theConclusions and Recommendations from theRegional Perspective document, whichsummarizes the findings for all the country studiesand goes beyond to raise issues that need to beaddressed by those operating at the level of nationalpolicy, by those involved in implementation, and atschool level. Thus the conclusions andrecommendations for India given in Chapter 5 canbe seen here in a wider regional context.There are five annexes. Annex 1 describes theresearch methodology for the overall four-countrystudy; Annex 2 provides detailed research data forthe India study; and Annex 3 lists the research toolsused. Annex 4 provides some case studies tosupplement those in the main text. Finally, Annex5 provides excerpts from SSHE guidelines.In this study, a conscious effort has been made toidentify both subtle and blatant forms ofdiscrimination and exclusion, as this will be criticalin understanding why and how water and sanitationprogrammes in schools should be positioned andwhat kind of social preparation is essential toensure that the intervention does not accentuateexisting inequalities and instead provides anopportunity to promote the spirit of equality andjustice. The gap between availability and usage,and also whether existing social exclusion patternsrestrict the use of facilities by all the children, isalso explored.1SC and ST communities are considered to be among the most disadvantaged social groups in India.2Lucknow is the capital of UP.2

2ContextOvercoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportIndia is among the most populous countries inthe world and has a heterogeneous populationthat was estimated to be well over 1.13 billion in2005. It has a quasi-federal structure wheregovernance is considerably decentralized. Thecountry has 29 states, 6 union territories, 612districts, some 7,928 development blocks, 3 andalmost 240,000 local self-government institutionsthat are all directly or indirectly involved in decisionmaking. The rich cultural and linguistic diversityof India is both its greatest strength as well as achallenge. The complex relationship betweenregions, communities, religions and ethnic groupsframes the social, political and cultural life of thepeople.The UNDP human development index rankedIndia 128 in 2007/08 and in the education index,India ranked a low 143 out of 177 (UNDP, 2008).While the country has made substantial progressover the last decade in enrolling children at theprimary school level, the combined grossenrolment ratios, as well as adult literacy rates,are still low. In recent years, physical access toprimary schools has improved considerably with152,304 new primary schools and 110,830 newupper primary schools having been opened since1990 (GoI, 2006). The decade of the 1990s sawa sharp increase in the rate of improvement ingirls’ education and women’s literacy. The 2001Census revealed that 75 per cent of men and 54per cent of women were literate and a 20percentage point increase was recorded inwomen’s literacy from 1991 to 2001.Notwithstanding the overall progress recorded, theCensus also noted that in rural India, only 46 percent of the women were literate; while amongstMuslims, this figure was as low as 43 per centamong women.2.1 Country Overview of Waterand SanitationThe nodal agency for Water and Sanitation(WATSAN) is the Department of Drinking WaterSupply in the Government of India’s Ministry ofRural Development. This department oversees theimplementation of the Total Sanitation Campaign(TSC) programme and the Accelerated RuralWater Supply Programme through the RajivGandhi National Drinking Water Mission. 4 Theobjectives of these programmes include, inter alia,bringing about an improvement in the generalquality of life in rural areas via acceleratedsanitation coverage and provision of access totoilets for all by 2012, as well as ensuring safedrinking water availability in all rural habitationswith a population of 100 and above. All ruralschools are to be provided with separate urinalsand toilets for boys and girls. Additionally, TSCpromotes hygiene education and good sanitaryhabits among students.3A development block is a sub-district level administrative unit for developmental work.4The Panchayati Raj Department is the nodal agency identified to implement TSC in UP. This depends on the convergence ofseveral government schemes to implement its programmes. Funds are accessed not only from TSC, but also from StateFinance Commission grants and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS). Additionally, enlightened villagesparticipate in a ‘competition’ for the prestigious Nirmal Gram Puraskar (NGP) for attaining ‘open-defecation-free status’. Theprize money, a one-time cash incentive, can be utilized by the gram sabha for furthering TSC objectives within their community.Of late, on an experimental basis, 13 (out of 8,680) gram panchayats of Varanasi region have also started contributing forcleaning village roads/streets, etc., through a sanitation tax. ‘Although there are still many who are not paying the tax inShivdaspur, most of the villagers see it as a positive change towards better self-governance and are confident that socialpressure will help to ensure 100 per cent participation of all the villagers in the near future’ (Government of UP and UNICEF,2008).3

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONWhile India has made substantial progress since1990 as far as the provision of improved water isconcerned, continuing poor sanitation/hygieneconditions result in its being ranked alongsideSudan and Comoros (UNDP, 2008). It is estimatedthat inadequate sanitation, poor hygiene practicesand unsafe water disposal have led to arsenic andfluoride poisoning and contamination of drinkingwater sources, making them unfit for drinking.Water-borne diseases like meningitis, skininfections such as scabies, eye infections,gastrointestinal infections (diarrhoea anddysentery) and malaria (also related to thepresence of stagnant water) contribute to 40 percent of deaths in children under five. India’s ruralInfant Mortality Rate (IMR) was 62 deaths per1,000 live births (2006) (GoI, 2007). Poor sanitationand hygiene practices are also responsible for thespread of polio and tuberculosis.Among the practices that contribute to this situationis the prevalence of open defecation. This not onlypollutes the environment but also contaminateshand pumps and shallow wells, which are amongthe most popular sources of drinking water in ruralIndia. Over the years, several programmes havebeen implemented by the government to promotethe use of toilets and also to secure the areaaround drinking water sources. For example, UPhas received WATSAN hardware and software inthe villages and in schools. As a result, thehardware situation in UP is seemingly better thanthe all-India average. In 2007, 97.72 per cent ofthe schools in the state had secure drinking watersources (this figure was 84.89 per cent for Indiaas a whole). Similarly, 87.94 per cent of the schoolsin UP had common toilets, and 78.20 per cent hadgirls’ toilets – the respective percentages for Indiaas a whole were only 58.13 and 42.58 respectively(see Table C in Annex 2).TSC was launched in UP in 2002. It is noteworthythat while in 2001 only 19.3 per cent of thehouseholds had been covered, this number hadgone up to 28 per cent by October 2005. Yet,according to the Government of India, 5.9 millionhouseholds below the poverty line (BPL), and 11.2million families above the poverty line (APL), stilldo not have access to toilets. The SchoolSanitation and Hygiene Education (SSHE)programme has endeavoured to promote goodhygiene and sanitation practices in schools, andthis is evident from the dramatic improvement inhardware facilities in UP as compared with the restof India.It is now widely acknowledged that the existenceof toilets and the physical presence of hardwaredoes not necessarily change practices on theground. The availability of water, maintenance,cleaning and safety issues together determinewhether the toilets are actually used. According toa recent UNICEF and Government of UP report,only 50 per cent of those who have toilet facilitiesactually use them (UNICEF and Government ofUP, 2008).For thousands of years, certain castes/socialgroups who were engaged in tasks such ashandling human excreta, disposal of dead animals,extracting hide/leather from dead animals andrelated occupations were relegated to the bottomof the social hierarchy. Mahatma Gandhi, the iconicleader of modern India, identified this practice asthe most oppressive barrier to social equality. In1951, all forms of untouchability were abolished,and its practice was made a cognizable offence.The practice of handling human excreta by handor carrying night soil on the head was made illegal,and during the mid-1980s a nation-wide movementwas launched against manual scavenging(Macwan, 2001). Notwithstanding these importantinitiatives, issues surrounding disposal of humanexcreta and cleaning and maintenance of toiletsremain contentious . The silver lining that is visiblein UP today is that communities that have beendiscriminated against are now fighting back, andthe Dalit movement is gaining strength. 5 AcrossUP, local leaders, especially the young, are urgingpeople to stop defecating in the open, and adoptinghygienic sanitation practices, not only for healthreasons but also to assert the dignity and selfrespectof individuals and communities. Thischanging context in UP certainly provides a beaconof hope in the state’s progress towards anequitable society.Equally, the mere availability of a hand pump in avillage does not automatically imply that it will bein working condition, or that its water is ‘safe’ (i.e.5The present Chief Minister of UP is a Dalit.4

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Reportfree of contamination), or that all families in itscommand area have equal access to it. Often, thepumps are located in the heart of the village, whichcould be out of bounds for some caste groups livingon the periphery. 6 Another important practice isthat animal excreta (cow dung, etc.) as well asvillage garbage are also disposed of on theperiphery of the village. Therefore, even ifhabitations that are on the periphery have adedicated hand pump, the chances are that itswater will be more contaminated than the water inthe hand pumps in more centrally locatedhabitations. The complex dynamics of location andwaste disposal practices add another dimensionto access to safe drinking water.2.2 Education OverviewIndia has made significant progress in the area ofprimary education. The number of primary schoolsin the country increased almost four-fold, from209,671 (1950/51) to 767,520 (2004/05) andenrolment in the primary cycle went up six times,from 19.2 million in 1950 to 130.8 million in 2005.At the upper primary stage, the increase inenrolment is by a factor of 13 for all children; and32 for girl children! The gross enrolment ratio atthe primary stages often exceeds 100 per cent (thisphenomenon is fairly common in India becausechildren below and above the 6–14 years agegroup enrol in primary classes), though the netenrolment ratio is about 20 per cent lower (GoI,2007).At one level, the problem of access seems to havebeen significantly addressed with over 90 per centof children in the 6–11 years age group reportedlyenrolled in primary schools (formal, EGS/alternative schools and private schools).Nevertheless, close to 40 per cent of childrenentering the primary level drop out, and the numberof children enrolled in upper primary drops sharply,coming down very drastically at the secondarylevel. At any given point of time – depending onthe state and the location – as many as 50 percent of the enrolled children do not attend school,are either regularly absent, or do not attend schoolfor long periods. For example, the ASER 2005report says that 51 per cent of enrolled childrenwere not in school on the day of the survey,prompting educationists to question the relevanceof enrolment data. This data is particularly troublingbecause an overwhelming proportion of childrenfrom disadvantaged groups, especially those whoare at risk of dropping out, attend only governmentschools. And the ‘disadvantaged’ comprisechildren from social groups and communities thathave historically been discriminated against – SC(erstwhile untouchable) and ST (indigenous)communities, or minority religious groups. Thesituation of Muslim minorities has been identifiedas being particularly difficult and in 2005 theGovernment of India appointed a special task force(GoI, 2006) to explore and report on the situationon the ground. A disproportionately larger numberof children from such socially excluded groupsdrop out earlier, and in many regions do notparticipate as equals in the education process.In the last ten years a considerable body ofresearch has documented the situation of childrenwho are excluded or discriminated against: 7a. Children from very poor households, especiallyif they are SC, ST or Muslim minoritiesb. Children in migrant familiesc. Children engaged in paid and unpaid work (anoverwhelming proportion being SC or ST)d. Older girls who take on householdresponsibilitiese. Children in difficult circumstances, like childrenof sex workers, migrant labour, and childrenfrom families/communities that are engaged inoccupations that are considered uncleanf. Children with special needs – physical disability,mental disabilityg. Children from families suffering from a rangeof communicable diseases, especially thoseaffected by HIV and AIDS.This picture is illustrated in the enrolment and dropoutrates among SC and ST communities. In 2002/03, there were 21.67 million SC children (44.9 percent of whom were girls) and 11.83 million STchildren (45.7 per cent girls) in primary schools.6Typically, rural settlements in many parts of India are segregated by caste, community or religion. SC (Dalit), tribal and othersocial groups that are among the most disadvantaged economically are also the ones who often reside on the periphery of thevillage.7For a detailed bibliography see Ramachandran (2004) and Sharma and Ramachandran (2008).5

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONIn upper primary schools there were only 7.49million SC children (40.9 per cent girls) and 3.25million ST children (40.6 per cent girls).While SC and ST girls’ enrolment at the primaryand upper primary stages has increased quitesharply over the years, it remains less than thatof boys, particularly for the ST community.However, if one were to look at Gross EnrolmentRatios (GER), which reveal a lot more thanabsolute numbers, the ratios of SC and STchildren to their total population remains far lowerthan the national average. Only 48.6 per cent ofSC girls and 40.6 per cent of ST girls are enrolledat the elementary level as compared with thenational average of 56.22 per cent for all girls.Another significant point to note is that there is adrastic fall in GER rates from primary to upperprimary – even in 2004/05 only 61.5 per cent ofSC girls and 59.9 per cent of ST girls reached theupper primary level. Equally significant is the factthat the gender gap within both SC and SCstudents is high in both primary and upper primarylevels.An analysis of the trends between the 1991Census and the 2001 Census shows a decliningengagement with education within the Muslimcommunity, thereby making the Muslim girl childamongst the most vulnerable group for futureeducation policy planners. Barely 10 per centMuslim girls pass their 12 th standard, and a mere3 per cent become graduates. This analysisreveals that ‘while the Muslims in 1999/2000 wereonly a shade more illiterate than Hindus in ruralareas (48% versus 44% of the Hindus), in urbanareas the gap is much wider – 30% versus only19% among the Hindus. What is startling is theincrease in illiteracy among the women in youngercohorts. While literacy levels were more evenamongst Muslim and Hindu women in the 1950s,1960s, 1970s and even the 1980s, the differenceshave widened substantially among the youngerage women around the year 2001. This evidenceis further supported by the fact that the enrolmentrates of Muslim girls have steeply fallen relativeto the all India average, especially during and afterthe decades of the 1990s’ (Shariff and Razzack,2006).Children drop out of school for many reasons.Poor quality, relevance of the education beingimparted, and schools being dysfunctional areissues which have been documented extensively.In the last 10 to 15 years, researchers andpractitioners have explored different forms ofdiscrimination and exclusion which effectivelypushes children out of school. Severe socialbarriers to meaningful participation of children fromsome communities continue to exist. For example,children from communities engaged in manualscavenging, disposal of dead animals and otheroccupations perceived as being ‘unclean’ areshunned by their classmates. Teachers are alsonot very sympathetic to the predicament of suchchildren. Recent qualitative micro-studiesconducted in six states (Ramachandran, 2004)and an exhaustive study of education of the mostdeprived social groups have captured a range ofdiscriminatory practices in schools (Jha andJhingran, 2005). The combination of gender, socialand location disadvantages makes some groupsof children extremely vulnerable.With regard to children with special needs(physically and mentally challenged), data remainsscanty. While the government has introduced‘inclusive education’ as a mandatory practiceunder Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), a lot moreneeds to be done in this area.UP, in many ways, mirrors many of the issues andconcerns that dominate the discourse oneducation in India. A recent independent samplesurvey (ASER, 2008) reports that close to 94 percent of the children of 6–14 years said that theywere already enrolled in school; but thispercentage dropped drastically to 77 per cent forchildren in the 15–16 years age group. Equally,the gender gap goes up from 5 per cent for 6–14year olds to 7 per cent for 15–16 year olds. Whileenrolment rates have steadily increased in UP, thehard reality is that there is a sharp drop in schoolparticipation beyond the elementary level. As wemove from primary to secondary education,disparities among different social groups alsoincrease. A part of the reason for this could beattributed to the fact that on an average, there isonly one upper primary school for every threeprimary schools (ratio of primary to upper primaryin 2005/06 was 2.93), and just one highersecondary school for every 25 primary schools.Effectively, the educational pyramid is sostructured that all children who enter Class 16

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Reportcannot hope to complete 12 years of schooling –there are just not enough schools at the high andhigher secondary levels to accommodate allchildren (see Table 1).Therefore, children either drop out or are pushedout at different levels of the education system.Poverty, social practices (early marriages, postpubertyveiling and seclusion) and social normsdetermine who stays and who drops out. Inaddition, some practices in government-runschools could also ‘push’ children out: corporalpunishment, poor quality instruction, teacherabsenteeism, lack of supervision and monitoring,and subtle or blatant discrimination have beenidentified as some possible reasons.At the high school and higher secondary levels,lack of toilet facilities is also believed to be amongthe reasons for poor attendance, especially of girls.While this issue has not yet been researchedsufficiently, it is believed that the presence orabsence of toilets and safe drinking water docontribute towards creating a positive environmentfor learning. It is noteworthy that in UP, schoolsanitation has received a lot of attention over thelast seven years. However, this has been mainlyat the primary and middle school levels. Highschools and higher secondary schools have notyet been brought under the ambit of SSHE, withthe exception of those that function in integratedcampuses.2.3 Inclusion and Exclusion inSchoolsSchools are important institutions for botheducation and socialization. They mirror thedynamics that play out in society, and they alsohave the power to bring about attitudinal andbehavioural changes in their students. Thereforethe culture in school is important because positivepractices can bring about change among thestudents and in turn in the families of the students.Hence, it is important to address them directly.Discrimination and exclusion in school can beobvious and overt, like not allowing access todrinking water, water being poured onto the handsof certain children only from a distance (i.e. notallowing them to touch the water storagecontainers), allocation of cleaning duties(sweeping classrooms, cleaning toilets) only tochildren from specific communities, restrictive useof toilet facilities, etc.P. Sainath, a well-known Indian journalist, hasdocumented the situation of Dalits across thecountry. He observes that in a vast majority ofIndian villages, one will find the Dalit hamlet onthe southern border or the southern outskirts ofthe village – a bit away from the main village.Typically, this hamlet does not have amenities suchas a well, a water tank, proper roads, electricity,etc. that the rest of the village has; in many cases,the hamlet would be adjacent to the area wherethe village garbage is dumped or where cow dungis collected. He also observes that, at least till 2000when he wrote a series of articles in leadingnational newspapers, Dalit students were routinelyhumiliated and harassed in schools, and this ledto many drop-outs. They were seated separatelyin the classroom and for midday meals (MDM) incountless schools across the country. Mediareports continue to highlight cases of caste-basedexclusion in schools (see Box 1).Drinking water is an area of strong taboos andthere is adequate qualitative and anecdotalevidence on discrimination in the use of watersources in schools. Dalit children in some areasmay not be allowed to use the same water potsas children from the dominant caste. When thereis limited water supply in the school, the teachersTable 1 A pyramid of education2004Primary schoolsUpper primary (middle) schoolsHigh schoolsHigher secondary schools & junior collegesHigher education institutionsSource: GoI (2007), Select Education StatisticsIndia767,520274,731101,77750,27216,009Uttar Pradesh129,97636,8745,2057,5611,9357

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONget priority; they may extend this privilege todominant caste children, but not to Dalit children.It is also seen that in the list of errands done bythe children in schools, fetching water for teachersis routinely not entrusted to Dalit children. In manyof the villages, when the water sources arecommon, Dalit children have to wait for their waterpots to be filled (UNICEF, 2007:14).In the last five years, the midday meal hasemerged as another area of exclusion. Apart fromnumerous newspaper reports, recent researchpoints out that, ‘In measuring Dalit participatoryempowerment in and ownership of the MiddayMeal Scheme, the IIDS survey data unearthsinteresting patterns both in terms of national trendsand interstate variations. In hiring practices,Rajasthan is consistently the least likely to employDalits, with 8% of respondent villages having aDalit cook, and not a single respondent villagehaving a Dalit Midday Meal Scheme organizer.Tamil Nadu hires proportionally more Dalits, whilestill keeping them firmly in the minority, with 31%of respondent villages having Dalit cooks, and 27%having Dalit organizers’ … ‘One argument againsthiring Dalit cooks is that where the society is notprepared to accept a shared meal cooked by aDalit, it will “create tension”, schools will beparalysed and (dominant caste) children’sattendance will drop, thus defeating the purposeof the midday meal. In terms of treatment of Dalitsin the MDM scheme, research has found severalinstances of segregated seating, or segregatedmeals altogether, and even of being served foodinferior to or in lesser amounts than their dominantcaste classmates’ (Lee and Thorat, 2004).Teachers and school principals have beencommonly found to discriminate against Dalitchildren. Recently, an incident in a schoolsnowballed into a human rights issue. On 18December 2008, six Class 8 Dalit girl students inthe private Jyoti Shiksha Niketan in Tejapur villagein Mau district of UP accused their upper casteschool principal of refusing to taste the food thatthey had cooked for their home science practicalexaminations. It was learnt that the principalrefused to eat the food cooked by the Dalit studentsBox 1 Caste-based exclusion in schoolsWe have an appalling body of evidence thatsuggests that the teacher’s preconceptions, biasand behaviour, subtle or overt, conscious orunconscious, operate to discriminate againstchildren of SC/ST backgrounds. Lowexpectations, condescending and downrightabusive, unstated assumptions of ‘deprived ordeficient’ cultural backgrounds, languages andinherent intellectual deficiencies of SC/STchildren and other discriminatory classificationsare common and routine. Discriminationincluding being made to perform menial jobs likesweeping, and being forced to form their owncircles, results in the feeling of isolation,alienation and discrimination experienced by SC/ST children.Source: UNICEF (2007)when they offered it to him. Nearly 40 studentswere asked to bring cooked food from their homes.The teachers were to taste the food for giving themmarks in the subject (theindian.com, 18 December2008). 8It is important to acknowledge that exclusion couldalso be subtle and not discernible in routineclassroom observations or during school-levelinteractions. For example, the teacher may nottouch or encourage any physical contact withchildren from specific communities and otherchildren may move away and sit at a distance fromthese children. In case a child from an excludedgroup touches the water pot or tap, the otherchildren may either not touch or use it, or maywash it before using it; the teacher may allocateduties (like cleaning the room, washing the toilet,bringing water, etc.) differentially. For instance, aDalit child may be asked to clean the room whilea forward caste 9 child may be asked to fetch water.Such practices affect the self-image and selfesteemof excluded children leading to withdrawalfrom classroom processes, from activeengagement with learning, and gradually droppingout.8The principal has been charged with practising discrimination and the police and education authorities are jointly investigatingthe case.9Forward castes include Brahmins, Thakurs and Vaishs, as well as some minority religious groups such as Jains.8

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Report3Methodology3.1 Details of the ResearchSitesThis study was conceived as an in-depthqualitative research in UP, India, covering the twodistricts of Lalitpur and Mirzapur. It was agreedthat the total number of villages or sites that theresearch team would cover would be six perdistrict, with each ‘site’ being so selected so as toprovide an opportunity to study not only a primaryschool, but also an upper primary or secondaryor intermediate ‘college’ in order to enable theteam to interact with adolescent boys and girlswho are in school. It was also envisaged that theteam would meet community members and elicittheir responses from each site so that this wouldresult in a complete summary of each site.3.2 The Selection Process andSelection Criteria3.2.1 Selection of districtsThe two districts Lalitpur and Mirzapur wereselected in consultation with UNICEF ICO (Delhi),UNICEF Lucknow and UNICEF ROSA.In 1999/2000, UNICEF’s Child EnvironmentProject (CEP) was initiated in 12 selectedUNICEF-DFID assisted districts in six Indianstates, one of which was Lalitpur in UP (supportedby UNICEF). CEP aimed to ‘increase the numberof households adopting improved home hygienepractices; encourage safe water handling; improvehygiene practices in schools; and ensure equitableaccess to safe water supply and sanitation in ruralareas’. Under this programme, the Governmentof India devised the Gram Panchayat EnvironmentPlan (GPEP) 10 ‘to converge several Governmentstakeholders, non-governmental organizations(NGOs), and community-based institutions tocreate a bridge between the community and theGovernment’ (KCCI Case Study, 2005 11 ; UNICEF,2005). Lalitpur was chosen as a CEP/GPEP pilotproject site as it was one of the three districts withthe worst human development indicators in UP.The second district was chosen after extensiveconsultations/discussions with UNICEF WES andeducation teams. ERU was advised that inMirzapur district (located in the eastern part ofUP) it would be possible to gather sufficientevidence within schools on issues related to waterand sanitation. It was also felt that since goodpractices could be found in the district these couldhave had a positive impact on social practices inthe community and in the schools. Apparently thedistrict has a good record in school and villagesanitation even though it is among the mostbackward districts in (eastern) UP.3.2.2 The sample districtsLalitpur, a part of Jhansi division, is among the 52most deprived districts in India and has beenidentified as a ‘chronic poverty district’ by thegovernment (Mehta et al., 2004). It is located inthe Bundelkhand region of the state where povertyrates are high with the area essentially depending10CEP/GPEP activities were divided into nine plans to focus the project on a target population, especially women/mothers andschool children who are directly influenced by hygiene and sanitation practices. Activities emphasized key water and sanitationbehaviour and sources, and strived for community mobilization (Fukuda et al., 2005).11KCCI: Knowledge Community on Children in India – a UNICEF initiative that can be accessed at www.kcci.org.in. It has acompendium of case studies.9

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONon rain for agriculture. It has only 24 per cent ofcultivable land being irrigated by ground water orsurface water sources (CSE website). 12The district is also home to approximately 8,000persons of a primitive tribe known as Sahariya,who are considered among the most marginalizedsocial groups in the country. The UP Governmentrecently recognized this group as an indigenoustribe. Another important feature of this district isthat there is very little presence of civil societygroups working on issues related to gender, socialequity, poverty and rural livelihood. According togovernment data, the district has almost universalavailability of drinking water and toilet facilities inprimary schools. Unfortunately, detailed schoollevel data on infrastructure and facilities is notreadily available for high schools and highersecondary schools (also known as junior colleges).The transition rate from primary to upper primaryis 78.3 per cent, i.e. 21.7 per cent of the studentsdrop out after primary, with more girls droppingout than boys (Mehta, 2007).Mirzapur district, a part of Varanasi division, hasbeen the focus of rural sanitation inputs throughthe Panchayati Raj department, under the state’sTotal Sanitation Campaign. UNICEF has alsosupported the TSC programme here since 2006.This district has received a great deal of attentionfrom the mid-1980s, and a large number of civilsociety organizations and social activists havecampaigned against child labour in the carpetindustry. The International Labour Organization(ILO) has been supporting child labourrehabilitation and education programmes in thedistrict for over 23 years. 13 Being close to Varanasi,a centre for culture and education in the state, therelatively better-off forward caste households haveeither migrated to the city, or have another housein the city. As a result of this out-migration, thevillages are now relatively homogeneous – theresidents are primarily Dalits, Muslims and otherbackward classes (OBC). The carpet industry isthe main source of non-farm employment and withgradual eradication of child labour the wages ofadults have gone up and educational participationhas also improved over the years. The educationalscenario in Mirzapur is quite similar to Lalitpur.The transition rate from primary to upper primaryis only 74.1 per cent, with more girls dropping outthan boys.According to government data, schoolinfrastructure facilities look fairly good in bothdistricts, with a high proportion of schools havingtoilet facilities for boys and girls, as also access tosafe drinking water (see Table 2). Data on theseTable 2 Enrolment and facilities in schools in Lalitpur and Mirzapur districtsLalitpurMirzapurPrimary Upper primary Primary Upper primaryDISE, 2006/07Number of government schoolsNumber of private schoolsEnrolment (government schools)% GirlsTransition rate from primary to upper primary% Schools with pre-primary% Schools with common toilets% Schools with girls' toilets% Schools with drinking water facilities% Schools with no female teacherClass 1-5 Class 6-8 Class 1-5 Class 6-8881180195,26847.928.993.98997.5243041,3624733156,936 355,61540.348.878.3% 74.1%1.743.890.699.48293.194.510028.710.8340147115,23746.83.69888.910056.6Source: Mehta (2007). Elementary Education in India - Where do we stand? District Report Cards (DISE data 2006/07) Vols. I and II. New Delhi12www.cseindia.org/programme/nrml/districtforest.asp?dist=LALITPUR13ERU had documented educational programmes for out-of-school children and erstwhile child workers in 1999/2000. The casestudies were published in 2003 (see Ramachandran, 2003).10

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Reportaspects is collected every year at the end ofSeptember through the District Information Systemfor Education (DISE). It is important to note thatthis data is submitted by the headteacher of theschool and is finally compiled and published in NewDelhi. If we take the DISE data over the last 10years, a gradual improvement in infrastructurefacilities is discernible. However, it must be saidthat the data does not tell us whether the toiletsare functional or if the hand pumps are working.An important difference that is evident throughsecondary data is the proportion of women teachers– close to 24 and 29 per cent of the schools (primaryand upper primary respectively) do not have womenteachers in Lalitpur and the proportion of girls atthe upper primary level is 6 percentage points lessthan in Mirzapur. Similarly, in Mirzapur 56.6 per centof upper primary schools do not have a womanteacher. It is now fairly well established that thepresence of women teachers makes a bigdifference to girls’ enrolment at the upper primaryand higher levels where post-pubescent girls mayfeel more secure if there is a woman teacher in theschool (Ramachandran, 1998, 2002).One of the reasons for selecting district Mirzapurfor this study was the presence of a district levelfull-fledged school sanitation programme intandem with the village sanitation programme, runby the Panchayati Raj department (under TSC),with some financial support from UNICEF. Thereis a full-time district consultant and a coordinatorfor TSC, along with motivators 14 for each block.The village pradhan 15 links up with the schools tofacilitate construction of toilets and to arrangepotable water supply. They plan and implementvillage level sanitation programmes, as well aswork towards increasing community awarenessand hygiene education. On the other hand, Lalitpur,also a UNICEF focus district, is still to implementthe convergent programme involving health,education, sanitation and overall childdevelopment.3.2.3 Selection of sitesThe following criteria were developed to select thesample villages.1. Location: Distance from block headquarterswhich could range from 10 to 40 kilometres in orderto be able to study the effects of connectivity orisolation. Selected primary and upper primaryschools were to be located either on the samecampus or be independent, but at least bereasonably close to each other (in the same grampanchayat) so that the variations in types ofschools could be captured (see Table 3).2. Community composition: Selected schoolswould have children from mixed social groups –the forward communities and disadvantaged socialgroups like OBC, SC, Muslims and ST. This wasconsidered essential to capture prevalence ofsocial exclusion, especially with respect to groupsthat were traditionally considered untouchable,polluting or unclean. The team would also explorethe existence of other forms of exclusion linked todiseases (HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis), disability andparental occupations. Non-segregated schools(i.e. those schools which have both boys and girlsfrom different social groups) would be selected inTable 3 Sample sites (villages) and schools in Lalitpur and Mirzapur districtsSite No.123456Jakhora Block, LalitpurLS1 (Normal village): PS + UPSLS3 (Ambedkar Village): PS + UPS (Govt aided)LS6 (Normal village): PS + UPS (WA)LS4 (Nirmal Gram): PS + UPS (WA)LS5 (Normal village): PS (WA) + UPS + Vidya MandirPrivate SchoolLS2 (Ambedkar Village): PS (WA) + LS2 GovernmentInter CollegeRajgarh Block, MirzapurMS1 (Nirmal Gram): PS + UPSMS2 (Nirmal Gram): PS + UPSMS3 (Nirmal Gram): PS + UPSMS4 16 (Ambedkar Village): PS + Janta Inter College -Government aidedMS6 (Nirmal Gram): PS + UPSMS5 (Nirmal Gram) PS + MS5 Inter College - PrivateNote: PS: Primary School; UPS: Upper Primary School; WA: Schools which received WaterAid intervention for sanitation14Block motivators promote construction of toilets in the villages in their block, and work on an incentive plan of the stategovernment.15A pradhan is the elected village headman.16MS4 is on the border of Rajgarh and Narayanpur blocks.11

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONorder to be able to assess gender parity ordifferences between gender related practices visà-viswater and sanitation in schools.3. Facilities/infrastructure: Schools which werereported to have good water and sanitationfacilities and where some focused work had beendone to integrate water and sanitation and relatededucation would be preferred. This was essentialto explore inclusion/exclusion related to water andsanitation. Since, according to secondary datasources, a majority of the schools in both thedistricts had reported the existence of toilets forall and dedicated drinking water sources withinthe school, information available with UNICEF inUP was relied upon to make a purposive sampleof the villages. 174. Village development classification: Selectedschools would be from a mix of Nirmal Grams 18and Ambedkar Villages 19 (as these are likely tothrow up evidence of good practices) and regularvillages (where sites are likely to provide evidenceof exclusion).5. Villages with different types of schools: In orderto capture the range of schools (primary, upperprimary, and high school, girls only and coeducational),a special effort would be made toidentify such villages as would enable selection ofdifferent kinds of schools. Secondary schools wereincluded in the sample in order to understandexclusion related issues of adolescent girls and boys.One block each was selected in the two districts –Jakhora block in Lalitpur, and Rajgarh block inMirzapur. Six sites (villages) were thereafteridentified in each of these. Village selection wasbased on available data, and this selection wasfurther fine-tuned with the help of UNICEF projectpersonnel who had in-depth knowledge of thearea. This short list was discussed with localgovernment (WATSAN) officials and projectpersonnel from UP State WaterAid. 20 Areconnaissance visit was made to the two blocks,and the villages and schools which would beincluded in the sample were subsequently firmedup (see Table 4 for information about villages).Table 4 Basic information about the village sites of the studyMirzapurVillage MS1 MS2 MS3 MS4 MS5 MS6Households134546431721306111Total population8153,6212,8364,5322,243771Males4241,8591,4982,3611,180394Females3911,7621,3382,1711,063377Population 0-6146743519824479180Male7337825941825897Female7336526040622183SC population/%204/25454/12.5575/20.27307/7589/26.25340/44SC Male103245312182319166SC Female101209263175270174Sex ratio922947842919900957Male literacy72.9384.6778.9377.3569.6363.97Female literacy43.855.6252.2246.6841.6830.61Gender gap29.8529.0526.730.628.6433.31217MS4 is on the border of Rajgarh and Narayanpur blocks.Inputs were taken on the school sanitation programme from government officials/local UNICEF and WaterAid personnel.18A Nirmal Gram is a village which has achieved total sanitation in its command area. It is an ‘open-defecation-free’ village whereall houses, schools, and ICDS centres (Anganwadis) are supposed to have sanitary toilets.19The Ambedkar Village programme is serviced by 13 different development programmes including rural infrastructure development,social securities, better health services and family welfare, hygienic living conditions, employment generation, scholarships andland reforms.20WaterAid has carried out sanitation related interventions in 20 schools of Jakhora block, of which the team finally selected 3 PSand 3 UPS schools.

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportLalitpurVillage LS1LS2 LS3 LS4 LS5 LS6Households1871,452731250137229Total population1,0727,5094,7771,6028841,555Males5623,9792,598849452810Females5103,5302,179753392745Population 0-62241,521900302183338Male125771480172100176Female9975042013083162SC population/%348/32.461481/23.81782/37.30201/12.54405/48173/11.12SC Male180772100211421390SC Female1687097808719283Sex ratio907820838886867920Male literacy47.5955.67727665.6267.66Female literacy17.5122.8138.8835.4740.7723.32Gender gap30.0832.8634.1240.5324.8524.24Source: Census of India, Government 20013.3 Research Tools used for theStudyDraft tools (in English) were worked out, modified,and brought in line with the comments andobservations of the lead researcher. They werethen translated into the local language, Hindi. 21The tools were field tested and modified basedon inputs received from the field team and thelead researcher while she was on a field visit toMirzapur. Table 5 gives an overview of the varioustools used for the research (see Annex 3 for thefull list of research tools).3.4 The FieldworkThe field teams initially established contact withUNICEF officials in UP to obtain lists of sites thatmet the criteria for selection. Formal permissionswere then sought from local SSA officials in thestate headquarters and the district. Specialpermission had to be sought from the UPSecondary Education Board in Lucknow toconduct the research in secondary schools.In order to facilitate permission to do the researchin the schools, the team leader liaised with theBasic Shiksha Adhikari (BSA) or the BlockEducation Officer, the Block Resource Coordinator(BRC), the District Inspector of Schools (DIOS),the District Panchayati Raj Officer (DPRO), andthe Nyaya Panchayat Resource Coordinator(NPRC) of the two districts. A workshop wasconducted in Lucknow with the research team(field investigators) in order to explain the purposeand objectives of the study, the criteria for siteselection and research tools. The tools were testedin one primary school and one upper primaryschool and focus group discussions (FGDs) wereheld with the community at one site. Fieldworkcommenced at the end of January 2009, and wascompleted during February 2009. Data wascollated by the research team in early March 2009.The research team participated in a day-longworkshop in Lucknow on 14 March 2009 in orderto understand the texture of the qualitative dataand to draw out the findings from the study.21ERU acknowledges the assistance received from Centre for Education Research and Practice, Jaipur, for the translation ofschedules from English to Hindi.13

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONTable 5 Overview of research toolsToolNo Tool descriptionWhat it seeks to do Key informants1A. Elementary LevelB. High SchoolC. Basic information about the villageChecklist of physical facilitiesin village and schools, basicinformation on enrolment/dropoutof students. From schoolrecordsSchool level observation andvillage observation2Semi-structured in-depth interviewsExplore interlinkages betweenwater, sanitation andeducation, exclusion/inclusionin village/schoolHeadteacher, one teacher in theschool who handles WATSANprogramme (if any), and onewoman teacher3Focus Group Discussions:3A: Adolescent girls (in school)3B: Adolescent girls (out of school)3C: Adolescent boys (in school)3D: Adolescent boys (out of school)3E: Village level committee members – SchoolManagement Committee (SMC)/VillageEducation Community (VEC), WATSAN, etc.3F: Community leader (preferably from the mostdisadvantaged social group in the village)Explore interlinkages betweenwater, sanitation andeducation, exclusion/inclusionin village/schoolOne group of parents,adolescent girls – in school andout of school, adolescent boys–in school and out of school,SMC/VEC, most disadvantagedcommunity in village4Structured activities with children: with childrenof Classes 3 (boys and girls together) and 5,6,7(boys and girls separately)Structured activities/group discussions withadolescents studying in Class 9 (boys and girlsseparately)Explore the water andsanitation situation in school,how it affects them, inclusion/exclusion related issuesIn Classes 3, 5 to 7; and inClass 95Semi-structured interviews:5A: Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANM) or AccreditedSocial Health Activist (ASHA)5B: Local (private or government) healthcareprovider5C: Leader of women's group5D: Village head/pradhan 22Explore interlinkages betweenwater, sanitation andeducation, exclusion/inclusionin village/schoolANM/ASHA/Local MedicalPractitioner (LMP) or healthservice provider, village head,one women's group leader, oneperson from the mostdisadvantaged social group inthe village22Schedules 3F and the (erstwhile 5E) were merged after testing in Mirzapur.14

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Report4Findings and AnalysisThis chapter begins with a perusal of enrolmentand attendance in sample schools on the day ofvisit (where available), infrastructure facilities(whether they are functioning), and thearrangements for upkeep, maintenance, andcleaning on a regular basis. The narrative thenmoves to school observations, summarizing whatwas observed with respect to the use of facilities,the participation of students in maintenance andcleanliness, and exploring inclusion, exclusion anddiscrimination, where these were observed. Thisis followed by what students (at primary and upperprimary levels, as well as adolescent girls) saidabout exclusion and inclusion, enrolment and dropouts,and the impact of water and sanitationfacilities on their schooling experience. Thereafter,the perceptions of teachers and theirunderstanding of the linkages between education,water and sanitation, and the perception of parentsand community leaders, are elaborated upon.After presenting the findings, a rigorous analysisis attempted in order to find out about inclusionand exclusion in schools with respect to childrenfrom different social and economic backgrounds,academic performance, illness and disability. Thegender dimension in all of these is also explored.Case studies, voices of stakeholders, and uniquepractices are showcased briefly in this chapter;detailed case studies and narratives are given inAnnex 4.4.1 Enrolment and Attendanceon the Day of VisitThe enrolment record was taken from theheadteacher or principal of each school. It wasfound that the data on attendance was not regularlyupdated in some schools; and even where the datawas available (at different places: teacher's diary,attendance register, scraps of paper), calculationsof the two-month average may not present anaccurate picture. In the senior secondary schoolsthat were visited by the team, daily attendance datawas not being maintained. The records in schoolswere not reliable, as most of the enrolled childrenwere marked present. Discussions with teachersand students revealed that formal attendancerecords do not reflect the real situation and thatthese records are maintained to obtain an extrasupply of rations for MDM, and to ensure that thereis no reduction in the deployed number of teachersand para-teachers. 23 As DISE does not coverschools beyond the elementary stage, accuratedata on enrolment is also not available for these,either at the school or at the block level.In all the 12 sample schools in Mirzapur takentogether, 50.66 per cent of the students in primaryschools and 50.51 per cent of the enrolled studentsat the upper primary and high school levels weregirls. While the distribution of girls and boysappears fairly even, given that many more boysare enrolled in private fee-paying schools, thisperhaps hides the real situation with respect togirls. However, in Lalitpur (12 sample schoolstogether), the percentage of girls enrolled inprimary schools was 42.86, while at upper primaryand high school levels, it was 42.79. Lalitpur hasfewer fee-paying private schools. However, if wesee the percentage of girls present on the day ofvisit (to total students present on that day), thesituation is worrisome.In Mirzapur, only 40 per cent of the students weregirls at the primary level, though the situation at23A different cadre of teachers who are recruited locally either by the Panchayat or by the local administration. They are appointedon yearly contracts and are paid far less than regular government school teachers.15

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONthe upper primary stage was far better with 53.97per cent girls. In Lalitpur, only 30.30 per cent ofthe students at the primary stage present on theday of visit were girls; and again like Mirzapur theattendance was better at the upper primary andhigher levels at 50.95 per cent (see Table L inAnnex 2).There was a large gap between enrolment andthe students present on the day of visit. At bestaround 70 per cent of the students were observedattending school on the day of visit (with oneexceptional UPS which had 83 per cent of theenrolled children present). In three schools (seeTable 6), it was not possible to do a head count ofstudents present as the school was large, theclasses were dispersed, and students fromdifferent subject streams were located in differentclassrooms. However, gender and social group(SC, ST, OBC and Muslim) data is collated at theschool, block and district levels for primary andupper primary schools. 244.2 Facilities (Water andSanitation) and Their UseAn overview of infrastructure related to water andsanitation in the sample schools is given in Tables7 and 8. It may be noted that our definition of a‘functioning toilet’ is one that is being used regularlyby children, is in a usable condition, and its usershave access to water (through a hand pumpnearby or running water). For example, where wefound toilets that were locked, these were recordedas ‘not functioning’; or where the toilets were in abad shape and did not seem to be used regularly,they were also recorded as ‘unusable’ or‘dysfunctional’.DISE (2006) data indicates that the schools in thetwo districts have similar infrastructure facilities.The percentage of schools with common toiletsand girls’ toilet are not dramatically different in thetwo districts – both showing over 90 per centschools with toilets for boys and girls. However, ifwe look at the sample schools’ data which wasgathered during the field visit, a noticeabledifference can be seen. Only three of the 12schools surveyed in Lalitpur and seven of the 11surveyed in Mirzapur had functioning toilets forboys; the corresponding numbers for girls’ toiletswere four out of 12 in Lalitpur and eight out of 11in Mirzapur. Similarly, while almost 50 per cent ofthe toilets were noted as being not clean, very dirtyor extremely dirty/unusable in Lalitpur, the situationin Mirzapur was significantly better (see Tables 7and 8).Table 6 Enrolment and attendance on day of visitMIRZAPURChildren enrolledPercentage girlsPresent on day of visitPercentage presentLALITPURMS1 MS2 MS3 MS4 MS5 MS6PS UPS PS UPS PS UPS PS GIC PS UPS PS HSc53 60 194 266 122 156 460 1117 167 1,098 141 4549 65 52 50 56 49 50 48 50 53 48 5335 42 85 68 31 110 256 * 41 * 41 2267 70 44 26 25 71 562525 49LS1LS2 LS3 LS4 LS5 LS6PS PS UPS PS GIC PS GIC PS UPS PS UPSChildren enrolled226902862921261,620226105108164258143Percentage girls464745482930483641514845Present on day of visit35501226543*908525638863Percentage present1456433434348323383444* Data not available as there was no attendance in the inter colleges visitedPS: Primary School; UPS: Upper Primary School; GIC: Government Intermediate CollegeNote: School-wise gender disaggregated enrolment data is given in Table L, Annex 224Enrolment and attendance data disaggregated by social class (OBC/SC/ST) could not be collected as it is often not possible toidentify the social class of a child from his/her name in the register. And the school register does not mention caste/communityagainst the names of the enrolled students. While lists of SC students are made for scholarship purposes, this is not reflectedin the register and there is no such list for ST, OBC or Muslim students.16

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportTable 7 Overview of water and sanitation facilities in sample schools, MirzapurSchoolSite 1,PSSite 1,UPSSite 2,PSSite 2,UPSSite 3,PSDrinking waterHand pumpHand pumpHand pumpHand pump& bore wellHand pump& bore wellWater for toiletsRunningwaterRunningwaterFrom handpumpFrom tankor pumpFrom handpumpFunctioning toilet, boys Yes Yes Yes Yes YesFunctioning toilets, girls Yes Yes Yes Yes YesFunctioning toilet,teachersYesYesYesYesYesCleanliness of toiletsClean Clean Not clean Not clean CleanCleanliness of schoolenvironmentVery cleanVery cleanCleanCleanCleanWho cleans toilets? Daily Children Children Children Children ChildrenWho cleans toilets?Weekly/occasionallySweeperSweeperMIRZAPURSite 4,PSHandpumps andtapsRunningwaterYesYesYes,dedicatedNot cleanCleanChildrenSite 4,GICHand pumpand tankNo waterNoYesYes,dedicatedVery dirtyNot cleanNot cleanedSite 5,PSHand pumpFrom tankYesYesYes,dedicatedCleanVery cleanChildrenSweeperoccasionalSite 5,UPSNoneNo waterNoNoNoNot usedCleanNASite 6,PSHand pumpTankmanuallyfilled bychildrenNoNoYes,dedicatedNot usedNot cleanNASite 6,HCSHand pumpNo waterUrinal onlyUrinal onlyNoNot cleanNot cleanNot cleaned17

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONTable 8 Overview of water and sanitation facilities in sample schools, LalitpurSchool Site 1, Site 1,PS UPSSite 2,PSSite 2,UPSSite 3,PSSite 3,GICDrinking waterNoNoHandpump, notworkingHand pumpHandpump, notpotableHand pumpdysfunctionalWater for toiletsFrom handpumpoutsideschoolFrom handpumpoutsideschoolNoNoNoNoFunctioning toilet,boysNoNoUsed asUrinal onlyNoYesNoFunctioning toilets,girlsNoNoNoAs UrinalsNoNoFunctioning toilet,teachersYesNoNoYesNoYes, menonlyCleanliness oftoilets*Very dirtyVery dirtyVery dirtyDirtyDirtyNot usableCleanliness ofschool environmentNot cleanNot clean,stonesVery dirtyCleanVery dirtyVery dirtyWho cleans toilets?DailyChildrenNAChildrenChildrenChildrenChildrenWeekly cleaning No No No No No Sweeper* Children pour water in the toilets; they do not handle brooms or brush or use soap/toilet cleanersLALITPURSite 4,PSFL HandpumpFrom handpumpYesYesYes,women onlyCleanCleanChildrenSweeperSite 4,UPS+KGBVHand pumpFrom handpumpYesYesYesCleanCleanChildrenNoSite 5,PSFL HandpumpNoUsed asUrinal onlyNoNoVery dirty,chokedVery dirtyChildrenNoSite 5,UPSHandpump,dysfunctionalNoUsed asUrinal onlyYesYesVery dirty,chokedNot cleanChildren(classrooms)NoSite 6,PSFL handpumpdysfunctionalNoUsed asUrinal onlyYesYesCleanurinal, dirtytoiletsNot cleanChildrenoccasionallyNoSite 6,UPSHandpump, notpotableOccasionallyYesYesNoCleanCleanChildrenNo18

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportDiscussions with teachers and local officialsrevealed that a lot of work was done in Mirzapurunder TSC and that the district had receivedspecial attention in this area. Equally, the overallenvironment in the villages has perhapscontributed towards maintaining a cleanenvironment in the schools. Five of the six sitesvisited had received the ‘Nirmal Gram Puraskar’for universal availability of toilets in households.However, it was noted that only in one village didall households appear to be using toilets and opendefecation was discouraged by the community.This was a model village. In other villages, thougha majority of the households had some form oftoilets, open defecation was being practised (asreported by children and as was seen during thevillage visit). In contrast, in Lalitpur only one villagewas a ‘Nirmal Gram’, though not in the sameleague as the model village in Mirzapur.Clean facilities in schools that were also beingused regularly was perhaps because of theemphasis placed on their maintenance:Children were assigned duties to clean theirclassrooms and toilets and their work wassupervised by the teacher; this wassupplemented by weekly/fortnightly cleaning bya paid sweeper. In one school, the formerheadmaster worked along with the children andtook great care to make sure that the schoolenvironment was clean. The Bal Sansad(Children’s Parliament) managed the duties inone school.Garbage was collected at one point which wascleared every week. Again, the headteacher/teachers (or the village head) supervised this.In the Mirzapur village where all householdshad toilets and were actually using them, thechildren knew how to use and clean the toilets.The agency of the headteacher, a teacher or avillage leader seems to make a huge difference(see Box 2).The downside of children taking the responsibilityfor school cleanliness and sanitation is that whilechildren come to school neat and clean in themorning, they are covered with dust afterperforming their cleaning duties. Many of themBox 2 One in a hundred to lead from the frontToilet cleaning by children (especially in cases where they have been cleaning the toilets after use bythe teachers) is turning out to be a contentious issue amongst the community and parents. There aretwo teachers (one of whom has now retired), who have been training the children on toilet cleanlinessand hygiene in their own way.A retired headteacher from LS4 PS, who is referred to in nearly all the interviews/FGDs in the village,has an iconic presence in the school. Over the years, he has worked tirelessly for the overall beautificationof the school, including gardening and cleanliness and health and hygiene related practices. He wasalso given an award for his efforts by the President of India. He has developed the school into a modelfor other schools in the neighbouring area to follow, which has resulted in increased attention fromgovernment authorities and community members. More children want to enrol in this school, increasingthe pressure on the teaching staff which results in better teaching-learning practices in classrooms.According to his colleagues, ex-students, and community members, this headteacher used to selflesslystart working on a project himself, and seeing his engagement, the students as well as communitymembers used to join in. A group of adolescent drop-out boys articulated their strong objection tostudents cleaning toilets, but when reminded of their own school days (when they used to clean theschool campus), they confessed that as their old headteacher used to pick up the broom and startsweeping himself, the children had no option but to extend a helping hand to him.The headteacher of MS6 PS also sets an example for his students. Every evening, after school hours,he washes the toilets himself to ensure that they have been cleaned properly. Interestingly, colleaguesof both these teachers are appreciative of their efforts, but sadly do not have the will or the courage tofollow their examples. Said one of the teachers (from a forward caste): ‘Na hamne kabhi yeh kaam kiyahai aur na karenge (neither have I done this job [i.e. cleaning toilets], nor will I do so in the future).’19

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONwere wet and cold after this assignment. Theywere observed to be shivering in wet clothes afterwashing toilets and watering the plants. Facilitiesfor them to dry themselves and change clothesdo not exist. In some of the schools it was noticedthat while some children cleaned the toilets, othersswept the classrooms, some fetched drinkingwater, while some others filled water utensils fortoilets.In contrast, in the schools where the facilities werenot well maintained and were found to be very dirtyor unusable, there was no system formaintenance; availability of water for toilets wasalso a problem. Among the teachers/headteachers, there was little ownership of thewater and sanitation facilities in the school. Thesewere all left to the attention of the village pradhan.Most of the households in such villages did nothave toilets and open defecation was common. Inone school the community used the school toiletsand messed them up. There was no boundary walland the area was littered with garbage.The situation in one village in Lalitpur sums upthe complex situation on the ground: 25In the primary school, the children carried waterin buckets from a hand pump across the roadfor washing hands. The toilet was used onlyoccasionally by children in order to savethemselves the trouble of carrying water forcleaning it. There was no drainage for waterdisposal from the kitchen and a pool of stagnantwater could be seen. Children carried theirmidday meal to their homes as there was nowater for washing plates in the school. Somechildren carried water in bottles for drinking inschool; others went to the hand pump acrossthe road. While the campus has some plantsand flowering bushes, the overall environmentwas not clean.The upper primary school in the same villagewas no different. The hand pump wasdysfunctional and the children went to a publichand pump for drinking water. The school hastwo toilets for boys and girls; they lookedunkempt and old and were not used by thechildren. Garbage was thrown everywhere,there were no dustbins visible anywhere andthere was no system for garbage disposal.There were no toilets for teachers. Water level(for hand pumps) goes down in summer andthe children have to carry water to the schoolfrom their homes. While the children are awarethat they must wash their hands before eating,there was no soap or water. Forward castechildren did not eat the midday meals providedby the school.Recently, the parents of forward caste childrenprotested as they did not want all the childrento draw water from the same earthen pot usedfor water storage. The headteacher, a Muslim,tried to find a solution and asked the forwardcaste children to pour water for Dalit children(children drink by cupping their hands intowhich water is poured by another child).Menstruating girls were absent from school for3–4 days every month. In case of emergencies,they take leave on the pretext of havingstomach aches.The dynamics of constructing and maintainingdrinking water and toilet facilities are complex,especially in villages where several communitieslive together, though in clearly segregatedsettlements. In the absence of a total sanitationcampaign and a movement for social equality, theschools mirror the village. As evident in Table 9,the situation in the schools in Mirzapur could beattributed to TSC in the district, where the villageheads take an active interest in improving theoverall environment in the village, and influencethis practice in schools. However, in Lalitpur, noteven one village head was observed to be involvedin the overall cleanliness and health of the school.While there are socio-economic and geographicalfactors which contribute to the better outcomes inMirzapur district, one apparent reason is the socialconstruct of the two regions – in Mirzapur, thevillage caste composition was comparativelyhomogenous and the dominant community wasprimarily OBC. On the other hand, in Lalitpur thecaste dynamics were more visible and alive, whichhave a direct influence on the school system,including level of involvement/interest of the villagepradhan in the school.25We are not disclosing the name of the village in accordance with the principle of confidentiality.20

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportEqually, in the specific context of a schoolsanitation programme, lack of ownership of theprogramme among the teachers and educationaladministration also creates its own dynamics.Where the teachers have a greater sense ofownership, they provide leadership whichovercomes caste and other local dynamics.Ownership alone is not adequate and if the schoolhas a dynamic leader, it becomes a model forothers.4.3 Two Case Studies4.3.1 Promising practiceMS1 is now a Nirmal Gram located in Rajgarhblock of Mirzapur district. A tour of the villagepresents an overall positive picture encompassingclosed drains, well-used garbage bins, handpumps with platforms and proper drainage forwaste water, enclosed bathing shelters for women,public urinals for men and clean, litter-free villageTable 9 Work children do in school (N=12 in both districts)Number of sampleschoolsLalitpur MirzapurRemarks LalitpurRemarks MirzapurChildren sweepclassrooms and schoolcampus1110In some schools only classroomsare cleaned by children and notthe ground. In 2PS and 2 UPSonly classrooms, 1PS onlyveranda + courtyardSweep rooms, playground, dustand clear garbage. In 2 UPSchildren only pick up litter and in1PS cleaning is done randomlyAll children participate incleaning campus andclassrooms1110While all children participate incleaning, the nature of dutiesassigned differs by genderThose who sweep miss morningassembly. They sweep/dust/filldrinking water etc. Boys sweepplaygrounds and girls sweepclassroomSelective participation42Boys participate in maintenancework – cleaning tanks,flowerbeds, checking/fetchingwater from a distanceThose not good in studies givencleaning duties. Subtlediscrimination in duties assignedobserved (including in UPSwhere a long absentee child wasselected for cleaning)Children clean toilets88Most schools have toilets beingused as urinals, children pourwater to clean, they do notphysically handle a broom orbrushClasses 1–2 excluded in someschoolsAll children participate incleaning toilets66Those who use toilets pourwater, children clean toilets/urinals used by teachersSC and marginalized groupsassigned this duty, children from‘good families’ exempted, ‘notgood in studies’ assigned dutyPaid sweeper cleans oncea week/occasionally34No budget in PS/UPS orsecondary schools to appointsweeper. Used occasionally inone higher secondary collegeNo budget in PS/UPS andsecondary schools to appointsweeperHeadteacher/teachersassign duties/formcommittees116Headteacher and teachers play acrucial role, both negative andpositiveHeadmaster or teachers play acrucial role, even where there isa children’s forumChildren decide whoparticipates – forums55Forums just conceptualized –mostly in UPS (only 1PS)Bal Sansads work underguidance of teachers.Village head overseessanitation issues inschools06Village heads not engaged inschoolsNirmal Gram pradhan orhusband of the pradhan takeskeen interestExclusion observed64SC (including Sahariya) andMuslim children excluded fromfilling/serving drinking water,upper caste teacher andstudents do not take water fromSC and Muslim childrenSC children ‘not good in studies’assigned work, genderdifferences in duties assigned,children from vocal/influentialfamilies exempt from toiletcleaningNote: In Mirzapur one of the sample schools was very small and no activity was evident21

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONroads. The primary school has child friendly,functional and clean toilets for both boys and girls(including for pre-school children).However, a few years ago MS1 was different.There was no system for garbage disposal in thevillage, including there being no system fordisposal of sanitary napkins/rags, which wereburied in fields by girls and women. Even theprimary and upper primary schools were not thesame, both in terms of school infrastructure andpractices three years ago. With no properWATSAN facilities, both the schools were notproperly maintained. Earlier, there was a cleardiscrimination in the seating arrangementsbetween OBC and SC children in the school.Further, monitoring of sanitary practices in thevillage was not as meticulous as it is today.The community gives the credit for these changesin the school as well as in the village environmentto the current lady pradhan's husband, referred tolocally as the Pradhan Patim, who represents herand plays an active role in village governance witha special commitment to sanitation and villagedevelopment. With joint efforts of the pradhan, thegovernment-appointed sanitation motivator andmembers of the village community, all thehabitations are now clean and devoid of garbage,the usual litter, and cattle excreta. A paid sweepercomes once a week to clear the bins, pile thegarbage into a dump and burn it. The communityis fully aware of sanitation related issues in thevillage, and also supports school sanitation.Sanitation practices and toilet usage are beingmonitored by the village committee, the pradhan,the women's self-help group (SHG), the childrenand vigilant youth. Sanitation is an important issuein the village; it is regularly included in Panchayatdiscussions. The villagers are averse to defecationin the open and monitor this closely in the night orearly morning, using torches and whistles. Theyouth are particularly active in this regard.The toilets in the schools are clean and well usedand the children appeared to be habituated tousing and cleaning them. Toilet usage and cleaninghabits of the children were also evident in thehomes during the village visits. In the primaryschool the water facility was through a force lifthand pump that supplied clean potable water towashbasins with taps for hand washing. The drainfrom the hand pump platform is linked to thecovered drain of the village. There is a garbagebin at the rear end of the school in which thechildren put in the daily garbage, which is cleanedby the sweeper every week. A submersibleelectrical pump is also linked to hand pump pipes.Children were seen to be washing their hands withsoap after using the toilet, before the midday mealand after cleaning the campus. School childrenteach this to their younger siblings and parentstoo. They have a committee that organizes themidday meal, including supervision of seatingarrangements and cleaning up after the meal. Nogender/caste-based segregation is visible inclassroom practices or between the haves andhave-nots. Children know about scabies and keeptheir affected classmates segregated. They arealso aware of various sources of potable water,the difference between clean and dirty water,harmful effects of using dirty water and the benefitsof using toilets, etc.This village has been able to sustain its practicesfor sanitation and hygiene in the community andthe school due to awareness, education and theinvolvement of community members in the effort.The school and the children have no doubt beenthe pivot of learning, but the positives have beentransferred to their homes and the community.Apart from this, facilitative infrastructure like drains,garbage bins, roads and water availability, andappointment of a sweeper in the village, have alsocontributed to making a difference.Along with the services, the demography of thevillage too has been a crucial factor impacting uponthe effectiveness of the efforts made. With onlytwo major caste groups living in the village, thereis evidently not much social conflict. The agency ofthe pradhan has been critical in making peopleaware and educated about sanitation and forproviding the infrastructure and spending fundsallocated for its construction and maintenance. Thebest advocacy for this village is provided by a youngman who does wall paintings not only in this villagebut also in other villages of the block. He advisespeople to come to his village to see the positiveimpact of total sanitation: ‘Hamare gaon me aaoaur dekho (come and see our village).’22

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Report4.3.2 When things go wrongLS5 is a village in Jakhora block of Lalitpur district.The village has a mixed population with the highercaste living in the heart of the village and 150 SCand ST households living on the periphery. Theprimary and upper primary schools located in thesame campus have adequate sanitation facilities;the former has three urinals (built by WaterAid)and three toilets, of which one remains locked forthe teachers. All of them are dirty, choked andunusable. Another toilet unit funded by SSA isunder construction. There is a force lift hand pumpto fill the tanks over the toilets which has not beenoperational for a long time as its pipe work hasbeen stolen. Consequently, there is no water eitherin the toilets or in the washbasins. The upperprimary school too has one old toilet unit (built byWaterAid) and even this is extremely dirty andunused. There is another girls’ toilet built underthe government's National Programme ofEducation for Girls at Elementary Level(NPEGEL). This is locked and reserved mainlyfor teachers. The girl students can use it aftergetting the teacher’s permission and getting thekey. The area near the toilets remains littered withgarbage and sanitary towels, and has not beencleaned for some time. There is just one handpump, but this is not operational. The only sourceof water for the school campus is one hand pumpnear the primary section. Children from forwardcastes refrain from touching this hand pump, andinstead go across the road to use another pump.The attendance on the day of visit was 20 per centof those enrolled. The teachers (all of them fromforward castes) spoke of how the village ispolarized on caste lines. In particular, they talkedabout the Sahariya community (see Box 3). Twoteachers stated that the children from thiscommunity were ‘not intelligent’, adding that incomparison to Brahmins they were ‘reallybackward’. All the children from Classes 1 to 5sat in the same room. In the upper primary school,though, children sat in any classroom (there wasno class-wise grouping of students) and someboys used caste/occupation names for theirclassmates. While the students (boys and girls)said that it was important to maintain casteidentities, they were accepting of teachers of allcastes because ‘teachers are equal to God (wohdevata samaan hain)’. The girls said that theymake friends with girls of all castes but do notshare food or water with everyone. Several forwardcaste children do not eat the meal cooked in theschool, and some of them even throw the foodout of the window. However, it is not clear if theythrow the meal because it is inedible (full ofworms!) or because of the lower caste of the cook.The teachers, too, bring their food from home andask only forward caste girls to fetch water for them.The village community is polarized on casteissues, particularly regarding the Sahariyacommunity, and the village leaders and teacherssaid that children from this community were notregular in attending school and that the girls weremarried very early (see Figure 1 for caste-wiseenrolment in senior secondary schools). TheSahariya community is ostracized and the rest ofthe village keeps its distance from them. Theschool, therefore, mirrors the social dynamics ofthe village and the teachers have not been able tochange the situation in schools as they subscribeto the same views.Figure 1 Caste-wise enrolment in senior secondary schools23%50 %24 %60%0%4%SCSTMuslim/MinOBC0 %4%13%Gen22%GirlsBoys23

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONBox 3 Sahariya, a tribal community that experiences exclusionIn Lalitpur district, the difference between Sahariya and non-Sahariya habitations in the sample waspalpable. The community is recognized as a primitive tribe group in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan andChhattisgarh, and has been notified as a Scheduled Tribe by the Government of UP. Being seminomadichunter-gatherers, Sahariya do not belong to the regular agricultural community and theirlivelihood is dependent on selling forest products or working as daily wage labourers. Land holdings (ifthey have any) are small and hard to cultivate due to lack of proper irrigation facilities and other inputs.As a result many of them lease out their land to other farmers for very small amounts of money.Given its nomadic nature, the Sahariya community has remained one of the most difficult groups forthe various governmental schemes/provisions to reach out to. For instance, in LS5, despite the Sahariyahabitation being just across the primary and upper primary school, the percentage of Sahariya childrenpresent in the school was very low on the day of visit. According to the teachers, they stay absent fromschool for long periods at a stretch. Many of these children can be seen roaming outside the schoolcampus in their school uniforms. Except for such children, their hamlet bears a deserted look as mostof the families have migrated out in search of work, leaving behind the aged and children. As is evidentfrom school enrolment data, there is an exodus of Sahariya children from school after Class 5. Howeverit is extremely difficult to track school drop-outs as boys have migrated out and the girls have beenmarried off.For the handful of Sahariya children attending school, the situation is not very friendly as the exclusionfaced by the community at large extends inside the classroom too. Sahariya children are treated as‘unclean’ and continue to face discrimination both from other children and teachers. Non-school-goingadolescents talk openly about how Sahariya children are made to sit separately, or way behind in theclassrooms.Some teachers consider Sahariya children academically poor and not as bright as forward caste children.Overall, unhygienic conditions and poor facilities in the habitation are testimonies of the discriminatorypractices towards the Sahariya community.4.4 Senior Secondary Schools:Untouched by WATSAN or anysuch CampaignsSenior Secondary schools (one each from thethree categories – government, private aided andprivate unaided) had big but unkempt campuseswith poorly maintained buildings. As these cateredto 18–20 villages in an area, there were largenumbers of students enrolled. These childrenwere from families who could afford to spend oneducation, especially for girls. All studentsenrolled in a class are simply marked present,with perhaps the exception of those who havebeen absent for a long time. Teachers in theseschools confessed that they have to show fullattendance as the salaries of temporary teachersare worked out on that basis.Sanitary facilities were almost negligible in theseschools. Toilets, if present, were unclean, dirty andinadequate. Due to lack of running water, thesewere used more as urinals. The situation ofadolescent girls who come to secondary schoolsis affected by the poor infrastructure and sanitationfacilities. They have to exercise self-control whilein school, and absent themselves during menstrualperiods. They do not come to school for 3–4 daysevery month, except during examinations. Thereis no provision for disposal of sanitary napkins orrags.The situation in the government aided Inter Collegein MS4 (531 girls; 1,016 students in Classes 6-9)was seen to be really bad: there was no runningwater in the toilets, hence they were extremelydirty and smelly; they were also choked as they24

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Reportare not connected to any sewage drain; and therewas no light. To relieve themselves, the local girlswent home; the girls who came from far away usedthe toilet only in an emergency. The units for boyswere defunct, and all of them used the spaceoutside the boundary wall of the school as an openurinal. Drinking water was supplied through a tank,which was hardly ever cleaned so the childrennever really used its water for drinking; they usedit only for washing their hands. Similarly, in theprivate Inter College in MS5 (580 girls; 1,096students in Classes 6–9), the facilities were highlyinadequate, dirty and smelly. The three handpumps providing drinking water were segregatedfor the use of boys and girls.The government Inter College building in LS2 wasa new, large spacious campus with 25 classroomswith 1,498 children enrolled in Classes 6–12 (498girls), but had poor sanitation facilities. There wasa row of 60 toilets for girls behind the schoolbuilding, without any roof. Fifteen of these hadsome kind of a door (though opening on the wrongside) but not one of them was functional. Therewas no water source near the toilet. Here again,the girls stayed away from school during theirmenstrual cycles. During group discussions,adolescent boys said that they were moreconcerned about teaching and learning and thatthey really did not care if the school had a toilet ornot. The girls were more concerned about toiletfacilities and said that they had to miss school fora few days every month. The two women teacherssaid that they felt embarrassed to use the toiletbecause they had to pass through the principal’sroom.4.5 The Midday Meal and itsDynamicsCooking and sharing of food is a sensitive issuein some areas of India and also in UP, partly dueto traditional caste-related attitudes and practicesgoverned by rules of pollution and purity, and partlydue to the power dynamics between differentcommunities in a given area. The forward castes 26traditionally did not eat or drink with the erstwhileuntouchable communities. The caste dynamics ofthe village influence the school environmentincluding the socialization process amongst thechildren, as well as their relationship with theteachers. This influence gets overtly visible,particularly during meal time practices.As expected, the situation on the ground withrespect to the midday meal is mixed. At the outsetit is important to place on record that the middaymeal was being cooked and served in all thesample primary and upper primary schools. Thelocation of the kitchen, availability of water andoverall hygiene were different across the sampleschools (Table 10).Discussions with teachers and community leadersrevealed that, in most of the schools in Mirzapur,the cooks were not from the Dalit community; theenrolled children in the local schools were fromthe two dominant social groups – OBC and SC.The larger political environment in the district hasalso changed in the last five to ten years and castebasedexclusion is not looked upon favourably.Another probable reason for lack of overtdiscrimination is that the forward castes seem tohave migrated out of the village or they send theirchildren to private schools. Notwithstanding thisoverarching observation, the research teamnoticed that some children in a few schools didnot eat in school. When asked why, they said thatthe food was not cooked well or that the food wasnot adequate and it was not tasty. They did nottalk about caste.However, this was not the case in Lalitpur. As notedin the introductory chapter of this report, Lalitpuris one of the most underdeveloped districts of UP:poverty levels are high and feudal and casteistattitudes still prevail. Given the lack of developmentand slow progress on the economic andeducational front, local leaders confessed thatcaste and community identities remained strong.Not surprisingly, it was observed that caste issueswere dominant in the school lunch programme inthree of the sample primary and upper primaryschools. In one school (LS1 UPS) the upper caste(Thakur) children did not eat in school and other26Communities that have traditionally enjoyed a high status in society include Brahmins, who were traditional priests and thosewho learnt the scriptures; Thakurs, a land owning and ruling class who had the right to bear arms; Vaishs, the trading community;and Jains, also a trading community.25

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONTable 10 Status of midday meal in sample schoolsFood being cooked inclean and hygienic mannerChildren help in cookingfoodChildren help in servingfoodChildren sit together, inrows**All children eatChildren wash handsbefore mealsVillage head supports/supervises qualityLalitpurN=10*6125665MirzapurN=9*71–5767Remarks Lalitpur1 PS and 1 UPS food beingcooked next to the toilet.Girls (1 UPS) not a prevalentpracticeGirls (UPS)Children not eating in school in 1school; Rows, gendersegregated in UPS.5 UPS children not eating MDM,complain about quality of foodWater not available in someschoolsSome want to increase numberof children eating MDMRemarks MirzapurChildren’s Forum in one UPS(MS3) monitoring cookingIn UPS girls make tea etc. for theteachersNot a prevalent practiceGender-based groups in UPS,girl with disability eating aloneComplaints about quality of food;in 1PS cook throwing food onchildren, calling them nameswhile serving the foodIn 2 large schools, washingfacilities/water inadequateProactive in Nirmal Gram* No MDM was served in the high school, GIC, secondary schools and in 1 UPS** When children are not seated in rows, they sit with friends and in some instances friendships may not transcend castechildren took the meal home, as there was nowater in the school to wash their plates. Similarly,in another school (LS5 UPS), children took thefood in their plates and threw it outside the window,saying it was badly cooked and had worms. Theboys were particularly aware of maintaining a castehierarchy amongst themselves. The girls were alsowary of using water from the school hand pumpas SC and ST children also used it. Some of thembrought water for themselves and their teachersfrom the hand pump situated just outside theschool. Some children from the neighbouringvillages were seen carrying their lunch boxes fromhome. Thakur and Brahmin children from thesame village went home for lunch. In LS3 PS, allchildren carried their own water bottles; when theMDM was served, SC/ST children were seenhuddled together during the meal. Children frommigrant families supplemented the meal with roti(flat Indian bread) brought from home. In twoschools, girls served the food while in the otherschools the cooks served the food. Gendersegregated seating at meal times was seen inmost of the schools.Children were observed washing their handsbefore the meal in most of the schools. In twoschools, children were observed washing theirplates before the meal was served. Handwashingwith soap before meals was not a prevalentpractice in any of the schools, except in MS1 PS.The MS3 PS children had a covered dining shedwith cement and tile tables and benches for thechildren to have their meal; the area was cleanedboth before and after the meal by the children. Intwo other schools, children were seen cleaningthe dining area and spreading mats for sittingbefore the meal was served, and cleaning it afterthe lunch was over. In two other schools (LS2 PSand LS6 UPS) food was being cooked just outsidethe toilets. Stray dogs were seen hanging aroundeither in the school or just outside the gate inalmost all the sample schools serving MDM.Forward caste teachers did not attempt to breakcaste barriers among themselves or with thechildren. This was evident in five schools inLalitpur. The teachers did not share their meals oreven taste the meals cooked in the schools. Someof them did not even accept water from lower castechildren (see Box 4). Such attitudes on the part ofthe teachers perpetuate social practices insteadof eliminating them. Children, on the other hand,had evolved their own ways of dealing with this intheir relationships with their classmates andfriends. Children from forward and backward castecommunities reported that they shared their mealwith Dalit and Muslim friends, but did not tell theirparents and grandparents about it. Many childrensaid that friendship was important and they26

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportBox 4 Illustrative voices of teachers insample schoolsThe teachers’ expressions and sentiments,revealed during discussions with them, clearlyspeak of their hidden caste/religious biases:Sahariya children are dirty and dull, they do notlike coming to school.They send children to school only forscholarships and uniforms; the parents areirresponsible. Even the intelligent children arenot encouraged.Girls are more confident and conscious aboutcleanliness, sanitation, and also about theirstudies.The Muslim system is different from ours – wecannot accept water from Muslims as they arenon-vegetarians. We have no problem in takingwater from Hindu Dalits even if they are nonvegetarians,because their hands are pure asthey served water to Lord Rama.Children who are good in studies are alsosincere about cleaning duties. But those fromDalit families are not sincere about studies andthey object to cleaning duties. We do not askthe children from powerful families (i.e. thosewith political influence in the village) to cleantoilets as we do not want to get into trouble.In one school the assistant teacher referred tothe headteacher saying that he was a greatman; he set the example by cleaning the toiletshimself, adding ‘But I will never do it becausethis act will pollute my caste status.’Source: Teacher interviews in sample schoolsinteracted with their friends wholeheartedly.However, parents from forward castesdisapproved of this practice but said that they couldnot do anything about it.The young people said that the persistence ofcaste and community identities is challenged(especially in schools, at work, in movies andduring other social events) and at the same timethese very identities are reinforced during electionswhere political parties directly/indirectly influencepeople to exercise their franchise on the basis oftheir caste identity and allegiance to politicalleaders. What was clearly evident was that inMirzapur, where there is greater rural–urbanmobility and where the better-off send their childrento private schools, the government schools caterto the poor and the very poor. Invariably anoverwhelming majority of the very poor are fromthe most disadvantaged social groups. In Lalitpur,where economic progress has not been significant,the villages are more heterogeneous andgovernment schools cater to children from allcastes and communities.4.6 Voices and Experiences ofPrimary School ChildrenActivities were organized to capture the voices ofchildren, especially in primary schools. While focusgroup discussions were a good medium to interactwith older children (Class 6 upwards), interactionswith primary school children were essentially activitybased. The activities started with ‘icebreakers’.These were followed by role-plays or activities (forexample, by using chairs of different colours, issuessuch as availability of different water sources,sources of safe water, toilet usage by families, etc.were explored). Through role-plays, childrendemonstrated different perceptions and practicesrelated to water and sanitation in their schools andcommunities (see Box 5).4.7 Children with Special NeedsIgnorance and insensitivity towards Children withSpecial Needs (CWSN) underpinned most of theinteractions with teachers and during schoolobservations. In MS2, the teacher failed to identifya deaf child as a CWSN, the para-teacher in LS3labelled a slow learner as ‘bewakoof aur bekar’(stupid and useless) to his face. Students of Class6 in MS3 had a healthy attitude towards theirclassmate, a physically challenged girl, and wereseen treating her just like other able-bodiedclassmates during recess. On the other hand, inthe same school one of the senior teachers insistedthat the team should meet the other girl (studyingin Class 7, who was mentally challenged) simply‘for fun’ (bahut maza aayega)! Such discriminatoryattitudes were also reflected in the provision ofinfrastructural facilities in schools for children withphysical disabilities. Despite well-articulatedguidelines/design specifications for CWSN, friendlywater and sanitation facilities under SSHE, noneof the toilets had railings or stools for Indian style27

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONBox 5 Snapshot of what children said and did during role-playsEnacted how an active member of the community compelled the pradhan to build a toilet in the schoolbecause a child who was sick with diarrhoea and vomiting could not come to school.Enacted how the grandmother of a Class 5 student told him that a witch wanders around the toilet andshe will catch children; and how some families continue to defecate in the open even when they have atoilet at home.Class 5 students performed a play where a person who had a toilet at home continued to defecate in theopen (which was reported as an important issue in the village) and how despite several warnings he didnot change his ways and was thrown out of the village.Students from Class 7 demonstrated how they cannot play truant and run away after the boundary wallwas constructed and toilet facilities were provided within the school.Children showed how the first thing they do in school is sweep and clean toilets, how dirty they get andhow it affects their sense of self. ‘Why do government school children have to do this?’ they asked.Children in an UPS acted out how children from neighbouring villages have enrolled in their schoolbecause of the dedication of the teachers and the overall environment of the school.Children from another UPS enacted how parents ask them not to eat with their Dalit friends or go to Dalithomes; but how they still play, eat and sit with their friends (regardless of caste): ‘Dosti mein sab chaltahai bus ghar per nahin batate hain (Everything is okay between friends, we just do not talk about it athome).’A vocal boy in a PS said that they wash the hand pump before they drink water because ‘we have to washafter the children from families of fishermen use the hand pump as otherwise we will incur the wrath ofgoddess Durga.’ Children from the same school enacted a scene where a few Dalits (dhobi and mehtar)were hounded by the members of the forward caste when they tried to take water from the common handpump.Students identified the Panchayat as a place where SC face discrimination. Interestingly one studentspectator offered a ride to the SC Panchayat member to the police station in order to register a caseagainst some Panchayat members under the Harijan Act.Statements such as ‘we come to school to study, why should we clean toilets and sweep the classroomsand even the playground? We do not like doing this work’ were a common thread in all the activities/discussions with children.Source: Activities with children in primary and upper primary schoolstoilets. While a few toilets had ramps, they wereeither broken or the surface was too uneven forunhindered mobility. In some cases, if the toiletwas at surface level, either the access to the toiletwas difficult or the internal design was not CWSNfriendly. Clearly, these children were unable to usethe facilities. In case they had to use the toilet theywere either sent home with someone or theirparents were called to carry them home. Accessto the hand pump (main source of drinking waterin all the schools) was also not CWSN friendly.However, here able-bodied friends of the CWSNhelped out.One Class 9 student studying in MS6 had a polioaffectedleft leg. He recounted that a few roughexperiences during the recess had taught him tostand away from the crowd at the hand pump andwait patiently on his crutches for his turn (usuallylast). This made him feel more disabled than heactually is.4.8 Voices and Experiences ofAdolescent Boys and GirlsStudents from Classes 7 and 9 participated activelyin group discussions. However, on issues relatedto discrimination and exclusion, adolescent boysand girls preferred to express their views on chartpapers spread on the floor. They drew a map ofthe village to plot water sources and toilets indifferent habitations. The boys talked aboutproblems related to school infrastructure and28

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Reportpractices but they were wary that these might beshared with school authorities. After being assuredabout confidentiality, they opened up. The boys inseveral villages said that exclusion based oncommunicable diseases (e.g. scabies, chickenpox) as well as eating habits (vegetarian and nonvegetarian)was prevalent in all the schools. Thestudents from senior classes, especially thosefrom senior secondary schools, were better ableto identify exclusion practices. Many of them(including students with disabilities) shared theirpersonal experiences with regard to discriminationand exclusion in school. They talked aboutisolation in the school, forward caste friends notwanting to share food, and the practice of washingthe hand pump by some forward caste studentsbefore taking water. They did not narrate anyincidents of caste-based exclusion in the schoolwith regard to toilet facilities. With the exceptionof children with disabilities who cannot accesstoilets due to design/structural reasons, thechildren and adolescent boys and girls said thattoilets and sanitary facilities did not exacerbateexclusion (see Box 6).During the study, the team met with 111 out-ofschooladolescents (65 boys and 46 girls). Theirviews and practices varied across the samplevillages, and, often, contradictory voices wereheard during the same group discussion. As thefieldwork was conducted during the harvestingseason, it was difficult to meet with out-of-schooladolescent boys as many of them were out atwork. Most out-of-school adolescent girls hadbeen married. When asked about the reasons fordropping out of school (or not getting enrolled atall), these varied from dropping out due to familyresponsibilities to not being interested in studies.Some of them admitted that they did not learn verymuch in school. In MS4, students identified twodrop-out SC girls, one of whom dropped out inClass 5 as her mother died and she had to takecare of her siblings, and the other got married afterClass 8, was widowed and came back to the villagebut was not allowed by her brothers to continueher studies. In MS3, teachers gave names of girls(mostly SC) who had dropped out because ofeconomic reasons. In MS5, the girls reported thattwo girls had left UPS (in the neighbouring area)due to sexual harassment by a teacher.In several villages in Lalitpur, the boys from theSahariya community dropped out after Class 5because they migrated with their parents while thegirls stayed back to take care of their siblings andthe elderly (if they were not married off). The 25adolescent boys (SC and OBC) met in LS1 villagesaid that they had dropped out of school, many ofthem after Class 9, because they could not clearthe examination. Interestingly, in LS6, the boys(OBC) said that some of them dropped outbecause they were married.It is noteworthy that adolescent boys and girlslaughed out loud when asked about sanitation andwater and its impact on attendance or droppingout. Not a single adolescent girl said that theydropped out because of lack of toilet facilities, andwhen probed on exclusion they said: ‘Sabhi keliya ganda hai … (the toilets are dirty foreveryone!)’. Most of them said that if they had anopportunity to study they would continue, whetherthere was a toilet or not in the school. They addedthat the availability of toilets would certainly makea difference to their lives in school. But given thesituation in their area, they had learnt to cope withthe discomfort. On the other hand, if the teacherswere good and they taught well and regularly, thenit was worthwhile coming to school. The girls, inparticular, said that education was very importantas it enhanced their status in their families and inthe community. They saw education as a preciousopportunity, a process that can help them breakout of the cycle of poverty and powerlessness.An issue that emerged during discussions withadolescent girls and women teachers is that notmuch planning goes into the design, location andsafety of toilets. In almost all the schools the toiletswere small and the doors open inwards, whichmeant that the user had to step on the pot to shutthe door. If the toilet is soiled, then it makes usingit all the more difficult.Adolescent boys were articulate and confidentwhile talking during the discussions. In one voicethey said that regular teaching in school was moreimportant than having a toilet. As evident from thediscussions with them, they were aware of thedynamics of exclusion and argued that thepowerful invariably pick on those who do not havepower. For many of them friendship was importantand if their friends were from a different community,they would not hesitate to eat and sit with them.However, they were also conscious about thepotential of conflict in the village and often29

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONBox 6 Excerpts from focus group discussions with adolescent boys and girlsContrasting voices emerged during group discussions: People who have power discriminate against those who are powerless. Power comes with money,caste, religion, government/police jobs, and the most important is political power. The teachers in our village discriminate against Dalit children. This practice existed even when we werestudying in the primary school. Forward caste children were given preference and they were seated infront. However, things are changing now. The government does not locate hand pumps on a caste basis; people distribute them according tocaste/community to avoid conflict, here also power rules. Dalit boys will not sit on the same platform as forward caste boys not because of respect for the uppercastes, but because they face reprisal. In the same way Sahariya boys do not sit on the same platformas Dalits.Adolescent girls said: While talking about the problems that girls face, a Class 9 SC girl said: ‘Who cares about girls, it’sbetter if they die, at least Rs 200,000 to 300,000 (to be given as dowry) will be saved.’ Girls from SC and Muslim families do not come to school because they work at home and in the fields.Their parents enrol them only for scholarships. If even girls come to know that a particular girl is menstruating, they do not sit next to her. We do not sit with girls who have scabies or a bad cough. In our school, the water is stored in a separate bucket for the use of girls from one community. They arevery dirty and we do not allow them to use the hand pump. We stay away from school for 3 or 4 days every month, we all do that.Adolescent boys said: Everything is being done for girls; they have a toilet (urinal), so what if it is dirty? No one cares aboutboys these days. Teaching should happen in the school, it does not make much difference if the toilets are not there. Wecome to school to learn. Facilities are important, particularly in senior schools, but education is moreimportant. In our time (said adolescents who had dropped out), we did not have these facilities butteachers used to teach, now schools have more facilities, but less studies. Teachers just sit in school (wearing jeans and sunglasses) and ask children to do all sorts of jobs.Children in the primary school carry water to the toilet for teachers and also clean it after them. Wenever cleaned toilets; we would have made the teachers clean them instead! Water and sanitation facilities have improved all over. This was a water scarce area but with handpumps life has become much easier for the people, particularly for women. However construction oftoilets has not helped much as the community is not using them. ‘The health situation has improvedmanifold. We have heard about HIV/AIDS in cities, but there is no case in our village – we have heardthat such patients are cast off from the community. This is wrong. Many young men go to Mumbai fromVaranasi and neighbouring areas and get infected and there is no awareness on the issue in thecommunity.’ The attitude of teachers is extremely negative and they selectively target certain children who areacademically and socially weak. That is why many of us dropped out (said out-of-school boys).Source: Focus group discussions with adolescent girls and boyspreferred not to challenge caste-based behaviouron a public forum. As they have greater exposureto the world outside the village (as compared withtheir sisters in the same village) and were awareof the politics of caste as it plays out in rural areas,they had a realistic approach to social inclusionand exclusion.30

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Report4.9 The Dynamics of Inclusionand ExclusionThe dynamics of inclusion and exclusion manifestin many ways and often it is not talked about in theopen; forward caste teachers are vocal and voicetheir prejudices in private or in one-to-oneconversations but do not speak about it in public.The situation on the ground in UP has changed alot in the last ten years and the ascendance of aDalit political party to power has had a positiveimpact. But prejudice and exclusion continues insubtle and not-so-subtle ways. Teachers, especiallyin Lalitpur, were dismissive of the academic potentialof children from extremely poor communities andfrom specific social groups like Sahariya. Almost allthe teachers differentiated between the relativelybetter-off (including Dalits and other sociallydeprived groups) and those who are very poor. Theypointed to poverty and lack of parental educationas one of the reasons for poor performance andexclusion of some children from school.In Mirzapur, most of the children studying ingovernment primary schools are from poor families.However, the profile of students changes in the highschool. Almost one-fourth of the children who enrolin primary schools drop out after Class 5. A numberof studies done over the last ten years show that anoverwhelming proportion of the very poor drop outbefore they reach Class 6 and among them theproportion of Muslim, SC and ST children is farhigher than it is in the other social groups (Jha andJhingran, 2005; Ramachandran, 2004).The area where inclusion and exclusion plays outis in the nature of duties assigned to children. Whilethere are significant differences between the twodistricts, it is fairly clear that children fromeconomically better-off families are exempt fromcleaning toilets with a broom and brush. All childrenmay participate in pouring (actually throwing) waterfrom a distance, sweeping and dusting theclassrooms, picking up litter (like paper and otherarticles on the ground) and fetching water. Parentsdo not like their children to clean the premises andtoilets and they depend on the village sweeper 27paid for by the pradhan for such services. So if thepradhan is proactive and concerned about theschool, a sweeper becomes available, otherwisecleaning the school campus and toilets remains aproblem. Government primary and upper primaryschools do not have any funds to hire a person toclean the premises and they depend on the villagePanchayat and the pradhan to arrange paymentsfor this.4.10 Learning from the StudyThe learning from this study is quite unambiguous:construction of toilets or the installation of handpumps and water tanks is not enough. The contrastbetween Mirzapur and Lalitpur also teaches us oneimportant lesson. The government and civil societyorganizations need to first focus on building anenvironment where cleanliness is appreciated as apositive value. The total sanitation movement inMirzapur has certainly contributed towards changingsocial attitudes and practices. Children who usetoilets properly in school promote toilet cleaning intheir homes and make sure that all family membersuse the toilet properly; they are also more likely tospread the same practices in the village. Yes, goodpractices learnt in school are also transferred to theirhomes, but for this to happen the overallenvironment needs to be positive. Where thegeneral hygiene levels are poor, where the socialfabric is fractured by social conflicts and communityidentities, the school cannot hope to bring aboutlasting change. The school and the community arelinked – one reinforces and strengthens the goodpractices of the other. Equally, the reverse is alsotrue – a school could emerge as an island of sorts,but for the good practice to sustain over a long periodand across different school heads, the communityhas to be appreciative of the good practice.Facilities, their safety, inclusiveness, use andmaintenance: Design, maintenance and recurringfunds are important. One of the important lessonsof this study is that infrastructure provision needsto be backed up with funds for maintenance andrepair, for running costs, and most importantly,systematic education of the users on how to useand how to maintain the infrastructure. Equallysignificant is that the toilets and water sources aredesigned with care. Local people, teachers andtechnicians need to work together to build facilitiesthat are safe to use, and are accessible to all,especially children with special needs, and havesufficient light and ventilation.27The UP government has recently recruited sweepers for villages by passing a Government Order for the Panchayats.31

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONNeeds of adolescent girls not addressed: Theneeds of school-going adolescent girls are notaddressed in upper primary schools, high schoolsand secondary schools. As it stands today, thegovernment has not paid much attention to inschoolbarriers to participation of adolescent girls.This is one area where a lot of work needs to bedone.Children’s forums that exist are notempowered: This is an important learning fromthis study. While primary schools have BalPanchayats, we found that high schools and highersecondary schools do not have democratic forumsto enable students to participate in the governanceof the school. Even where children’s forums doexist they are assigned duties and in someinstances their work burden has gone up.The technical note on inclusive approach for SSHEclearly states that the programme aims at ensuringthat children learn and practise good hygienehabits and regular and correct use of facilities (GoIand UNICEF, 2008). They need to be ‘involved’ inthe operation and maintenance of the facilities(including toilets). However, realities from the fieldshow that involving children in the operation andmaintenance of the facilities is interpreted to meanthat they take the entire responsibility forcleanliness. Undoubtedly they can help to supportand maintain the facilities, but they should notshoulder the full burden of cleaning and washing(especially when the toilet is being used byteachers or members of the community). If we areserious about child rights, should we not draw aline? Within the overall framework of childprotection and participation, is it fair to overloadthe children?Attitudes and beliefs: Another important learningis that exclusion manifests itself in different forms,namely exclusion/inclusion based on: social group and community (Dalits, Sahariya[ST] and OBC) economic status of students (not well dressed,dirty clothes, do not bathe) performance in the school (good in studies/notgood in studies; regular/irregular) visible disabilities, infectious diseases (scabies,bad cough) gender (differential duties assigned to boys andgirls).The attitudes and beliefs of teachers are importantin the school. Their prejudices against poorchildren and against specific social groupsaccentuate discrimination in the school. Equally,where teachers have a positive and inclusiveattitude, the school environment is positive. Asdiscussed in the preceding sections, the agencyof the headteacher and teachers in the school,the village pradhan and other importantstakeholders makes a big difference in the schooland in the community. Equally, the situation in thevillage and the community in which the school isembedded is also very important. The contrastbetween Mirzapur and Lalitpur shows that it isimportant to work in the community and in theschool.In many ways the school is a microcosm of thesociety in which it is embedded. But we also sawthat dynamic leaders in schools and in thecommunity can make a difference. However, forthe change to sustain, the immediate environment(village or Panchayat) needs to be supportive andappreciative, leading to a positive spiral of change.Agency of local government and community:MDM in school is one of the positive policyinitiatives in India. Here again, the contrastbetween Mirzapur and Lalitpur is palpable. Whilefood is being cooked and served in both thedistricts, the quality varies across schools andhinges on the interest taken by village leaders andteachers. We saw that caste dynamics are farmore pronounced in Lalitpur than in Mirzapur. Thereason for this is not different from that for thesanitation arena – a more inclusive and positivesocial environment leads to more inclusivepractices in the school and vice-versa.Change is possible: An important learning fromthis study is that change is possible. A school levelinitiative that takes off from the fundamental right(see Box 7) to equality can indeed educate childrenabout discrimination and also about the right ofchildren to education, protection and care. Whatwas missing in the entire programme of schoolsanitation is the language of rights. PerhapsUNICEF, with its global mandate of child rights,could make a difference in this area. Therecommendations in the following chapter aremade keeping this UNICEF mandate inperspective.32

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Report5Conclusions and Recommendationsfor the India StudyAttitudes, beliefs, and practicesneed to be addressed in asustained mannerSocial transformation starts with a desire tochange. Teachers, community leaders andadministrators play an important role: they lead,they influence, and they sustain change. Duringthe 1990s and right up to 2003 the Governmentof India gave importance to changing attitudestowards gender relations. Under the DistrictPrimary Education Programme (DPEP) gendertraining became mandatory. Unfortunately themomentum was not sustained after 2003 whenSSA was introduced. A number of studies carriedout towards the end of the DPEP programme andthe beginning of SSA pointed out the need to worktowards changing the attitudes of teachers andeducational administrators towards both genderand social exclusion issues. The presence ofcaste/community biases, neglect of children fromvery poor households and communities, andcontinuation of discriminatory practices towardschildren with special needs have been highlightedat periodic intervals (Jha and Jhingran, 2005;Ramachandran, 2004).Water, sanitation andeducation: restoring thebalanceWorkload of children: Workload of boys and girlsis a sensitive issue in schools. Children from poorfamilies work before they come to school; girlsput in several hours of housework and boys takethe cattle to graze. When they reach the schoolthey are expected to sweep and clean as soon asthey arrive in the morning. If we analyse thissituation from a child rights perspective then wecan argue that the workload of children coming togovernment schools is high. It was indeed heartwrenchingto see young boys and girls who cameneat and tidy to school being covered with dustand dirt, wet and shivering in the cold with nofacilities to wash and clean up after their morningduties. This sends out the wrong message to thechildren and their families. Many childrencomplained of itchy eyes and running noses, clearsymptoms of dust allergy. We noticed that inseveral schools the children who cleaned had tomiss the morning prayer.If we have to educate children on water andsanitation then we cannot expect the children totake the entire responsibility of cleanliness; theycan help, support and maintain, but they cannotshoulder the full burden of cleaning and washing.The issue of children taking full responsibility forcleaning needs to be looked at within the overallframework of child protection and participation. Itis important not to confuse training children in theuse of healthy sanitary practices with overloadingthem with the work of cleaning school toilets. Thisis particularly worrisome when the childrenthemselves are not allowed to use the toilets andthese facilities are meant only for the teachers. Inone school the children were asked to clean upafter the school premises were given out formarriages and other social events. They had towork in choked toilets and on filthy school grounds.Coordination: One of the disturbing aspects ofthe school sanitation programme is that there isobvious lack of coordination among departments;their perspectives and priorities are also different.Those enthusiastic about water and sanitationrarely view the issue from the children’sperspective. Several administrators and teacherswe spoke to admitted that there is a lot of pressureon them to demonstrate a successful schoolsanitation programme and they translate ‘success’to mean children’s involvement in cleaning. A lotof time and energy goes into beautifying and33

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONcleaning the facilities. We noticed that regularteaching and learning took a back seat in suchschools – this was the case in four sample schools.In one school, the Bal Sansad had manycommittees on paper but only the cleanlinesscommittee was active. This committee was notempowered to take decisions, but was directedby the teachers to keep the toilets, classroomsand the grounds clean. Several hours were spenton this work on a regular basis. Can this beshowcased as a ‘good practice’? Maybe the waterand sanitation department will award the schoolfor its cleanliness, but the village community andthe education administration may not appreciatethis if the children are not learning. Water andsanitation education is an important dimension ofeducation but it cannot become the mainstay ofthe school. There is a need to safeguard againstone-dimensional pre-occupations.Needs of adolescent girls and boys: The needsand demands of young boys and girls, adolescentsand teachers should be appreciated by theeducational administration. After all, water andaccess to toilets is a basic need and this has notreceived the attention it merits. We cannot runaway from the fact that the administration – be itthe government or private management (in privateschools) – does not give adequate importance tothe basic human needs of the students andteachers. Across all the sample schools, toiletswere constructed either by the government orthrough a special programme by an internationaldonor agency. The crux of the matter is thatadequate budgetary provisions are not made forupkeep and maintenance, no one monitorswhether the facilities provided are actuallymaintained and are usable, and most importantly,little care goes into understanding how and whythese systems collapse.RecommendationsAddress attitudes and beliefs: It isrecommended that UNICEF introduce training/orientation programmes for teachers, teachereducators and educational administrators oninclusion and exclusion. This needs to be donein the overall framework of the Constitution ofIndia and the guarantee of non-discrimination,and the CRC.Link between school and community: A totalschool sanitation programme has to start withthe community, move towards the school, andcome back to work with the community toreinforce practices and sustain the momentumfor positive change. The school does not standalone and it is important to recognize that theschool is embedded in society. The schoolsanitation programme needs to forge linkageswith the government’s total sanitationcampaign; the school could become a hub foreducation and awareness raising.Take the school as a whole: The schoolneeds to be taken as a seamless and integratedinstitution where education, child development,child protection, nutrition, safe water andsanitation together contribute to a positiveschooling experience for children. Thisapproach is essential for planning and prioritysetting. The education and water/sanitationdepartments need to work in a coordinatedmanner. There is a need to do away withparallel and vertical programmes that havecompeting priorities and targets. This deflectsthe focus from the child who has to be thecentre of attention. School Plan: To this end, the headteacher,teachers and village leaders (Panchayat)need to be involved in developing a plan forthe school (including location of hand pumpsand toilets) and a comprehensive timetablethat factors in the teaching and learningprocesses, as well as the schoolenvironment. Joint responsibility of school andPanchayat: The administration or thevillage Panchayat has to take responsibilityfor maintenance and upkeep, including aperson to clean the school premises andthe toilets. The children could join in andsupport these activities, but should notshoulder the entire burden of cleaning andmaintenance. Design of facilities: Drinking water facilitiesand toilets need to be designed keeping inview easy accessibility. Doors that open thewrong way in small and windowless toilets,lack of ventilation and light need to beaddressed. To this end, older children couldbe asked to draw and design toilets whichcould be discussed with the architect.34

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportPlanning needs to be child-centric. Seriousattention is required to address designissues to ensure that the toilets and watersources are safe, child-friendly, and areaccessible to children with special needs.Local design workshops and meetings couldbe organized with children to understandtheir problems and toilets and water sourcesdesigned to suit the specific situation in eachand every school. This would imply that auniform centralized design might have togive way to local designs.Work burden of children a seriousconcern: Children should not be made toclean and sweep as soon as they come toschool in the morning. They could assist intidying up before they leave the school inthe afternoon/evening. This is important tonurture a positive self-image and selfesteemamong children and also impressupon them the importance of personalhygiene in school.Hear voices of children: UNICEF couldconsider bringing groups of childrentogether to let them articulate the work thatthey can do and the work that they cannotdo, thereby drawing a clear line (asguidelines for programme managers andteachers) between work/tasks that are andare not harmful to children (physically,emotionally, psychologically). Theseparameters need to be defined by thechildren themselves.Empower children: Children’s forumsneed to be empowered to discuss anddecide what children can do and when,including developing a roster ofresponsibilities where all children participatein turns. Such a process would have alasting impact on attitudes and practices. Ifthe school sanitation programme is abouteducation, then Bal Panchayats and otherchildren’s forums need to be strengthened.Address CWSN: Special and focused effortis necessary to plan for the needs of childrenwith disabilities, making sure that the middaymeal, drinking water and toilet facilities areaccessible to them and that they are treatedwith love and with dignity.Train all children to use facilities: Allchildren could be trained/oriented on the useof the facilities – water, toilets and otherfacilities – and respect for other children (notmessing up the toilet, not contaminatingwater) also needs to be instilled in them.Sensitize teachers: Teachers need to besensitized (oriented and trained) using arights-based language. This languageshould permeate all areas of the school –teaching and learning, classroommanagement, cleanliness and hygiene,sanitation, midday meal, etc.Mechanisms to identify and addressexclusion: Inclusion and exclusion need to beidentified and handled with sensitivity as wellas firmness. The Constitution of Indiaguarantees all citizens the right againstdiscrimination. The school sanitationprogramme could start by educating childrenabout their rights as citizens and the teachersabout constitutional guarantees and theimportance of adhering to them. Theprogramme should also provide formechanisms for redressal of complaints madeby children, especially when they experienceexclusion. Make non-discrimination a nonnegotiableprinciple: Non-discriminationshould be made a non-negotiable principlein school. This needs to be adhered to inmidday meal distribution, in equal anduninhibited access to safe drinking water,use of urinals and toilets, and all otherfacilities. Posters in schools: Posters on child rightsand on constitutional rights and guaranteesneed to be displayed prominently in everyschool. While we saw some wall paintingon the incentives that the children get, theywere not about the rights of children. Equallyimportant is that child rights need to bewritten in a simple language so that thechildren in all classes can read andunderstand them. It would also be good todisplay posters that convey the message ofequality and non-discrimination. Theseposters should have a phone number (UPhas a child line number 1098, but ruralchildren were not aware of this) and addresswhere children can call or write.Good practices as sites for training: Usesites of good practices as a hub for the training35

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONand orientation of administrators, teachers,Panchayat leaders and school managementcommittees. Good practice case studies needto be disseminated; stories of schools, rolemodels among teachers, principals andchildren have to be written and made availableto all schools; and special awards could begiven to schools that demonstrate inclusion andequality in all facets of the life of the school (inthe classroom, in extra-curricular activities, andeven in maintaining facilities).Budget for maintenance and retro-fitting:In view of the findings that a large number oftoilets are in a state of disrepair and that thedesign itself is a problem in some cases, it isimportant to acknowledge that whilegovernment budgets provide for constructionof new toilets, washing/painting and minorrepairs, there is no budget for retro-fitting. It is,therefore, recommended that SSHE and otherWATSAN programmes consider the inclusionof funds for retro-fitting.Needs of adolescent girls need urgentattention: The specific needs of adolescentgirls in school need to be addressed withsensitivity. Again, as a first step, UNICEF couldorganize school-level workshops with girls inClasses 6 to 10 to develop a friendly and usabletoilet complex. This could easily be done underthe aegis of the government’s girls’ educationprogrammes NPEGEL and KGBV. These twospecial programmes seek to address theeducational needs of girls at the upper primarylevel (Classes 6 to 8). Equally, the proposedsecondary education mission of thegovernment also provides a good opportunityto try out new strategies and come up withworkable ideas to improve the overall schoolingexperience of adolescent girls.Promise of changeThe silver lining that came through clearly duringthis study is that winds of change are indeedblowing in Uttar Pradesh. To begin with, the politicalclimate in the state, and indeed in most parts ofIndia, is favourable and social inclusion/exclusionissues are being addressed in almost all walks oflife. The government has taken positive steps andas a result awareness levels in society haveincreased. The contrast between the good casestudy and the one where things have gone wrongthrows up some valuable lessons. An activecampaign in the community and in the village canset in motion a momentum for change. Schoolsdo not stand alone and a school sanitationprogramme needs to be embedded in the schooland the community.36

6Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportConclusions and Recommendationsfrom a Regional PerspectiveThis chapter provides the Conclusions andRecommendations from the Regional Perspectivedocument, which summarizes the findings for allthe country studies and goes beyond to raiseissues that need to be addressed by thoseoperating at the level of national policy, by thoseinvolved in implementation, and at school level.Thus the Conclusions and Recommendations forIndia from the previous chapter can be seen herein a wider regional context.6.1 ConclusionsThe UNICEF study points to several conclusions,some of which reflect earlier findings of the initialliterature study and others which differ to someextent from these findings. While someconclusions are inevitably specific to individualcountries others reveal messages which pertainacross the four countries.An overall conclusion which can be drawn is thatlack of access to water and sanitation does notappear on its own to be a reason for permanentexclusion of children from school, although it mightwell provide a contributory factor. Most childrensaid that if they had the opportunity to study thenthey would, and that teachers turning up regularlyand teaching well were what made it worthwhilecoming to school. This emphasis on theimportance of seeing water and sanitation issueswithin the overall context of quality education isimportant. The India report in particular expressesconcern that the lack of coordination betweenthose involved in water and sanitation and thoseinvolved in education can create ‘one-dimensionalpreoccupations’ with some individual schoolsbecoming a showcase for cleanliness to thedetriment of children’s learning.However, parallel to this, the study revealed clearevidence that decent water and sanitation facilitiesdid certainly make a difference to the quality ofchildren’s experience. It also showed how, despiteexamples in all countries which contradicted this,there were still many examples both of somechildren being temporarily excluded from schoolbecause of inadequate facilities (this wasparticularly an issue for menstruating girls) andalso of discrimination playing itself out in thedomains of water and sanitation and of perceptionsof cleanliness and uncleanliness.Sufficiency and maintenance offacilitiesAlthough the prime purpose of this study was toexamine whether certain children werediscriminated against in relation to water andsanitation, this could not be ascertained without aprior examination of the sufficiency and adequacyof facilities. The research showed very largevariations within all four countries. In all fourcountries, although the schools were selected onthe basis that they had been supplied with waterand sanitation facilities, there were many instancesof schools which had insufficient access both tosafe drinking water and to toilets. The result wasthat many children went without water and choseeither to go home or go outside the schoolpremises to defecate. There also appeared to beuncertainty as to who had responsibility formaintenance of facilities with the result that manyhad been inoperable for some time.While some facilities in all countries were reportedas being well maintained and clean, many otherswere described as very dirty with no equipmentbeing provided for cleaning and no soap or towelsfor children’s handwashing. The result was thatchildren were loath to use school toilets. In all37

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONschools where toilets were cleaned children playeda major role in this cleaning. In India, especially,concern was expressed that children could beasked to play too great a role in cleaning; however,examples in other countries showed that certainschools had created a situation in which childrenfelt proud of the responsibility they had been givenand did not appear resentful of this task. Goodpractice was observed in schools where it wasclear who held responsibility and where teachersworked with children in maintaining facilities ratherthan simply imposing this task on them.Exclusion and discriminationMenstruating girlsAll four country studies concluded that girls,particularly adolescent girls, were disadvantagedin terms of toilet facilities. While boys expressedless concern about sanitation facilities, interviewswith girls showed that there was an almost totalabsence of sensitivity to the requirements ofmenstruating girls. Girls who were menstruatingtended to have nowhere to wash their sanitarycloths or dispose of their sanitary pads. They werealso embarrassed by the way in which the designof facilities did not allow them necessary privacyand dignity. The result, in all countries, was thatgirls who were menstruating either carried on withtheir studies in a state of continual anxiety or theyappeared simply to take days off. Both the girlsand their mothers were aware that this wasdetrimental to their studies. In all countriesmenstruation was seen as a very private affair andschools do not appear to see it as their role toprovide either knowledge or support – inBangladesh, where menstruation is actually a partof the curriculum, girls and teachers reported thatthese sections were missed out.Children perceived as ‘unclean’In all schools in all four countries ‘cleanliness’ wasseen as being very important. Considerableattention was paid to children’s appearance withregular inspections to see that both they and theiruniforms were clean. The positive aspect of thisis the pride that children take in looking clean andsmart when they come to school. However,inevitably certain children, particularly those frompoorer families, found it hard to adhere to thesestandards. In some schools there appeared to bean assumption made by teachers that children whowere less clean were also those who were lessable and came from families who were lesscommitted to their studies.Researchers in all four countries closely observedwhether or not certain children were discriminatedagainst in terms of toilet cleaning duties, accessto drinking water, being given privileges such asfetching water for teachers and seatingarrangements at meal times and in the classroom.While all countries had examples of schools inwhich there was complete equality in all theseareas, in many there was considerablediscrimination.The particular groups of children who werediscriminated against varied both from country tocountry and within countries. While traditionalcaste-based discrimination was very apparent andovertly expressed by both teachers and somechildren in the Lalitpur district of Uttar Pradesh inIndia, it was not evident in Mirzapur district. InNepal, caste-based discrimination was notapparent in the schools visited but there was somediscrimination against children from the very poorChepang community. In Bangladesh, someinstances of discrimination were shown againstAdivasi children and also children from the teagardens but not against the richer Manipurichildren. In Bhutan children from the Uraoncommunity as well as children of poorer urbanlabourers and poorer farmers were seen as beingchildren who often arrived dirty at school and alsocould sit separately from other children. Thisdiversity of findings shows that it is hard to placediscrimination into clear-cut categories. Whiletraditional discrimination in terms of caste andethnicity does still exist at school it is not universal.However, one overriding fact which does emergeis the importance of poverty as a key factor indiscrimination.Children themselves were very aware thattraditional patterns of discrimination and exclusion,although still strong in many areas, were alsobeginning to change. While some of them stillexpressed clear opinions that certain groups ofchildren were ‘dirty’ and not to be mixed with,others spoke of friendships which went beyondcaste or ethnicity while still saying that they mightbe uneasy at talking about these friendships withtheir parents. This recognition of change was a38

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Reportpositive finding in the research. However,alongside this there were also indications that newelites were emerging which, like the old elites, oftenmanifested themselves in terms of cleanliness.All countries have some examples of teacherfavouritism towards children who are wealthier,whose parents have power or influence, who areseen to be more clever and who appear neat andclean. Although these children might be the sonsand daughters of traditional elite families,researchers are clear in pointing out that this isnot always the case. In all countries there areexamples of these children manifesting theirsuperiority in terms of cleanliness and appearanceand also examples of them being the children onwhom status is conferred by them being asked tofetch water for the teacher and being the childrenwho are exempt from cleaning duties.Examples of good practiceAll four reports showed individual schools whichexhibited very positive examples of good practice.The precise way in which this good practicemanifested itself inevitably varied according toparticular country contexts; however, all of theexamples included certain key elements.Good practice schools all had adequate facilitiesand, if facilities broke down, they knew who toapproach in order to get them repaired. Thesefacilities included essential materials for cleaningthe toilets and also sufficient available supplies ofsoap and towels. Facilities were kept clean andeveryone was clear about who was responsiblefor cleaning. The way in which cleaning duties werecarried out varied from country to country but akey common element was that those withresponsibility, whether this was the village pradhanas in India or Child Clubs as in Nepal, felt andgenerated a real sense of pride in ensuring thatfacilities were clean. In all the good practiceschools children had a role, sometimes a key role,in cleaning duties. However, there was no exampleof them feeling exploited and teachers were seento actively support children in carrying out this role.Children in these schools were seen not only topractise good hygiene behaviour but also to beaware of the reasons for this behaviour. Anunderstanding of the importance of good practiceshad obviously been part of their curriculum andthey were well aware of the link between goodhealth and hygiene and the reduction of disease.Finally, and probably most importantly, theseschools were ones which had generated an ethosof equality. All duties and tasks were distributedon a completely equal basis without anyfavouritism or discrimination. Teachers did notassume that certain children would automaticallysit separately and all children were accordedequal respect and dignity. Within such an ethos,it is not so much that steps are taken todiscourage exclusion but rather that inclusiveprocedures were created which, in the words ofthe Nepal report, left ‘no room for exclusion’.Transfer of good practice fromschool to communityAll countries also gave examples of good hygienebehaviour being shared between school andhome. The way in which this happened variedconsiderably between the different countries.While Bangladesh gives some extremely positiveexamples of individual children encouraging theirparents to carry out what they have learnt inschool, Bhutan reveals more formalizedapproaches which take place through parent–teacher meetings or parent awarenessprogrammes. Interestingly, researchers in Indiaand Nepal, whose good schools showed someexemplary practices, are very clear that transferof good practice between school and home is farmore likely to happen if a holistic approach istaken with school and community both being partof a total sanitation campaign.In terms of children feeling able to transfer goodpractice in non-discrimination which they haveexperienced at school to home, the findings areless conclusive. While several children speakabout how they feel very happy eating with andsitting next to children from other groups inschool, they do also acknowledge that suchbehaviour would not necessarily be condoned athome. In this way many of the children showedthemselves to be very aware of the distinctionwhich still could exist between behaviour in publicand private zones. However, the very positive wayin which many of them spoke about friendshipswith children from different groups within schooldid reveal the pivotal role which an inclusiveschool can play in allowing children to exploredifferent ways of relating and giving them a safeplace where they are free of the social,hierarchical divisions which can occur outside ofschool. The issue which still needs to be explored39

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONis how the behaviours which they feel free to exhibitin school might be extended outside of school.6.2 RecommendationsThe overall purpose of this study was to:raise awareness both atGovernment and practitioner levelsof the part that issues related towater and sanitation play inchildren’s exclusion from anddiscrimination within education,and to suggest actions which needto be taken at the level of policyand practice which would help toredress this situation.The findings fall into three main areas:That there need to be sufficient, wellmaintainedfacilities to ensure equity for allstudentsThat there are particular issues of inclusion andnon-discrimination which need to be addressedThat there need to be procedures in place tofacilitate the transfer of good practice learnt inschools to the community.All three of these issues need to be addressed:At the level of national policyBy those involved in implementationAt school level.This study is a regional one and recognizes thatindividual countries differ, hence the specific waysin which they will seek to find ways of improvingtheir practice in regard to these issues will alsodiffer. What follows below is a series of questionswhich need to be addressed by policy makers, bythose involved in implementation (managers,supervisors and trainers), and by those workingat the level of schools. These questions aregrouped under the three headings of facilities, nondiscriminationand transfer of good practice fromschool to community. Each set of questions isfollowed by suggested requirements foraddressing the questions.6.2.1 Sufficiency and maintenance offacilitiesCountry reports showed enormous variation inboth sufficiency and maintenance of facilities. Inone instance in Nepal there appeared to be acontradiction between the community, which heldtraditional beliefs that toilets should not be withinor near living spaces, and the actual siting of toilets.In many instances there appeared to be confusionas to who was responsible for maintenance offacilities. Many of the good practice schools werein areas which had benefited from specific Waterand Sanitation in Schools projects. While severalof these were excellent there is always a concernas to how sustainable this practice will be afterthe project comes to an end and also whether thegood practice in the project could be replicated inother schools.Similar variation occurred in terms of thecleanliness of facilities. While some school toiletswere found to be impressively clean, many otherswere described as ‘filthy’ and ‘unusable’. Much ofthe cleaning was carried out by children. Whilethere were instances of discrimination andexploitation, all countries also had innovativeexamples of ensuring that children felt a sense ofresponsibility and pride in keeping facilities clean,for example Child Clubs in Nepal and competitionsbeing arranged between children in Bhutan.Schools which exhibited good practice showedteachers playing an active role in supportingchildren in carrying out cleaning duties.Questions which need to be addressedFor policy makers:What policies are there on standards and‘sufficiency’ in relation to water and sanitationfacilities in schools?Which documents contain reference to the factthat sufficient water and sanitation facilities inschools are an essential part of an inclusiveschool?Which government department has explicitresponsibility for this area?How is coordination between those involvedwith water and sanitation and those involved ineducation organized?40

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportWhat do policies and regulations state aboutwho is responsible for the maintenance of thesefacilities?What procedures are in place to show howthese policies will be implemented at schoollevel?Where do schools get funds for maintenancefrom?Is there a maintenance grant given to schools?What are the national standards on schoolcleanliness and what are the systems formonitoring these?What do policies and regulations say aboutcleaning toilets and about the involvement ofchildren in cleaning in ways which are notexploitative of them?For managers, supervisors and trainers:How do you consult with community and schoolmembers, including children, on where they feeltoilets should be sited?How do you ensure that good practicedeveloped in specific projects is shared andused for influencing policy and strategy, andthat it feeds into wider coverage?In what ways do you work with people incommunities and with children and teachers inschools to work out how they might best ensurethat facilities are well looked after?How do you ensure that the involvement ofchildren in cleaning duties is organized in wayswhich are not exploitative of them and whichare not detrimental to their learning?At school level (teachers, pupils and parents): Who should you approach if you feel your waterand sanitation facilities are inadequate? Who is responsible for maintenance of thesefacilities? Who is responsible for ensuring that schoolfacilities are regularly cleaned? Is sufficient equipment provided, for examplecleaning equipment for toilets and also soapand towels for children? If children are involved in cleaning duties howcan you help to ensure that this is not done inan exploitative way? Are cleaning duties shared out equitablybetween all children without discrimination orfavouritism, and if not how might this beimproved? How do teachers actively support children incleaning? How can you help to create an ethos of prideand responsibility in which all members of theschool feel they have an active role to play inensuring that facilities are kept clean? Who monitors cleanliness of facilities?Requirements for addressing these questionsFor policy makers:Education policies which state internationallyor regionally laid down standards for the ratioof water and sanitation facilities per number ofchildren which should be provided and who isresponsible for maintenance and overallmonitoring of facilitiesClose collaboration at all levels betweenEducation and Water and SanitationDepartments and officialsClear procedures which spell out howmaintenance will be implemented and whichwill ensure that schools have sufficientresources to undertake ongoing maintenanceand cleaning of facilitiesFor managers, supervisors and trainers:Discussing with community members, childrenand parents to ensure there is a common visionand agreement on what is required when newwater and sanitation facilities are proposedCollaborating with local government officialsand school/community members to ensuresystems are in place which will enable facilitiesto be regularly maintained and kept clean andusable even after specific projects come to anendNegotiating with government officials toestablish procedures for sharing good practiceand mainstreaming successful projectsAt school level (teachers, pupils and parents): Agreed school policies on who is responsiblefor cleaning facilities Adequate provision of hardware such ascleaning materials, soap, etc.41

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONAgreed structures worked out with children whichensure that children feel proud of their facilitiesand help to maintain them in ways which involveall children but are not exploitative of themActive involvement of teachersAgreements which ensure who is responsiblefor monitoring the cleanliness of facilities6.2.2 Inclusion and nondiscriminationIn all countries a high proportion of menstruatinggirls were seen to be temporarily excluded eachmonth because of inadequate sanitation facilities.The fact that there were no facilities for them towash sanitary cloths or dispose of pads, and alsothe lack of privacy, meant that many girls simplytook days off when they were menstruating. Thereappeared to be little in the way of impartingknowledge about menstruation and exampleswere given of schools omitting sections of thecurriculum which dealt with menstruation.Country studies showed that in all schools visitedthe personal cleanliness of children wasconsidered very important. While this is positivein that it can instil a sense of self-respect and pridethere were examples of children, especially thosefrom poorer families, who came to school notmeeting the required standards. There were alsoexamples of some teachers making an implicitassumption that these children were somehowless able and less motivated than others. Whilesome schools had established very positive waysof ensuring inclusion of all children, for examplethrough equity in allocation of duties or privilegesand in seating arrangements, others showed cleardisparities. Sometimes children werediscriminated against along traditional lines ofcaste and ethnicity; sometimes on grounds ofpoverty. There were also indications of theemergence of new elites with children who camefrom richer or more influential families and childrenwho appeared more clever, neater and cleanerbeing given additional privileges and exempt fromcleaning duties.Questions which need to be addressedFor policy makers:What policies exist on non-discrimination ineducation? What steps are being taken to implement thesepolicies? What initial teacher training and in-serviceteacher training programmes are there oninclusion and non-discrimination? How is the importance of the ‘social curriculum’recognized and are all schools encouraged tospend some teaching time focusing on issuessuch as social relationships, diversity andequity? Are any figures collected on the proportion ofgirls who miss school when they aremenstruating and the effect this has on theirachievement in education? Is menstruation covered as a curriculum topicand if so is the teaching of this topic included instaff training programmes?For managers, supervisors and trainers:When starting new projects do you spend timetalking with a full range of community membersand children at school in order to understandthe profile of the community and possible areasof discrimination?What steps do you take to ensure that anyprojects address these potential areas ofinequality?Do you discuss with adolescent girls theparticular needs they have and theirsuggestions for addressing these needs andincorporate these when you design facilities?At school level (teachers, pupils and parents):How can you support those children who mightfind it difficult to maintain school standards ofcleanliness, for example providing soap oropportunities to wash clothes or clean shoes?How can the School Management Committeeand teachers work together to ensure thatteachers do not make automatic assumptionsthat poor children, who might find it difficult tocome to school clean, are also less clever orless motivated?How do you ensure that when tasks such astoilet cleaning are allocated this is done on astrict basis of equality?How do you also ensure that privileges, suchas fetching water for a teacher, are alsoallocated equally amongst all children?What do your school policies say in relation to42

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Reportensuring that children mix between groups, forexample are they encouraged to sit in differentplaces, when groups or pairs are formed doyou encourage different mixings, do youencourage friendships across different groups?If certain children always choose to sit on theirown are there unthreatening ways in which youcan give them the confidence to join in withothers?How does your school make space for the‘social curriculum’? How does it celebrate thediversity of children in the class, for exampletheir different languages, cultures, etc., but alsoemphasize the way in which everyone shouldhave equal rights and take equalresponsibilities?How do classroom teachers record the numberof girls who might be missing class regularlybecause of menstruation?How do they ensure that these girls can catchup with work they have missed?What small things can you do to support girlsat school when they are menstruating, forexample arranging for a place where they canwash and dry cloths or having a stock ofsanitary pads?What ideas do you have about how you mightbest address the topic of menstruation in theclassroom, for example having a womanteacher or a woman from the community comein to have a session with a group of girls?Requirements for addressing these questionsFor policy makers:Education policies on inclusion and nondiscriminationand clear guidelines, regulationsand directives which show how to implementthese policiesMonitoring on whether these policies are beingimplementedA review of initial teacher training and in-servicetraining to ensure both of these cover practicalways in which teachers can ensure inclusionand non-discriminationDesignated time being given within thecurriculum framework to areas of ‘socialcurriculum’ which will include topics on issuessuch as non-discrimination and alsomenstruationAnalysis of attendance figures to see ifsignificant numbers of adolescent girls aremissing school because of being unable tomanage their menstruationFor managers, supervisors and trainers:Discussing with adolescent girls and any otherchildren who might be excluded, listeningclosely to what they are saying and ensuringthat their requirements and ideas areresponded to in practical waysDiscussing with the full range of communitymembers prior to implementing a project, beingaware of any possible issues of discriminationand seeking to address theseAt school level (teachers, pupils, parents):Looking for ways of supporting children whomight find it difficult to adhere to schoolstandards of cleanlinessMonitoring girls who might be missing schoolbecause of menstruation, listen to what theysay about this and find ways of helping themcatch up on work they have missedLooking at ways you can better supportmenstruating girls, for example by arrangingfor a supply of pads and cloths in schoolEnsuring that all tasks (such as cleaning) andprivileges (such as fetching water for teachers)are allocated on a strictly equal basisLooking at ways of encouraging differentseating patterns – for example sometimesorganizing children into groups which includea different social mixEnsuring that ‘social curriculum’ topics aregiven equal value to more academic subjects6.2.3 Transfer of good practice fromschool to families and communityAll country reports gave positive examples of thetransfer of good practice in terms of health andhygiene behaviour from school to families.Sometimes this happened on an individual basis.Other schools organized parent–teacher meetingsor parent awareness programmes. Researcherswere very clear that positive interaction betweenschool and home was most likely to occur whenboth school and community were being targetedin total sanitation programmes.In terms of sharing non-discriminatory practices,children appeared very aware that they were livingin a changing context and that traditional43

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONdiscriminatory practice was being challenged.However, they also recognized that there oftenappeared to be different standards between privateand public places with traditional practices stillbeing practised at home. Within this context schoolwas seen as an important safe place in which theycould expand their group of friends and not beconfined by dictates which might exist at home.Questions which need to be addressedFor policy makers:How does education recognize the importantrole which school can play as a positive agentof change?How is this role discussed in teacher trainingprogrammes and in-service staff developmentprogrammes?For managers, supervisors and trainers:Do you recognize the importance of synergybetween school and community and how doyou seek to build creatively on this?At school level (teachers, pupils, parents):How do teachers approach issues of healtheducation? Do they see it not just as a textbooksubject but as an area of learning which affectsa child’s everyday life?How do they encourage children to share goodpractices they have learnt at school with theirfamilies?In what ways do teachers recognize that oneimportant role of school is that it provideschildren with a safe place where they candevelop friendships with different groups ofchildren in a way they might not be able to doat home?Do teachers encourage children to look at waysin which non-discriminatory practices canextend beyond school into the community?How do you as a school seek to work withparents? What forums exist where issues dealtwith at school can be discussed with parents?How do teachers support children if differencesemerge between home and school cultures?Requirements for addressing these questionsFor policy makers:Education policies which acknowledge theimportant role that education can play inencouraging positive social changeEnsuring that these policies are discussed inall teacher training programmesFor managers, supervisors and trainers:Recognizing the importance of synergybetween school and the wider communityAt school level (teachers, pupils and parents): Teaching health education in ways which makeit relevant for children’s lives outside school Supporting children to use school as a placewhere they can feel safe to explore friendshipsoutside of their traditional social or ethnicgroupings Working with parents, either individually or inparent groups in order to build a bridge betweenschool and home44

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Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportSharma, R. and Ramachandran, V. (eds) (2008). The Elementary Education System in India: A fieldbased investigation into institutional structures, processes and dynamics. New Delhi: Routledge.SSHE Global Symposium (2004). School Sanitation and Hygiene Education in India: Investment inBuilding Children’s Future. Delft, The Netherlands.Subramaniam, S. (2002). Water Supply and Sanitation: India Assessment 2002. PlanningCommission, Government of India (a WHO sponsored study).www.google.co.insearch?hl=en&q=Water+Supply+%26+Sanitation%3A+India+Assessment+2002&btnG=Google+Search&meta=&aq=f&oqUNDP (2008). Human Development Report. New York: UNDP.UNICEF (2004). Baseline Survey of UNICEF-DFID Assisted Districts: A Summary. Study Abstract.New Delhi: UNICEF.UNICEF (2006). State of UP’s Children. Draft report. Lucknow: UNICEF.UNICEF India and IRC (2002). School Sanitation and Hygiene Education. India Resource Book,Technical Paper Series 39. New Delhi.UNICEF/GoI (2004). Child’s Environment: Sanitation, Hygiene, and Water Supply Project Phase II:2004–2008. New Delhi: UNICEF/GoI.WaterAid India (2005). Drinking Water and Sanitation, Status in India: Coverage, Financing andEmerging Concerns. New Delhi: WaterAid.WaterAid India (2006). Country Information, India. New Delhi: WaterAid.WaterAid (2008). Beyond Construction: Use by All. A Collection of case studies from sanitation andhygiene promotion practitioners in South Asia, presented at SASCON Workshop, Bangladesh.WaterAid (2008). Feeling the Pulse: A Study of the Total Sanitation Campaign in Five States: A Report.New Delhi: WaterAid.WaterAid (2008). Counting the Cost: Poor progress on sanitation in South Asia. London: WaterAid.WHO/UNICEF (2008). Coverage Estimates: Improved Sanitation, India (Joint Monitoring Programmefor Water Supply and Sanitation).documents.wssinfo.org/47

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONANNEX1Research Methodology for theOverall StudyApproachAn in-depth qualitative approach was taken in all fourcountries focused on a specific number of sites andschools. For each site/school a picture of issuesrelated to water and sanitation and inclusion ineducation was built up through observation ofbehaviour related to facilities and in-depth discussionwith key stakeholders using a variety of research tools.The numbers of districts/sites/schools per country aredetailed in the table below. The four country studies followed a common methodology with some adaptationsto reflect local conditions.MethodologyThe research was carried out in a number of stages:CountryBangladeshBhutanIndiaNepalNumber ofDistricts3323Number ofsites/villages66126Total numberof schools12122412Stage 1: Selection of sites, interviews with key stakeholders and documentation reviewStage 2: Collection of data from the research sites and schoolsStage 3: Analysis and reportingStage 1: Site selectionThe districts, sites and schools were selected in consultation with the key stakeholders - primarily thegovernment officials working in primary and secondary education at national and district levels and UNICEFWater and Sanitation and Education teams. A list of criteria for selection was drawn up by each countryteam to ensure the potential for inclusion of groups identified by the study (children perceived as unclean,menstruating girls and children affected by communicable diseases). Some sites were also selected wherethere was strong likelihood of evidence of best practice related to inclusion and water and sanitation beingpresent.Stage 2: Collection of dataThis stage formed the most significant part of the research. It focused on investigating practices relatedto water and sanitation and inclusion in the selected schools and their related communities (togetherreferred to as the research site). Three days were spent at each site: Day 1 at the primary school, Day 2at the secondary school and Day 3 with the community, with slight variations by country due to schoolholidays and availability of community members. At each site the researchers collected both quantitativeand qualitative data as follows:1. Quantitative data related to facilities and their use and enrolment/drop-out/attendance figures werecollected by reviewing written documentation including registers and information on school noticeboards and through discussion with headteachers and others responsible for record keeping.48

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Report2. Qualitative data were collected through focus group discussions, interviews, games and observationwith a wide variety of groups from both within the schools and within the wider community. The majorgroups included in every country included:Children from Classes 3 and 5 in school with a bias towards the Class 5 children since it wasfound that the older children could give more reliable accounts and more detailed informationAdolescent girls/boys in school in separate gender groupsTeachersHeadteachersCommunity members/parents of children both in and out of school with separate groups of womenAdolescent girls/boys out of school (in the community) in separate gender groups.In addition to these core groups a number of other respondents specific to each country were included,such as the heads of villages/areas (e.g. the Pradan in India and the Gup in Bhutan).The main research tools used were focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews. Each countrydeveloped their own tools which were reviewed and revised by the lead researcher. Hence similar toolswere used in all four countries which ensured consistency of data collection. There was a strong emphasisplaced on encouraging respondents to talk through the use of open-ended questions. This approachencouraged the telling of stories and resulted in valuable quotations and rich data being collected. Researchersworked in pairs with one leading the questioning and the other writing down all the details to ensure thecapture of stories and quotations.For children, and in some cases adolescents, games and role play were used to put them at ease. Againthis resulted in children opening up and revealing the 'real' situation. This approach gave some valuableinsights into the way other children and teachers behave towards children from more marginalized groups.Each evening the research team met together to share findings and review the emergence of themes,particularly issues related to key groups identified in the Terms of Reference. They also identified areaswhere improvements could be made to the data collection process and gaps where further probing wasneeded. Stories and quotations for inclusion in the final report were also captured through this process.Stage 3: Analysis and ReportingAnalysis began in the field at the review meetings at the end of each day. However, the main analysiswas carried out after all the data had been collected. All four countries followed a similar process toensure consistency. This included:1. The reading through of scripts transcribed from the field notes and identification of themes – boththose from the ToRs and additional emerging themes.2. Coding the scripts using highlighters to identify specific references to each theme.3. Identification of key points, quotations and stories related to each theme.4. Consideration of recommendations related to themes.Two reports were submitted by each country team:1. An Interim Report comprising the first three chapters of the main report - Introduction, Context andMethodology – together with the set of research tools. This report and the research tools were reviewedby UNICEF ROSA and the lead researcher and suggestions made for improvements and to ensureconsistency across countries.2. A Final Report, comprising five chapters – Introduction, Context, Methodology, Findings and Analysisand Conclusions and Recommendations – was then presented to UNICEF ROSA.49

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATION2ANNEXDetailed Research Data for theIndia StudyTable A: Country ranking by HDI value, 2007/08Table B: Selected WATSAN indicators: countries by rankTable C: Selected education and WATSAN statisticsTable D: Uttar Pradesh: Academic Year 2006/07Table E: Number of girls per 100 boys at different stages, by social groupTable F: Gross Enrolment Ratios of Scheduled Caste children from 1986 to 2005Table G: Gross Enrolment Ratios of Scheduled Tribe children from 1986 to 2005Table H: Drop-out rates at primary and elementary stagesTable I: Drop-out rates by gender and social group, India and UPTable J: Basic information about the Lalitpur and Mirzapur districtsTable K: District-wise enrolment data (sample schools)Table L: District-wise enrolment and attendance on the day of visitTable A Country ranking by HDI value, 2007/08Country Rank HDI value (2007/08)IcelandMoroccoEquatorial GuineaIndiaSolomon IslandsLaoSierra Leone11261271281291301770.9680.6460.6420.6190.6020.6010.336Source: UNDP (2008). Human Development ReportTable B Selected WATSAN indicators: countries by rankPopulation NOT using an improved water source (%), 20041. Iceland (0%)83. Kazakhstan (14%)84. Paraguay (14%)85. India (14%) 2886. Comoros (14%)87. Philippines (15%)159. Ethiopia (78%)Source: UNDP (2008). Human Development ReportPopulation using improved sanitation (%), 20041. Iceland (100%)126. Madagascar (34%)127. Sudan (34%)128. India (33%) 29129. Comoros (33%)130. Benin (33%)148. Chad (9%)28Population NOT using an improved water source in 1990 was 30 per cent.29Population using improved sanitation in 1990 was 14 per cent.50

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportTable C Selected education and WATSANstatisticsUPINDIAUPINDIAUPINDIAUPINDIAUPINDIA2004/0593.492005/06% of all schools having drinking water facility94.980.683.07% of all schools having common toilets70.6846.8280.8252.39% of all schools having girls' toilets55.4869.4132.7537.42Average drop-out rate at the primary level15.510.6411.539.96Retention rate at the primary level2006/0797.7284.8987.9458.1378.242.5812.338.6174.4870.26Table D Uttar Pradesh: Academic Year 2006/07Total Area in sq km240,928Total Districts70Total Number of Blocks966Total Number of Clusters8,994Total Number of Villages90,804Total Number of Schools168,969Total Population166,197,920Percentage Urban Population20.80-6 Population31,624,628Decadal Growth Rate25.85Sex Ratio898Percentage SC Population21.1Percentage ST Population0.1Overall Literacy Rate56.3Male Literacy Rate68.8Female Literacy Rate42.2Source: GoI (2007). Selected Education StatisticsSource: NUEPA (2008). DISE Flash Statistics 2006-07: ElementaryEducation in IndiaTable E Number of girls per 100 boys at different stages, by social groupUPIndiaAllI-V8687AllVI-VIII7081AllIX-XII5872No of girls per 100 boysSCSCI-VVI-VIII61388172SCIX-XII2364STI-V6588STVI-VIII4078STIX-XII3664AllI-V0.930.94AllVI-VIII0.790.88AllIX-XII0.670.80Gender Parity IndexSCI-V0.670.87SCVI-VIII0.440.80SCIX-XII0.620.63STI-V0.700.91STVI-VIII0.480.84STIX-XII0.220.55Note: Gender Parity Index is the quotient of the number of females by the number of males enrolled in a given stage of education. The indexmeasures relative access of education of males and femalesSource: GoI (2007). Selected Education Statistics51

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONTable F Gross Enrolment Ratios of Scheduled Caste children from 1986 to 2005PrimaryUpper PrimaryYear Boys Girls Total % Girls Boys Girls Total % Girls1986/871990/911995/962000/012004/05103.8125.5109.9107.3123.364.886.283.285.8106.684.8106.497.196.8115.337.3138.3541.1643.144.8152.768.771.476.277.926.635.844.553.361.540.452.758.565.370.229.933.9736.5839.2641.39Source: GoI (2007). Selected Education StatisticsTable G Gross Enrolment Ratios of Scheduled Tribe children from 1986 to 2005PrimaryUpper PrimaryYear Boys Girls Total % Girls Boys Girls Total % Girls1986/87111 68.8 90.1 32.7745.6 21.9 34.1 27.631990/91125.4 81.4104 36.5753.9 26.7 40.730.41995/96115 80.2 96.9 36.9957.335 46.5 33.742000/01116.9 85.5 101.1 40.6472.5 47.7 60.2 36.632004/05128.1 115.5 121.9 42.4373.9 59.567 39.07Source: GoI (2007). Selected Education StatisticsTable H Drop-out rates at primary and elementary stagesPrimary (1 to 5)Year All Boys SC Boys ST Boys All Girls SC Girls ST Girls Total1990/9140.146.360.3465466.142.61995/9641.443.7554348.558.9422001/02*38.443.75139.947.154.1392004/05*31.8132.742.625.4236.14229Elementary (1 to 8)1990/911995/962001/02*2004/05*Year All Boys SC Boys ST Boys All Girls SC Girls ST Girls Total59.156.650.350.49* ProvisionalSource: GoI (2007). Selected Education StatisticsTable I Drop-out rates by gender and social group, India and UP59.156.650.350.4975.762.367.36565.161.757.751.2873.270.563.66082.271.272.767.142.642.13961.92UPPersons Males FemalesAllAllAllSCSCSCSTSTSTI-VI-VIIII-XI-VI-VIIII-XI-VI-VIIII-X9.7641.2543.0246.5456.772.5669.6229.6554.1820.1542.9939.6644.6250.516468.0528.7749.77(7.42)38.5348.3450.0766.9386.872.0330.8360.35Source: GoI (2007). Selected Education StatisticsINDIAPersons Males Females25.6748.861.6232.8655.1770.5739.7962.8778.5228.7148.6760.132.1153.6868.1640.2162.8878.0221.7748.9863.5633.8157.1273.7639.2962.8679.2152

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportTable J Basic information about the Lalitpur and Mirzapur districtsIndicators ( Census 2001)PopulationMalesFemalesSex Ratio0-6 PopulationSex Ratio 0-6SC PopulationST PopulationRural PopulationLiteracy RateMale LRFemale LROther information (Jan 2009, district NIC)TehsilsBlocksMunicipalitiesGram PanchayatsVillagesPrimary SchoolsMiddle SchoolsHigher Secondary collegesCollegesSource: Census of India, Government of India (2001)Lalitpur977,734519,413458,321882200,34993124.90%085.48%49.50%63.80%33.00%3613407541,129373293Mirzapur2,116,042897425,40592926.80%0.01%86.46%55.30%69.60%39.30%412375819661,6314561209Table K District-wise enrolment data (sample schools)CLASSESClasses 1-5Scheduled Caste Scheduled Muslim Handicapped OBC GeneralALL ENROLLED (Dalit)TribeMinorityBoys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls684546178139785512313833194031Classes 6-8572438155106877477532541726476Class 9445204116375079002801403916Class 1042219796283188002791303630Class 11293125100000202066DISTRICT MIRZAPURClasses 1-55615761752020046572133831600Classes 6-890810142422381359533259670979Class 94453689911200111200318236178Table L District-wise enrolment and attendance on the day of visitMIRZAPURPSUPS/GIC/HScChildren enrolled1,1372,742Girls enrolled5761385% girls50.6650.51Present on day of visit489% present4053.97LALITPURChildren enrolled1,2302,414Girls enrolled546847% girls42.8642.79Present on day of visit403326% present30.3950.9553

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONANNEX3Research ToolsSCHEDULES 1A TO 1C(OBSERVATION SCHEDULES)SCHEDULE 1 A:SCHOOL BASIC INFORMATION & OBSERVATION SHEET (PRIMARY /ELEMENTARY)NOTE: Exclusion manifests itself in many ways – it could be blatant or subtle – secondary literatureavailable on schools in India reveal that inclusion / exclusion are serious issues and children from somesocial goups / comunities experience discrimination in school. Equally gender discrimination is also presentin many schools. In order to capture this the research team has to reach the school at least 1 hour beforeit opens – before you interview teachers / community etc. Sit there and observe the school – who opens,who cleans / sweeps the school, who fills water, who cleans the toilets, who prepares the tea, who helpsthe cooks with the mid-day meal (including cutting vegetables, washing). Sit quietly and observe – notedown what you observe. This needs to be done in all the sample schools in order to capture blatant aswell as subtle manifestations of exclusion and discrimination.Name of the School, location:TeachersNumber of teachersRegular teachersPara-teachersHave had orientation / training on health /sanitationMaleFemaleClass 1Class 2Class 3Class 4Class 5TotalEnrolment – Class-wiseAnd Social Group-wiseAll enrolled SC ST Muslim Minority Handicapped OthersBoys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls54

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportAttendance In The Last 2Months (Specify The Months)All enrolled SC ST Muslim Minority Handicapped OthersBoys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys GirlsClass 1Class 2Class 3Class 4Class 5TotalAttendance In The Last 2 Months(Specify The Months)All enrolled SC ST Muslim Minority Handicapped OthersBoys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys GirlsClass 1Class 2Class 3Class 4Class 5TotalDrop-outs In Academic Year2007/08 – Take This From TheSchool RegisterClass 1Class 2Class 3Class 4Class 5TotalAll enrolled SC ST Muslim Minority Handicapped OthersBoys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys GirlsFacilitiesBuilding: (pucca, kucha, number of rooms, state of building)Play ground, adequate? Being used? Cleanliness.Water Related Observed information Facilities for students Facilities for teachersSource (Hand pump, piped water supply, shallow pond, open well)Force lift pumpStorage and use in school (pot, tank with taps)Waste water disposal (flows anywhere, proper channel)Soap available for washing handsContamination related observationWho cleans the water pots and glasses / who fills the waterWho sweeps / cleans the place around the hand-pump / tank etc55

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONCleanliness Yes / No Clean Poor cleanliness Very poor cleanlinessPlay groundKitchen for mid-day mealStorage of MDM materialFacilities for washing hands before MDMWho cleans / washes – support to cookToilets Boys Girls Teachers (M) Teachers (F)Number (student to toilet ratio)Type of toilet (flush, sulabh type, dry, only urinal)Location (specify where it is located)Safety & privacy (access, secure door)Is it disabled friendly?Whether it has water, distance from water sourceFacilities for washing handsIn useNot in useWho cleans the toiletsWho fills water etc…Facilities for disposal of sanitary napkins / ragsAny other observation…Open Defecation / Urination Related Boys Girls Teachers (M) Teachers (F)If there are no functioning toilets, where do they go?Is it inside the school?If no, where do they go for urination?Where do they go for defecation?Sewage / Solid Waste Disposal / Cleanliness Very hygenic Hygienic but not organized Poor hygiene Very poor hygieneOverall cleanliness of classroomsOverall cleanliness of surrounding areas (play area etc)Overall cleanliness of toiletsOverall cleanliness of water storage facilitiesWho sweeps the school / surroundingsGarbage disposalWho clears the garbageObservation During The Day Boys Girls Teachers (M) Teachers (F)Do children wash their hands after using toilet?Do children wash their hands before / after mid-day meal?Do they use soap?Do they use mud, ash or any other cleaning agent?Does the teacher supervise hand washing etc?56

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportSCHEDULE 1 B:SCHOOL: BASIC INFORMATION & OBSERVATION SHEET (HIGH SCHOOL /SECONDARY SCHOOL)NOTE: Exclusion manifests itself in many ways – it could be blatant or subtle – secondary literatureavailable on schools in India reveal that inclusion / exclusion are serious issues and children from somesocial goups / comunities experience discrimination in school. Equally gender discrimination is also presentin many schools. In order to capture this the research team has to reach the school at least 1 hour beforeit opens – before you interview teachers / community etc. Sit there and observe the school – who opens,who cleans / sweeps the school, who fills water, who cleans the toilets, who prepares the tea, who helpsthe cooks with the mid-day meal (including cutting vegetables, washing). Sit quietly and observe – notedown what you observe. This needs to be done in all the sample schools in order to capture blatant aswell as subtle manifestations of exclusion and discrimination.Name of the School, location:TeachersNumber of teachersRegular teachersPara-teachersHave had orientation / training on health /sanitationMaleFemaleEnrolment – Class-wiseAnd Social Group-wiseAll enrolledScheduledCaste (Dalit)Scheduled Tribe Muslim Minority HandicappedOther excludedgroupBoys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys GirlsClass 6Class 7Class 8Class 9Class 10TotalAttendance In The Last 2 Months(Specify The Months)All enrolledScheduledCaste (Dalit) Scheduled Tribe Muslim Minority HandicappedOther excludedgroupBoys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys GirlsClass 6Class 7Class 8Class 9Class 10TotalDrop Outs In Academic Year2007-08 – Take This From TheSchool RegisterAll enrolledScheduledCaste (Dalit) Scheduled Tribe Muslim Minority HandicappedOther excludedgroupBoys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys GirlsClass 6Class 7Class 8Class 9Class 10Total57

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONFacilitiesBuilding: (pucca, kucha, number of rooms, state of building)Play ground, adequate? Being used? Cleanliness.Water Related Observed information Facilities for students Facilities for teachersSource (Hand pump, piped water supply, shallow pond, open well)Storage and use in school (pot, tank with taps)Is the water quality good? Is it salty, brackish, dirty, smelly?Waste water disposal (flows anywhere, proper channel)Soap available for washing handsContamination related observationWho cleans the water pots and glasses / who fills the waterWho sweeps / cleans the place around the hand-punp / tank etcYes / No Clean Poor cleanliness Very poor cleanlinessPlay groundKitchen for mid-day mealWho cleans / washes – support to cookToilets Boys Girls Teachers (M) Teachers (F)Number (student to toilet ratio)Type of toilet (flush, sulabh type, dry, only urine)Location (specify where it is located)Safety (access, secure door)Is it disabled friendly?Whether it has water, distance from water sourceIn useNot in useWho cleans the toiletsWho fills water etc…Any other observation…Open Defecation / Urination Related Boys Girls Teachers (M) Teachers (F)If there are no functioning toilets where do they go?Is it inside the school?If no, where do they go for urination?Where do they go for defecation?Water Disposal / Cleanliness Very hygenic Hygenic but not organised Poor hygiene Very poor hygieneGarbage disposalOverall cleanliness of classroomsOverall cleanliness of surrounding areas (play area etc)Overall cleanliness of toiletsOverall cleanliness of water storage facilitiesFacilities for washing handsWho sweeps the school / surroundingsWho clears the garbage58

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportObservation During The Day Boys Girls Teachers (M) Teachers (F)Do children wash their hands after using toilet?Do children wash their hands before mid-day meal?Do they use soap?Do they use mud, ash or any other cleaning agent?Does the teacher supervise hand wasing etc?SCHEDULE 1 C:BASIC INFORMATION ON THE VILLAGE / PANCHAYATGet The Information From The Village Pradhan Or From The Panchayat.Name of the village / panchayat (specify)Get From Panchayat Or Else Take From 2001Census With A Projection For 2009 Male Female SC-M SC-F ST-M ST-F Min-M Min-F Other-M Other-FTotal population of the village (latest governmentinformation)Population 0–6 yearsPopulation 6–11 yearsPopulation 11–19 yearsSafe drinking waterIs the village / panchayat covered under any drinking water programme?If yes, are all habitations covered?Are any habitations left out?What is the main drinking water source in the village – list all of themVillagePanchayatSanitationIs the village / panchayat covered under any sanitation programme?If yes, give basic details of the programmeAre all habitations covered under the programme?If no, list the habitations / areas excludedRough estimate of the proportion of houses that have toiletsAre there any habitations / hamlets with no toilets?If yes, list the hamlets along with the social profile of people living in themVillagePanchayatSolid waste managementWhat is the mechanism for solid waste disposalAre all habitations covered under solid waste disposal system?If no, are any habitations left out?If yes, list the hamlets along with the social profile of people living in themVillagePanchayatSewage water and drainageIs there a drainage system?For rain waterFor liquid waste disposalAre all habitations covered?If no, are any habitations left out?If yes, list the hamlets along with the social profile of people living in themVillagePanchayat59

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONSCHEDULE 2:SEMI STRUCTURED INTERVIEW (IN-DEPTH)Notes For The Researchers:With Head Teacher, One Teacher In School (Handling Watsan), One Woman Teacher, One MoreTeacher – In A GroupTake At Least 1 Hour To Conduct The InterviewInstead Of Individual Interview With Head Teacher, You Could Request Few Teachers To Join HeadTeacher When This Semi-structured Interview Is Being Administered.Questions to ask / exploreGeneral / IntroductoryCategoriesRemarks12345678910111213141516171819202122232425NameAgeCaste / communityWhat are your responsibilitiesQualificationAre you a regular teacher, contract teacher or parateacher?Attendance / Drop Out RelatedAre all children regular? If no, who are not regular?Explore if any specific category of children are not regular, & are often absentDo you notice any difference between boys and girls?Are children from any specific social group, community, location (residence) more prone tobeing absent?Do you notice any difference between pre-pubescent girls and those who have attainedpuberty? (Explore if girls absent themseves during menstrual periods, specific illness thatmay be linked to water & sanitation)How many boys / girls have dropped out this academic year?What are the reasons for them dropping out? (In particular explore if girls have dropped outafter menarchy. Also explore if some students dropped out due to severe illness – especiallycomunicable diseases that are caused by poor sanitation and unsafe drinking water)Has your school made any efforts to improve attendance? If yes, what? Explore if there isa Meena Manch for girls and what the activities of the manch are. Explore if there are anyforums for post-puberty girls to come together with a lady teacher to share problems andalso manage their periods while in school.Water RelatedWhat is the drinking water source in your school?Do children drink water from the source or is the water stored?How is the water stored?Who fills the water?When was it last cleaned?How was it cleaned?If there is a handpump, do you have any provision to dispose waste water?Has your school received any funds for drinking water facilities?Are there facilities for children to wash their hands after they use the toilet?Are there facilities for children to wash their hands before they have their meal?Is soap provided by the school?MaleFemaleSupervisionClasses teachingMid-day MealWATSAN relatedAdministrativeOthers dutiesNote down the response in detail.Note down the response in detail.60

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country Report26272829303132333435363738394041424344454647484950515253545556575859606162636465If no, then what do children use to wash their hands?Do you have a budget for repair, maintenance and cleanliness of water source / waterstorage facilities, dispensers etc?Toilet RelatedAre there adequate toilets for students and teachers?What is the source of water?Who fills the water (in case it is a tank / pot kept in the toilet)?Do girls use the toilet?Do boys use the toilet?What is the mechanism for disposal of sanitary napkin or sanitary rag in the toilet?If there are no functioning toilets for girls / women teachers – where do they go?Haw far is it from the school?If there are no functioning toilets for boys / male teachers – where do they go?Haw far is it from the school?Do you think having a functioning toilet makes a difference?If yes, what difference does it make?Is there a difference between boys / girls in this regard?Are there any specific government / sponsored programmes in you school (to improvewater / sanitation)Are the toilets safe to use – especially for young children, girls (explore each seperately)Do you have a budget for repair, maintenance, cleanliness of toilets?Who cleans the classrooms?How frequently are they cleaned?What is the system for cleaning the toilets?How frequently are they cleaned?Who sweeps the play ground?How frequently is it swept?Prevalent PracticesDo children wash their hands after going to the toilet?Do children wash their hands before they have their meal?Do you notice any differences among children – specific to gender, social group, age etc?Do you check the nails and hair of children? If yes, how frequently?Do you talk to children about personal hygiene? If yes, when, where and how frequently?(Explore this specific to girls during their menstrual periods)Do you talk to children about environmental hygiene? If yes, when, where and howfrequently?Watsan Committee / Children's Forum (Maybe The SMC Itself Does This Work)Is there any water / sanitation committee in the school?If yes, when was it constituted?Who are the members?Who is the convenor?What are the responsibilities of the committee?How frequently does it meet?What, according to you are the main accomplishments of the committee in the last one year?Can you tell us about one or two notable activities of the committee?Is there a Meena Manch for girls in the school / village or are the any other forums forchildren (Bal Panchayat etc.)Explore – open ended, if water and sanitation facilities – their presence / absence affectschildren's attendance / retention. In particular explore if it makes a difference to girls. Alsotalk about whether specific groups of children are affected more than others. End theinterview after a general discussion and ask if the teacher / Head Teacher would like toshare any other thoughts / experiences on the issues discussed.Note down the response in detail.School committee (adults)Children’s forum/ panchayat /Meena Manch61

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONSCHEDULES 3A to 3F:FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSIONSNOTE FOR RESEARCHERS: Make sure there are between 10 to 15 (maximum) in a FGD group. Sit ina circle and introduce the research team and tell them what you are doing in the village and why youwould like to speak to this group. Start with some warming up exercise and make sure everyone isrelaxed.SCHEDULE 3 A:FGD WITH ADOLESCENT GIRLS IN SCHOOL(to be conducted only by female investigators)NOT MORE THAN 15 GIRLS IN EACH GROUPQUESTIONS TO EXPLORE – DO NOT PROMPT – LET THEM RESPONDOpening remarks on why we are here and why we would like to speak to adolescent girls. Start with ageneral discussion on schools and those who remain in school till they finish and those who drop out.This warm up discussion may help us capture issues that may not be in the questions below. Please addspecific questions if you come across any important issue.Start with general discussion about the school and what they enjoy in school, what they like best abouttheir school – ensure this is a fun-filled opening session and make sure the students are relaxed. Ifnecessary play some warming up games.Then go on to what it is like being in the school the whole day – do they get hungry, tired and what is it thatthey do not like about their school. Again, reassure the students that this is for general information andthat confidentiality is assured.12345678910111213141516171819Do girls face any specific problem in school – something that is specific to girls?What do you do when you are thirsty and need to drink water?Are you aware of what is ‘safe water’ and what is not?Is the water safe to drink?Is the water quality good? Is it salty, brackish, dirty, smelly?Do you – as students – have a role in maintaining, cleaning, filling water? If yes, what is your role?Are there facilities to wash hands – water, soap, ash, etc?Are there functioning toilets in your school?Is yes – is it safe to use? Is it clean?Who cleans the toilets? Who clears the garbage from the toilet?What is the source of water for the toilets?What do you do when you have your monthly periods? Can you use the toilets during your periods? Is there sufficient water and soap to wash,place to dispose sanitary pads / rags? Do you face any specific problem using the toilets during periods?Do some girls stay at home?Do you know of any girl who was pulled out or dropped out of school after she attained puberty?If yes, why were the girls pulled out / dropped out?Have you had any lessons / workshops on hygiene (especially menstrual hygiene)?Is there any programme in your village / Panchayat to improve the sanitation situation?Is there a Meena Manch in your village? If so what does this forum do?If yes, can you tell us about the programme?62

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportSCHEDULE 3 B:FGD WITH ADOLESCENT GIRLS WHO ARE OUT OF SCHOOL(to be conducted only by female investigators)NOT MORE THAN 15 GIRLS IN EACH GROUPQUESTIONS TO EXPLORE – DO NOT PROMPT – LET THEM RESPONDOpening remarks on why we are here and why we would like to speak to adolescent girls. Start with ageneral discussion on schools and those who remain in school till they finish and those who drop out.This warm-up discussion may help us capture issues that may not be in the questions below. Add specificquestions if you come across any important issue.Start with general discussion about schooling – why some children / adolescents continue and why somedrop out. Ensure this is a fun-filled opening session and make sure the students are relaxed. If necessaryplay some warming up games.Then go on to what it would be like being in the school the whole day – do students get hungry, tired andwhat is it that they did not like about their school (when they were enrolled). Again, reassure the studentsthat this is for general information and that confidentiality is assured.1234567891011121314Do girls face any specific problem in school – something that is specific to girls? Check why they dropped out.Were toilet facilities an important issue when you were in school?If yes, were they important for girls?Do you know of any girl who was pulled out or dropped out of school after she attained puberty? Can you all – one by one – tell us when andwhy you dropped out of school. Explore if the reasons include discrimination in school, puberty related.Why do girls drop out or are pulled out of school? Explore various causes of girls dropping out and whether they are related to water / sanitationissues, puberty related issues or any other issue that may be caused by discriminatory practices in schoolDid it have anything to do with availability of toilets?Did it have anything to do with access to sanitary napkins / sanitary rags?Do you think the school could have done something to retain them in school?Do you have proper sanitation / toilet facilities at your home / locality?If no, how do you deal with the calls of nature?If no, how do you manage during your periods?Is there any programme in your village / Panchayat to improve the sanitation situation?Is there a Meena Manch in your village, if yes, what does this Manch do?If yes, can you tell us about the programme?SCHEDULE 3 C:FGD WITH ADOLESCENT BOYS IN SCHOOLNOT MORE THAN 15 BOYS IN EACH GROUPQUESTIONS TO EXPLORE – DO NOT PROMPT – LET THEM RESPONDOpening remarks on why we are here and why we would like to speak to adolescent boys. Start with ageneral discussion on schools and those who remain in school till they finish and those who drop out.This warm-up discussion may help us capture issues that may not be in the questions below. Please addspecific questions if you come across any important issue.Start with general discussion about the school and what they enjoy in school, what they like best abouttheir school – ensure this is a fun-filled opening session and make sure the students are relaxed. Ifnecessary play some warming up games.63

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONThen go on to what it is like being in the school the whole day – do they get hungry, tired and what is it thatthey do not like about their school. Again, reassure the students that this is for general information andthat confidentiality is assured.123456789101112131415161718Do boys face any specific problem in school – something that is specific to boys (and not girls)?What do you do when you are thirsty and need to drink water?Are you aware of what is ‘safe water’ and what is not?Is the water safe to drink?Is the water quality good? Is it salty, brackish, dirty, smelly?Do you – as students – have a role in maintaining, cleaning, filling water? If yes, what is your role?Are there functioning toilets in your school?If no, where do you go when you need to use the toilet?Do you wash your hands after using the toilet? Or after you go out in the open?Is there any soap, ash, mud or any cleaning agent in your school?Are the toilets safe to use – for small children, for girls?Who cleans the toilets?What is the source of water for the toilets?Do you know of any girl who was pulled out or dropped out of school after she attained puberty?If yes, why were the girls pulled out / dropped out? Have any of your sisters dropped out from school? Why did they drop out or were they pulledout? Explore any water, sanitation, puberty related issues.Have you had any lessons / workshops on personal hygiene?Is there any programme in your village / Panchayat to improve the sanitation situation?If yes, can you tell us about the programme?SCHEDULE 3 D:FGD WITH ADOLESCENT BOYS OUT OF SCHOOLQUESTIONS TO EXPLORE – DO NOT PROMPT – LET THEM RESPONDNOT MORE THAN 15 BOYS IN EACH GROUPStart with a general discussion on schools and those who remain in school till they finish and those whodrop out. This warm-up discussion may help us capture issues that may not be in the questions below.Please add specific questions if you come across any important issue.Opening remarks on why we are here and why we would like to speak to adolescent boys.Start with general discussion about schooling – why some children / adolescents continue and why somedrop out. Ensure this is a fun-filled opening session and make sure the students are relaxed. If necessaryplay some warming up games.Then go on to what it would be like being in the school the whole day – do students get hungry, tired andwhat is it that they did not like about their school (when they were enrolled). Again, reassure the studentsthat this is for general information and that confidentiality is assured.12345678910Do boys face any specific problem in school – something that is specific to boys? Have any boys dropped out because of specific problems / issues?Were safe drinking water and toilet facilities an important issue when you were in school?Where do you get drinking water from? Is it clean?Do you have proper sanitation / toilet facilities at your home / locality?If no, how do you deal with the calls of nature?Do you know of any girl who was pulled out or dropped out of school after she attained puberty?If yes, why were the girls pulled out / dropped out? Have any of your sisters dropped out from school? Why did they drop out or were they pulled out?Explore any water, sanitation, puberty related issues.Did it have anything to do with availability of toilets?Is there any programme in your village / Panchayat to improve the sanitation situation?If yes, can you tell us about the programme?64

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportSCHEDULE 3 E:FGD WITH VILLAGE EDUCATION + WATSAN COMMITTEEQUESTIONS TO EXPLORE – DO NOT PROMPT – LET THEM RESPONDNOT MORE THAN 15 PERSONS IN EACH GROUPOpening remarks on why we are here and why we would like to speak to VEC / SMC / Watsan committee.Start with a general discussion on schools and those who remain in school till they finish and those whodrop out. This warm up discussion may help us capture issues that may not be in the questions below.Please add specific questions if you come across any important issue.123456789101112131415Do children in your school have access to safe drinking water?Are there any issues with respect to the safety of water (arsenic, brackishness, salty etc)Does the school have a dedicated water source? Who installed it?Who cleans the school and the surrounding area?Is there any system for solid waste disposal?Let us now come to toilets – does your school have toilet facilities for boys, girls, male and female teachers?Is it being used? Explore water availability, safety, cleanliness issues (one by one, gently)Is there any programme in your village / Panchayat to improve the school sanitation situation?What is it – can you tell us about it?Do you know of any girl who was pulled out or dropped out of school after she attained puberty?If yes, why were the girls pulled out / dropped out? Did it have anything to do with toilets?What is the role of your committee? SEC? WATSAN? Depending on the committee that you find in the village.What has the committee done in the last one year?Does the Panchayat have a programme for water and sanitation?If yes, what is it and what is the budgetary allocation during this year?SCHEDULE 3 F:FGD IN THE MOST DEPRIVED HABITATION OF THE VILLAGEDO NOT PROMPT – LET THEM RESPONDNOT MORE THAN 15 PERSONS IN EACH GROUPOpening remarks on why we are here and why we would like to speak to them; assure them of completeconfidentiality123456789101112131415Do children in your school have access to safe drinking water?Are there any issues with respect to the safety of water (arsenic, brackishness, salty etc)Does the school have a dedicated water source? Who installed it?Who cleans the school and the surrounding area?Is there any system for solid waste disposal?Let us now come to toilets – does your school have toilet facilities for boys, girls, male and female teachers?Is it being used? Explore water availability, safety, cleanliness issues (one by one, gently)Is there any programme in your village / Panchayat to improve the school sanitation situation?What is it – can you tell us about it?Do you know of any girl who was pulled out or dropped out of school after she attained puberty? Have any of your daughters dropped out fromschool? Why did they drop out or were they pulled out?Does this have anything to do with the water and sanitation facilities in school?Do children from some socio-economic group face more problems than others in the school? Have you noticed any obvious discriminationagainst children from specific social groups / parental occupation / illness / disease?If yes, can you share any specific instances / examples of discrimination or obvious disadvantage?Are children in your hamlet comfortable in school?If no, can you please elaborate – with examples (assure confidentiality)65

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONSCHEDULE 4STRUCTURED ACTIVITIES WITH CHILDREN IN CLASSES 3, 5, 6 AND 7FOR CLASS 3 – BOYS AND GIRLS TOGETHERMAKE SURE THERE ARE NOT MORE THAN 15 CHILDREN IN ONE GROUPMAXIMUM TIME 35–40 MINUTES WITH CLASS 3 CHILDRENAsk the children to form a circle, hold hands (example, may be changed)Start with some games – like ‘fire in the mountain, Run! Run! Run!’ – use a Hindi version of thisWhen you stop the music – ask children to form groups of 3, then 5 and then 4Let the children relax and enjoy the gameStart with what we do from morning to evening – from getting up in the morning … This has to be done in a funmanner so that children relax and talk about all kinds of things …Introduce water …Facilitator pretends to be a child in school – I am thirsty, I am thirsty! – I need water.Go towards one group of children and ask – where do I get water to drink?Then pretend to go to the ‘source’Kya, is mein pani hai? Is there any water here?Ask the children? Ask those who say there is water to come into blue circle (drawn with chalk) and those whosay there is no water into the white circle (drawn with chalk). Note down numbers in each circleKya har samai is mein pani hota hai? Does this always have water?Ask the children. Ask those who say there is water all the time into blue circle (drawn with chalk) and thosewho say there is no water into the white circle (drawn with chalk). Note down numbers in each circleChalo – pani ke bare mein bath karte hain (let’s talk about water)Kya ye pani saaf hai? Yes in Blue circle and No in White circle? Note down numbers in each circleAareeee – Su Su aiyee hai (want to go to the loo)Repeat the same game – ask the children where is the toilet? Note down numbers in each circleRun out and look for it and come back … children may laugh…Now explore practices:Hand washing after using the toilet.Hand washing before eating mid-day meal.After this, get the children to sit in a circle …Now talk to them (raising hands)Who cleans the classrooms?Who cleans the water pump area?Who cleans the pot where water is stored?Who cleans the toilet?Use local language and creative games to get them to tell you who does what …66

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportFOR CLASS 5, 6, 7 – BOYS AND GIRLS SEPARATELYMAKE SURE THERE ARE NOT MORE THAN 10 CHILDREN IN ONE GROUPMAXIMUM TIME 35–40 MINUTES WITH CLASS 5 CHILDRENIssues to explore – through games:Same format as above – the game can be pitched at a slightly higher level for 11–12 year old children.Practices with respct to drinking water storage / useHand washingToilet facilitiesSafety of toilets – it is safe to goTalk to boys and girls separatelyChanges that we have seen in the school in the last 2 years (since they were in 3rd standard – thisis very important in schools covered under SSHE or any other school sanitation programme) – use thehistory time line method to get children to talk about how the school has changed.FOR CLASS 5, 6, 7 – BOYS AND GIRLS SEPARATELYMAKE SURE THERE ARE NOT MORE THAN 10 CHILDREN IN ONE GROUPMAXIMUM TIME 35–40 MINUTES WITH CLASS 5 CHILDRENAs they are older children – we can organize a more structured activity to explore the same issues.Organize the students in groups of 5 and give them one question / topic to discuss mong themselves – give2 topics to each groupAsk them to present through drawing / charts – followed by a group discussionOrganize discussion / drawing around four themes:Water – source, safety, disposal, hygieneToilets – usability, safety, cleanliness (who cleans)Menstrual Hygiene – for girls and linked issues (if privacy can be ensured)Inclusion / exclusion related issues – do all children have equal access, equal responsibility? Are somechildren / students exempted from cleaning duties?67

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONSCHEDULE 5Semi-structured Interviews5AANM/ASHA/LMP or health service provider5BLocal Health Service Provider5CWomen's group Leader5DPradhan / village headUSE SAME QUESTIONNAIRE FOR ALL 5No.Questions to exploreCategoriesObservation –record theresponse in detail12345678910111213141516NameAge and educational levelSocial group / communityWhat post do you hold in the village / panchayat? (if any)What services do you provide?Are there any formal community forums for health, water and sanitation, education?What are the most common illnesses among children / adolescents in the village. List themAccording to you / in your opinion are the above illness / ailments linked to:Are there any severely malnourished children in the village?Are there any children with disability in the village?How many and what is the nature of disability?Do you think availability / non-availability of toilets in school has an impact on enrolment,retention, drop out. Do they make a difference to girls? To boys? Older girls? Older boys?(Do not prompt)Are there any special programmes / provisions for school level health, sanitation and water?If yes, what are they?Is there any appreciable change in the health status of children in the last five years? If yes,can you attribute them to any specific change / development in the village?Do you know of any school / village where there is a really good WATSAN programme thathas made a huge difference. If yes, can you give us the name of the school and also whyyou think it is a good practice.MaleFemaleInformation and communicationHealth educationHealth care serviceOthers (specify)ListNutritionWaterToiletsDrainageGarbage disposalHousehold occupationHousingAny other (Specify)Do not prompt answers – leave itopen-ended.CoughColdFeverPolioDiarrhoeaRespiratory illnessWormsMalariaMeaslesSkin problems – boils, etc.Others (specify)Others (specify)68

4 ANNEXCase StudiesOvercoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportCase 1Best practice: From school to villageKhanjadipurKhanjadipur is a Nirmal Gram located in Rajgarh block of Mirzapur district, which comes under the TotalSanitation Campaign (TSC) launched in 2000/01, under the department of Panchayati Raj in collaborationwith UNICEF. The village has a population of 1,750, of which the majority is OBC, followed by SCs. Thepradhan, a lady, Nitu Singh, is represented by her husband, who plays an active role in village governancewith special commitment to sanitation and village development – thus he is referred to as Pradhan Pati(Pradhan’s Husband).A tour of the village presents an overall positive picture: closed drains, well-used garbage bins, handpumps with platforms and proper drainage for waste water, enclosed bathing shelters for women, publicurinals for men, and clean, litter-free village roads.The small but well contained primary school is located on the main road, across which was located theupper primary school. At the primary school, the toilets for both boys and girls were child friendly indesign, including those for the 3–5 year old Anganwadi children. However, accessibility to them for childrenwith disabilities was a problem.The school toilet was clean and appeared well used. There was sweeper who came in weekly, butchildren maintained the cleanliness over the week. The toilet usage and cleaning habits of children werealso evident in their homes, as witnessed during the village visit.The water facility was via a force lift hand pump which supplied clean potable water to washbasins whichhad taps for hand washing. As an alternative, a submersible pump was linked to the hand pump, whichchildren knew how to operate to fill up the tank; children, both boys and girls, were checking the overheadtank to see it was full. The drain from the hand pump platform was linked to the covered drain of the village.A garbage bin was located at the rear end of the school – the children dumped their daily litter in it, andthis was cleaned by the sweeper once a week.The handwashing practices after toilet use, and before/after meals, and even after cleaning up the campus,were observed. These practices have been transferred by the children to their families, as they haveeducated their siblings and parents, and often do the cleaning themselves too.They have a committee to organize the MDM, seating arrangements during the meals, and cleaning upafter the meal. No gender/caste-based segregation is visible in classroom practices; nor between havesand have-nots since all homes had toilets and were using them.69

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONChildren are aware of scabies, and segregated those children who appeared to be affected by this disease.They are aware about various sources of potable water, difference between clean and dirty water, harmfuleffects of using dirty water, benefits of using toilets, etc.The upper primary school has one hand pump; its water is not being used for drinking, but only for toiletusage. Drinking water is accessed from the primary school and stored in a container. The toilets and theurinals for boys are being used. The girls’ toilet stays locked for purposes of tracking by the teachers asto who is using it and when. The overhead tank, supplied with water via a submersible pump, often doesnot fill up due to shortage of electricity. Children often have to fetch water in buckets from the hand pumpfor the teachers’ usage.There is no disposal facility for sanitary towels in the toilets or school, though the lady teacher wasstocking sanitary towels.There is a ‘sanitation corner’ being used by children. Dustbins have been fabricated by the children, andthey are using these in the classes.Neither the toilets nor the school have ramps for two children with disability (a boy and a girl in Classes 6and 7 respectively).Gender segregation is evident with respect to cleaning responsibilities of girls and boys, and while eatingthe meals – girls sit separately in the school verandah. The boys were responsible for opening andlocking the classrooms, but school cleaning activities were shared equally by boys and girls. Children inboth the primary school and upper primary school remain clean and presentable, with nails pared andhair combed: this shows that the children’s club is active and conscious about personal hygiene mattersrelating to children.The community is aware of sanitation in the village and also supports school sanitation programmes.Each of the areas is clean and devoid of garbage, litter and cattle excreta. The village hand pumps areused for water collection, and not for public bathing; their drainage is connected to the closed drainagesystem of the village. A sweeper comes once in a week, and collects the garbage from bins and burns it.Sanitation practices and toilet usage are monitored by the village committee, the pradhan, the women’sself help group (SHG), the children, and the vigilant youth. Sanitation is a major agenda item in thevillage, so it is included in their discussions, is practised and monitored. Children share information withparents about toilet cleaning (with a brush and toilet cleaner), so they are well informed how to maintainand clean their toilets.Open defecation is something all villagers are against. There is close monitoring of this by people whouse torches at night and early morning to discourage violators. The village youth are particularly active inthis regard. The best advocacy for this village is provided by a young man who does wall paintings, as healso visits other villages in the area for this purpose. He calls on people to come to his village and see theimpact of total sanitation – ‘Hamare gaon me aao aur dekho (come and see our village).’However, a few years ago Khanjadipur was different. There was no system for garbage disposal in thevillage, including lack of a system for disposal of sanitary towels, which were buried in fields by girls andwomen then.There were instances of drop-outs reported by out-of-school adolescents – drop-out of boys was mainlydue to economic reasons and a few girls were married off, thus they left schooling.70

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportThe boys mention that earlier there was discrimination in the seating arrangements between OBC andSC children in school and also there was not as much monitoring of sanitary practices in the village asthere is today.This village has been able to sustain its practices for sanitation and hygiene in the community and theschool due to awareness, education and involvement of community members in the effort. The schooland the children have no doubt been the pivots of learning and practices, but the positives have beentransferred to the homes and community. Apart from this, the facilitating infrastructure – drains, garbagebins, roads and water availability, along with the presence of a sweeper in the village – have made adifference.Along with the services, demography of the village has been a crucial factor impacting upon theeffectiveness of efforts made. There are mainly two caste groups residing in the village and there isevidently not much caste and social conflict to divide people for developing an identity of a clean andsanitary village. The agency of the pradhan too is critical in making people aware and educated aboutsanitation and for providing the infrastructure and spending funds allocated for its construction andmaintenance.Case 2A model showcase school contrasted with low level of community practiceNuaonThe Nuaon Primary School in Rajgarh Block of Mirzapur district is a showcase school, under the TotalSanitation Campaign of Uttar Pradesh.The very active village pradhan is a practising doctor, and he has been able to convert his village into aNirmal Gram. There are three schools – two primary and one upper primary – in this large village ofpredominantly OBC households (approximately 82% of the total village population). There are someMuslim families in the village who live in a segregated area outside the village, and some SC familiesliving at the periphery.Upon entering one primary school one is impressed by the well organized and maintained campus aswell as the school’s sanitation facilities. The sanitation facilities are more than adequate for the smallschool (122 children). There are separate toilet units for boys, girls and teachers, and three extra ones forguests. They are well maintained by the children as are the other facilities like the playground, the diningshed area, wash basins, a clean driveway, with adequate water supply. The handwashing facility is nearthe kitchen, with wash basins and soap which children are seen to be using. Drinking water is stored in atank which is filled daily via a submersible pump and cleaned once a month by the children.The students have formed teams for cleaning the premises and toilets (with brushes and toilet cleaningchemicals, commonly referred to as Harpic). At times, children even clean the guest toilets (much to theirdislike). Children also help to maintain the flower beds, and sweep the classrooms as well. All toilets havea step, so sadly they are not disabled-friendly. There is ample water supply for cleaning and usage duringschool hours. The playground has been covered with gravel so it does not really require sweeping,though dried leaves from the trees have to be picked up – which the boys do.There is a covered dining area with cement benches and tiled cement tables used for serving the MDM,where all children eat together. After the meal is over, the boys hose down the tables and seats, and wipethem clean. The children clean their own plates at the hand pump. This dining shed is a product of thepradhan’s creative efforts and is seen as a novelty in the entire state. Some of the community membershave also made financial contributions to the cause.71

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONSome children do not like cleaning the toilets, and they spoke about it in focus group discussions. A fewparents also do not like the idea of their children cleaning the toilets – whether OBC or even SC. One SCgirl did not participate in toilet cleaning and was supported by the teacher saying that she is weak instudies hence is kept away from other responsibilities.The school premises are occasionally let out in the evenings for marriages. After such events, the childrenare unfortunately made to clean the guest toilets, which is why parents object to their children cleaningtoilets and the campus.The students are familiar with environmental issues through the active Bal Sansad 30 which is alsoresponsible for the cleaning of the school and maintenance of the plants and flower beds. The communitysweeper only comes once in once a week to the village – he also cleans the toilets and the empties theschool garbage dump.This school is the subject of envy around the area because it is so well maintained. The school is a goodpractice school in terms of adequacy of infrastructure and maintenance, because of the personal interestof the pradhan. However, there is a total lack of ownership of school teachers in respect of its maintenanceand upkeep – which appears to be high on the agenda of the pradhan.However, the upper primary school and the second primary school do not have the same status as theydo not get similar attention from the pradhan. The former does have a sanitation unit with an incineratorand a force lift hand pump, as well as dustbins on the campus. The sanitation facilities are well used andmaintained by the children. However, the toilet is not user friendly in its approach and the usage for thetwo physically challenged students. Even the campus is not well maintained as there is no boundary wall,and it is often misused by the neighbouring households, whose cattle and goats eat up the plants andmess up the grounds. The pradhan has yet to take an initiative to facilitate inputs for the upper primaryschool. Despite this, the school’s academic performance is good, as the teachers are devoted. Theyposed a challenge to a private school in the village, which finally had to close as the children shifted fromthere to this upper primary school. The same cannot be said for the primary school, even though it is amodel school in terms of infrastructure.The second primary school too is in an area where mostly SC children attend, located across a nearbyriver, which is difficult to cross in the monsoon. This primary school has only basic facilities as visitingofficials hardly ever cross the river or go across to the school. This hamlet is difficult to access – a fewchildren have even fallen in the river due to lack of a proper bridge. It is dirty, with garbage dumped allaround, and insufficient hand pumps for drinking water which even dry up in summer. People have to usedirty river water (it is near a cement factory) for washing and bathing. Toilets do exist but they not beingused well as people are still uncomfortable using them.Women and girls bury their soiled sanitary towels/menstrual rags in fields – a practice to which somevillagers object. The community reported to our team that some young children were actually sent homewhen they wanted to use the toilet as there was no one in the school to help them; or else, mothers weresummoned to the school.The area where the Muslims live is segregated – outside the main village. They do not have properfacilities – there is only one hand pump maintained by the community. Toilets (without doors) are usedonly either at night, or during the monsoons, to ensure that the pits do not fill up fast. People prefer todefecate in the fields (where they use only a small mug of water) rather than flush the toilet with a bucketof water and then wash it with another bucket of water.30A Bal Sansad is the children’s ‘parliament’ in school.72

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportNuaon Primary school is a showcase model school, located in a setting where the main village is saturatedwith toilets, with marginalized communities excluded in terms of basic facilities and quality of services fordrinking water, roads and drains, connectivity and access to health services. Apart from the main area ofthe village (where the pradhan stays), the rest of the village and the peripheral areas remain dirty, havepoor drainage and lack hand pumps for drinking water. The link between school sanitation and practiceswithin the community is yet to be established even though people know that the school has sanitationfacilities which children use. Community awareness and education about sanitation is the missing link inthis Nirmal Gram. Clearly all the efforts are stemming out of the pradhan’s efforts and are not percolatingdown to the larger community. If and when the pradhan changes, the school may not receive the emphasisfor maintenance. The teachers are detached and the community ownership is still to be established.Case 3Menstrual hygiene: Traditional beliefs and common practicesTraditional beliefs and practices regarding menstruation and disposal of menstrual cloths are prevalentamong the community in most of the sites visited in both Mirzapur and Lalitpur Districts. These wereshared by the out-of-school and in-school adolescent girls and even the women in the community. Inseveral villages, girls and women bury their used sanitary towels/cloths/rags in pits in the fields. In someother villages, the soiled cloth/rag is washed and re-used; at the end of the cycle, this is burnt by an olderwoman of the household (say, the grandmother or an old aunt) who has already attained menopause.They believe that the fertility of young girls or women gets adversely affected if they burn their usedsanitary towels themselves. Girls are also instructed not to leave their sanitary towels exposed, or dumpthem in the garbage, as it would be sinful to allow stray cattle to chew on these.Wherever incinerators have been added to the school toilets (e.g. Jamuhar Upper Primary School, NuaonUpper Primary School, Ganguara Upper Primary School), field teams report that these are either rarelyused, or are even redundant – perhaps such beliefs related to menstrual hygiene significantly contributeto this. Lack of knowledge on what these were meant for has further added to the neglect of incinerators.None of the upper primary school and secondary schools had dustbins in the toilets for disposal ofsanitary towels, etc. Disposal of soiled napkins/rags by girls is hence a major issue in schools.As the sanitation facilities are extremely poor in some secondary schools visited by the teams, theadolescent girls routinely absent themselves for 3–4 days during their menstrual cycle. Lack of privacy/facilities for changing, and non-availability of water nearby or in the toilets adds to their ordeal.In those schools where there is no availability of water in toilets, Muslim girls do not use them at all. Thisis because traditionally they are required to use water to clean themselves every time they use thefacilities.The 87 residents of the Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya 31 located in Mirchwara Upper Primary Schoolbathe at one hand pump – in the open. They have no toilet facilities currently as the two toilets providedfor them are choked: due to ignorance/lack of guidance, soiled menstrual rags have been disposed inthem. In groups, the girls jump across the camp’s boundary walls in the morning to defecate in theadjoining fields. Since the authorities have not provided sanitary towels/napkins, they use torn sheets orsome other pieces of cloth which they have brought from home, instead of napkins. There is a hugeproblem regarding disposal of soiled rags; there is no designated place for disposal on their campus.Many of the girls reported urinary tract infections, but no medical assistance is provided by their warden31Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas are government-run short term residential camps (often located in school compounds) foradolescent girls from deprived social groups.73

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONfor regular check-ups or treatment. Many of the adolescent girls, both in and outside schools, reportedlyhave gynaecological problems. All of these girls have very little information regarding puberty and displayedthe urge and need for this.Case 4Midday meals: Discrimination in schoolsCooking and sharing of meals in schools is a major issue of contention across India, as this is governedby traditional customs and practices as a result of age-old rules defining caste hierarchies.In a few schools, discrimination was not overt – either because the children were eating meals cooked byOBC cooks (and not cooks from the SC strata), or since the majority of the children were either from thesame community or from the SC community itself. 32 Even though the children were conscious of castedifferences amongst them (Kolan, other SCs and OBC sub-groups), they did not articulate their views –perhaps under pressure from their teachers. But what was visible in the Raipuria Primary School was thatsome children, both boys and girls (from OBC and SC), did not eat the MDM at all – saying that eitherthere was not enough food, or it was not cooked well.In Lalitpur, particularly in three schools where children from forward castes were also studying, casteissues were indeed dominant vis-à-vis MDM. In the Andhyari Upper Primary School, the upper classOBC and forward caste Thakur children did not eat the MDM provided by the school; the other childrencarried their MDM home since there was ‘no water to wash their plates’. Similarly in Manguan UpperPrimary School, many children did accept the meal in their plates, but threw it outside the class window,saying it was ‘badly cooked and had worms’. 33 Though the boys were particular in maintaining castehierarchy amongst themselves, this was not evident with respect to their teachers: they said, ‘woh todevata samaan hai (they are divine hence caste distinctions cannot apply to them).’ The girls in theschool also subscribed to untouchability with respect to water from the hand pump. Since the hand pumpin the school was being used by the SC/ST children, the higher caste girls drew water for themselves, asalso for their teachers, from a hand pump outside the school compound.Children of neighbouring villages carried their tiffin 34 boxes, but some of the local Thakur and Brahmin(FC) children went home for meals. 35In Dailwara Primary School, all children carried drinking water from home in their own bottles as the handpump water was not potable at all.After the MDM was served, SC/ST children were often found huddled together while eating the meal.In Dailwara and Gangaura Upper Primary Schools, only girl students were found serving the MDM,though in all other schools the cooks themselves served the meal to the children. Also in Dailwara UpperPrimary School girls were required to assist in making chappatis. 36 In many schools, particularly UpperPrimary Schools, gender segregated seating at mealtime was clearly visible, though in two schools (RaipuriaPrimary School and Gangaura Primary School) children were seated class-wise for their MDM.32This was particularly evident in Mirzapur district.33The researchers actually observed a pile of cooked rice under the window of one of the classrooms.34Tiffin refers to a snack which children often bring from home for consumption during the lunch break.35Boys were barred from leaving the school premises during lunch break as very often they simply do not return to school afterlunch.36Chappati is flat Indian bread.74

Overcoming Exclusion and Discrimination in South AsiaIndia Country ReportAs regards handwashing and cleanliness at meal times, children of all schools were observed to begenerally washing their hands before the meal. Washing hands before meals with soap was, however,not found to be the prevalent practice in any of the schools excepting one. The facility for handwashingwith running water was available for children in four schools of Mirzapur. The existing facility in one villagewas lying unused as the availability of water from the overhead tank was erratic. Since a large number ofchildren had to hence use the hand pump for washing their hands/plates, the area around the pumpbecame slushy and messy. In a model case, at Nuaon Primary School, the children had a covered diningshed, with tables and benches constructed out of concrete and ceramic tiles; the entire area was cleanedby water hoses both before and after the MDM by the children as there was running water facility. In twoother schools, children were seen cleaning the dining area and spreading their mats for seating on thefloor close to the kitchen, before and after MDM. But sadly, in two schools (Jakhaura Primary School andGangaura Upper Primary School), food was being cooked just outside the toilets. In every school, it wasfound that there were a couple or more dogs waiting outside the gates, to mop up all the spilled oruneaten MDM!Jain or upper caste teachers did not attempt to break the caste barriers amongst the children, or evenamongst themselves. This was clearly visible in Lalitpur – Jakhora Primary School, Manguan PrimarySchool, Gangaura Primary School, Andhiyari Upper Primary School, Mirchwara Upper Primary Schooland Dailwara Upper Primary School – where these teachers neither shared their own meals with others,nor even tasted the MDM cooked in the school. Some of them did not accept water brought for them bylower caste children. Such an attitude on the part of teachers in schools perpetuates the rigid socialpractices relating to caste discrimination instead of eliminating them. On the other hand, in some instances,children have evolved their own ways of dealing with this in their relationships in school with classmatesand friends from different caste groups. Children from FC/OBC communities reported that they would eatfrom the tiffin boxes of their SC/Muslim friends, or go to their homes, or sit and eat alongside them whilehaving the MDM in school. However, since their parents/grandparents object to such practices, they donot talk about these at home. Some parents (particularly from FC) did express their dislike of this practiceof children of various castes mixing up during meal time in school.75

EQUITY IN SCHOOL WATER AND SANITATIONANNEX5Excerpts from SSHE GuidelinesThe SSHE programme has two major elements:Hardware componentThe total package of drinking water, handwashing and sanitary facilities along with arrangements forproper disposal of solid and liquid waste, available in and around the school compound.Separate toilet complexes for girls and boys with minimum of one toilet and two urinals each irrespectiveof the number of students. The number of toilets and urinals should be increased depending on thestrength of the students, as per the defined norms.This also implies that technologies will be child/gender and disabled friendly, environmentally appropriateand sustainable.For upper primary schools, arrangements for menstrual hygiene management, such as incinerators ingirls’ toilet complex.Separate handwashing facilities for washing hands after using toilets and for washing hands beforeand after eating midday meals.Provision of safe drinking water and adequate water for hygiene throughput the year using low-costcommunity owned solutions such as force lift hand pump technology, rooftop rainwater harvesting,etc., wherever appropriate.Platform around drinking water source along with proper waste water disposal arrangements.Proper arrangements for garbage disposal (may be a simple compost pit) and waste water management.Software componentThis includes health and hygiene activities aimed at promoting conditions in schools and practices byschool staff and children that help to prevent water and sanitation related diseases.Hygiene education in the school on key hygiene behaviour.Setting up institutional structures for maintenance of WATSAN infrastructure.Food hygiene, especially where schools provide meals.Other desirable elements of SSHE are:Regular health check-ups and de-worming in schools.Counselling and facilities for menstrual management.Adaptations suited to the disabled in at least one toilet.Water quality monitoring.Source: Government of India and UNICEF India (2008). An Inclusive Approach for School Sanitation and Hygiene Education, Strategy, Norms, andDesigns. New Delhi: UNICEF & Ministry of Rural Development.76

United Nations Children’s FundRegional Office for South AsiaP. O. Box 5815Lekhnath MargKathmandu, NepalTelephone: 977-1-4417082Facsmile 977-1-4418466 / 4419479www.unicef.org/rosa