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assessments. While 41% of <strong>the</strong> affected popul<strong>at</strong>ion is girls and boys, assessments so far have<br />
focused almost exclusively on needs and priorities expressed by adults.” 55<br />
Listening to <strong>children</strong> improves humanitarian effectiveness because <strong>children</strong> often<br />
highlight or prioritize perceived needs and risks differently from adults. For example, in<br />
Kenya in 2011 adults who were also consulted raised <strong>the</strong> same issues as <strong>children</strong>, but with<br />
differences in how <strong>the</strong>y saw <strong>the</strong> impact, for example raising but giving less emphasis to<br />
educ<strong>at</strong>ion. 56 In Somalia and Tanzania in 2013, adults did not consider educ<strong>at</strong>ion, while it<br />
was a main focus for <strong>children</strong>: “whereas <strong>children</strong> tend to be more concerned with <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
educ<strong>at</strong>ion, adults were more likely to rank livestock, health, or household income as a<br />
priority problem during <strong>the</strong> drought.” 57 In Kenya, “<strong>children</strong> and adults ranked priority<br />
problems during <strong>the</strong> drought differently, yet both named food and w<strong>at</strong>er as <strong>the</strong> top issues,”<br />
58<br />
but while in Kenya “currently, <strong>children</strong> continue to face <strong>the</strong> same priority problems<br />
as during <strong>the</strong> drought ... child protection issues have gained urgency.” 59 Consult<strong>at</strong>ions<br />
in Somalia also highlighted differences: “Children and adults expressed similar priority<br />
problems during <strong>the</strong> drought, with w<strong>at</strong>er as <strong>the</strong> first priority, <strong>the</strong>n loss of livestock and<br />
food scarcity, among o<strong>the</strong>rs. They differed as adults also mentioned lack of money while<br />
<strong>children</strong> identified displacement and shelter problems.” 60<br />
This review examines how engaging <strong>children</strong> can improve humanitarian effectiveness by<br />
asking:<br />
• Wh<strong>at</strong> do <strong>children</strong> do during and immedi<strong>at</strong>ely after emergencies?<br />
• Wh<strong>at</strong> do <strong>children</strong> identify as <strong>the</strong>ir priorities and needs during and immedi<strong>at</strong>ely after<br />
emergencies?<br />
• Wh<strong>at</strong> gaps and problems do <strong>children</strong> highlight?<br />
Wh<strong>at</strong> <strong>children</strong> do<br />
Children are active in family and community life during and after emergencies just as <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are beforehand. Roles and tasks are often alloc<strong>at</strong>ed by family members, and may vary<br />
according to age, gender, disability, local expect<strong>at</strong>ions and norms, as well as household<br />
income, st<strong>at</strong>us and situ<strong>at</strong>ion. Children routinely assume domestic and household<br />
responsibilities and <strong>the</strong>se often continue in times of crisis. However, as noted, <strong>children</strong>’s<br />
actions in recovery and relief efforts have historically been overlooked in assessments and<br />
consult<strong>at</strong>ions.<br />
After Typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda in <strong>the</strong> Philippines, it was clear from initial consult<strong>at</strong>ions th<strong>at</strong><br />
“Children and young people played an important role in <strong>the</strong> evacu<strong>at</strong>ion and preparedness<br />
before Yolanda made landfall.” 61 However, despite <strong>the</strong>se actions, by six weeks after landfall,<br />
<strong>children</strong> felt sidelined, and although <strong>the</strong>y wanted to help, <strong>the</strong>y were not included in<br />
meetings or organized activities. 62