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FIFTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE EU TURKEY AND THE KURDS

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<strong>FIFTH</strong> <strong>INTERNATI<strong>ON</strong>AL</strong> <strong>C<strong>ON</strong>FERENCE</strong> <strong>ON</strong> <strong>THE</strong> <strong>EU</strong>, <strong>TURKEY</strong> <strong>AND</strong> <strong>THE</strong> <strong>KURDS</strong><br />

French sighed about the Bourbons: ‘They learned nothing and they forgot nothing.’<br />

Nevertheless, Zana continues non-violently to demand recognition for the Kurdish<br />

language, Kurdish identity, and freedom of speech as well as political and cultural<br />

rights.<br />

Conclusions<br />

As many argue, Turkey must solve its Kurdish problem to attain the promise implied<br />

by its recent initiatives in international relations. The vast majority of ethnic Kurds<br />

living in that state favour a democratic Turkey along the guidelines of the <strong>EU</strong>’s Copenhagen<br />

Criteria, rather than an independent Kurdish state or federation. 50 These<br />

people argue that a wave of globalization has swept over the world making national<br />

boundaries insignificant in economic and even political terms. Thus, instead of nation-states,<br />

regional economic and political organizations like the <strong>EU</strong> are gaining importance.<br />

What is more, an ethnic federation would not work in Turkey for a variety<br />

of reasons. 1.) Approximately 60 percent of the ethnic Kurds living in Turkey inhabit<br />

the western part of the country. This would make a federation based on the historic<br />

Kurdish homeland in south-eastern Anatolia impractical. 2) It is estimated that there<br />

are now more than 1 million marriages between Turks and Kurds. Many ethnic Kurds<br />

have been assimilated into the larger Turkish population and do not even speak Kurdish.<br />

3) Economic integration has reached an advanced degree as ethnic Kurds have<br />

established substantial economic enterprises in virtually every part of the country.<br />

On the other hand, as this article has amply documented, political, social, and cultural<br />

problems remain. True democratization within the pre-existing boundaries of a unitary<br />

Turkey offers a solution. This requires that schools providing Kurdish language<br />

instruction be opened in Istanbul, while schools offering Turkish language courses<br />

be made available in Hakkari. Everybody should be able to receive their education in<br />

the language of their preference. The limited Kurdish language broadcasting on radio<br />

and television should be expanded to private stations, while an official TRT station<br />

should be reserved for broadcasting in Kurdish. Geographical locations in the southeast<br />

should be referred to by their Turkish and Kurdish names. If this is honestly and<br />

fairly implemented, advocates of the Turkish language have little to fear, since clearly<br />

a continuing knowledge of Turkish will be necessary for anyone of Kurdish ethnic<br />

heritage who wants to succeed in the larger Turkish state or the outside world. Even<br />

now, for example, most of the Kurdish leaders in Turkey communicate in Turkish, not<br />

Kurdish. Indeed, historically Turkish has shown an amazing ability to assimilate and<br />

absorb other languages in Anatolia. Once given the right to use Kurdish, how many<br />

Kurds will really want to educate themselves exclusively in a medium that would only<br />

lead to a limited end? Moreover, such language and cultural rights are nothing more<br />

50 The following discussion is partially taken from Altan Tan, “Solution to Kurdish Problem: A<br />

Kurdistan for Iraq, Democracy for Turkey,” Today’s Zaman, July 23, 2008; and Michael M. Gunter, The<br />

Kurds and the Future of Turkey (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997), pp. 127-36.<br />

76

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