POLICE VIOLENCE & DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ENDNOTES CONTINUED18Kwame Dixon and Patricia E. Allard, Police Brutality and International Human Rights in the United States: The Report on HearingsHeld in Los Angeles, California, Chicago, Illinois, and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, Fall 1999, Amnesty International U.S.A.[hereinafter “Police Brutality”] 18 (February 2000).19 Id.20STOLEN LIVES: KILLED BY LAW ENFORCEMENT 41, The Stolen Lives Project (2 nd ed. 1999) 76 [hereinafter “Stolen Lives”]. Policealleged that Ms. Miller wouldn’t drop the knives she had in her hand at the time she was shot. Id.21Stolen Lives, p 97.22Women’s dependent or undocumented status is often manipulated by batterers, who use the threat of deportation as part of a matrixof domination and control. Although the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA 1994 and 2000) introduced visas for batteredimmigrant women, many women do not know about the act’s provisions or are unable to meet evidenciary requirements. Since theIllegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act made domestic violence grounds for deportation, women may also bereluctant to subject a legal permanent resident spouse to potential deportation proceedings by reporting him to the police. In addition,women arrested under mandatory arrest laws could themselves face deportation. See Raj, Anita and Jay Silverman. “ViolenceAgainst Immigrant Women: The Role of Culture, Context and Legal Immigrant Status on Intimate Partner Violence”, ViolenceAgainst Women, Vol. 8. No. 3. March 2002, 367-398. Jang, Deena, Len Marin and Gail Pendleton. Domestic Violence in Immigrantand Refugee Communities: Assessing the Rights of Battered Women, 2nd Edition, 1997, San Francisco: Family Violence PreventionFund.23 Maze of Injustice: The Failure to Protect Indigenous Women from Violence at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/report/info/AMR51/035/2007.24 See, e.g., National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Domestic Violence in 2002,2002 preliminary edition; see also San Antonio Express News, May 18, 2003.Please visit www.incite-national.org for more info! P. 42
RAPE, SEXUAL ASSAULT, & SEXUAL HARASSMENTWomen and transgender people of color’sexperiences of rape, sexual assault andsexual harassment by law enforcementagents are largely invisible in discussionsof police brutality, which focus primarilyon experiences of racial profiling andphysical abuse. They also don’t usuallyfactor into our general understandings ofsexual assault. As a result, women ofcolor and transgender people of color whoexperience sexual violence at the hands oflaw enforcement officers are oftenparticularly isolated and made invisible.No official data is currently availableregarding the number of rapes and sexualassaults committed by law enforcementofficers in the U.S. Statistics regardingracial profiling and physical brutality byOn November 24, 2002, Denise Almodovar, Sarah Adams,Candace Ramirez, Becki Taylor and Lindsey Valsamaki were pickedup for alleged public intoxication by officers of the BalconesHeights, Texas police department. They were taken to the policestation, booked, and placed in a holding cell. The officers thenremoved the five women from the cell and brought them into thepatrol workroom -- a room where there is no video surveillance --and ordered them to dance to music from a radio.They then sexually assaulted the five women, forcibly kissingthem, forcing their hands down the women's pants and touchingtheir genitals, and exposing their penises and masturbating infront of the women. One of the women later testified that shefelt unable to resist or run away because “he had his gun and I wassingled out. I was by myself. I didn't know what door led out.I couldn't go anywhere.” A month after this incident, one of theofficers involved raped a woman he believed to be adomestic violence survivor in his patrol car. 1law enforcement officers do not include information on the number of allegations, complaints, or incidents of rape,sexual assault, sexual harassment or coerced sexual conduct by police officers. Similarly, information gathered by thefederal government on rape and sexual assault does not include information about rapes committed by police officersand other law enforcement agents. In the absence of such information, law enforcement authorities often claim thatsexual misconduct by their officers is rare — the product of a few “bad apples” — and is dealt with swiftly anddecisively. Yet reports from across the U.S. suggest that rape, sexual assault, and sexual harassment of women andtransgender people by law enforcement officers is far more prevalent than we know, and often goes unreported andunaddressed. What little research is available indicates that it is a silent yet systemic problem. For instance: Two studies of law enforcement license revocations in Missouri and Florida found that sexual misconduct was thebasis for revocations in almost 25% of cases. 2 A survey of law enforcement officials in the St. Louis, Missouri metropolitan area concluded that officers reportsexual misconduct to be common, yet criminal justice officials have done little to control the problem. 3It is not surprising that there is very little information regarding sexual assaults and rapes by women and transgenderpeople of color by law enforcement officers given that it is estimated that overall, only 1/3 of rapes and sexual assaultsare reported to law enforcement authorities. 4 One can only imagine that this rate is far lower among women who areraped or sexually assaulted by the very law enforcement agents who are charged with protecting them from violence.As Penny Harrington, former Portland Chief of Police and founder of the National Center for Women and Policing, haspointed out “The women are terrified. Who are they going to call? It's the police who are abusing them.” 5Please visit www.incite-national.org for more info! P. 43
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