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FIFTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE EU TURKEY AND THE KURDS

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<strong>FIFTH</strong> <strong>INTERNATI<strong>ON</strong>AL</strong> <strong>C<strong>ON</strong>FERENCE</strong> <strong>ON</strong> <strong>THE</strong> <strong>EU</strong>, <strong>TURKEY</strong> <strong>AND</strong> <strong>THE</strong> <strong>KURDS</strong><br />

logical needs of the society, will enable us to get closer and closer to such a society<br />

and democracy.<br />

If communal society and ethnic social arrangements, which are closer to equality, and<br />

which the peoples of the Middle East have lived through for a long time are amalgamated<br />

with the means of science and technology of the modern era, a more developed,<br />

democratic, ecological society, based on freedom of the sexes will be epitomised as<br />

the most noble value.<br />

Three Paths for Turkey<br />

Under the light of these alternatives, if we look at the reality of Turkey, we are faced<br />

with three paths and three tendencies. In the process of reform and transformation<br />

based on the Kurdish question, these three paths and three tendencies will try to remain<br />

permanent through the struggle between the relations and contradictions of the<br />

parties. The logical, moral and political education, organisation and action aspects of<br />

the struggle itself will determine which path and which tendency will remain permanent<br />

and dominant.<br />

The first path and tendency is the pro-status quo, inward-looking, divisive and violence<br />

inducing nationalist paradigms and practices that had been exercised in the<br />

recent past. This tendency is charged with a racist nationalism on the Turkish side<br />

and by definition it is very hard-line statist old fashioned conservative without distinguishing<br />

between left and right. Armed with “a state of permanent paranoid perception,<br />

as a state, a nation, even a society they are under the impression that the last<br />

bastion of Turkishness is about to fall, the honour and true faith is at stake, and their<br />

schizophrenia is beyond salvaging. It does not neglect the requirements of Islam either,<br />

believing that this state of mind will sort out the situation anyhow. As opposed<br />

to a true conviction, a showpiece of Kemalism, is the widespread stance both within<br />

the state structure and the wider society. This tendency’s reflection upon the Kurdish<br />

politics is the form of rejectionism, ‘out of sight, out of mind’ attitude, keeping<br />

Kurds excluded from the society and when rebelled, to suppress them with extreme<br />

prejudice.<br />

The second tendency and path has emerged from the first one by means of an<br />

alienation process. It may also be called the weak liberal bourgeois path. The real<br />

emergence of it coincides with the globalisation boom of post-1980’s The ANAP 52<br />

experience, lead by Turgut Ozal was the first version of it. It aims at joining the supranational<br />

tendency for globalisation. By definition it is not anti-oligarchic. It is far<br />

from being fully open to democracy. Rather than being truly democratic, it satisfies<br />

itself by exploiting democracy as a means to its own interests. Its clash with the previ-<br />

52 Anavatan Parti- Motherland Party, a liberal-reformist party of 1980’s and 1990’s. Still in existence,<br />

hence a minor party without deputies.<br />

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