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Chapter Four<br />

Collective and individual<br />

efforts in peacebuilding<br />

4Collective Activism presents an analysis of the data from the<br />

questionnaires of the 28 groups working on peacebuilding 1 .<br />

4Individual Efforts uses information from the individual interviews,<br />

as well as from the focus group discussions.<br />

4For Examples of Peacebuilding Activities all the generated<br />

data was used to identify potential example stories. Additional<br />

research was then conducted to gather more information<br />

about the projects.<br />

Collective activism<br />

Geographical distribution<br />

28 of the 49 women’s groups researched are involved in<br />

peacebuilding activities. The groups are spread over the<br />

geographical areas covered, as shown in Figure 5.<br />

The largest proportion was found in Al-Hasaka, where ten<br />

out of 14 women’s groups were involved in peacebuilding.<br />

Such a high rate of involvement can be attributed<br />

to several factors, including the relatively stable security<br />

situation in the region and a functional environment for<br />

civil work. In addition, due to historical disputes between<br />

different groups of society and decades of state discrimination<br />

against some of these groups, the region, which<br />

has a diverse population, is at risk of new conflicts. As<br />

civil society organizations are aware of this fact, their focus<br />

on the importance of civil peace, coexistence and reconciliation<br />

has also increased. In Damascus and its countryside,<br />

eight out of eleven women’s groups 2 worked on<br />

peacebuilding. Here, the relatively high level of involvement<br />

can be explained by Damascus having several more<br />

established women activist groups than in other regions.<br />

Many women’s organizations are centered in Damascus,<br />

and although the majority of them have emerged after<br />

2011, their founders and activists are veterans who have<br />

been active long before the uprising. In addition, because<br />

it is the capital, Damascus enjoys much religious, ethnic<br />

and political diversity. Similar to Al-Hasaka, this diversity,<br />

when combined with the scale of the violence and the<br />

oppression by the regime, has prompted many women<br />

activists to be proactive and implement projects promoting<br />

peaceful coexistence or else respond with peacebuilding<br />

initiatives whenever there are suspicions of potential<br />

violence.<br />

The majority of peacebuilding activities of the groups in<br />

this region have targeted the countryside, especially Eastern<br />

Ghouta, which has long been out of the regime’s control.<br />

The women activists said that in the first years after<br />

the uprising they were respected in Ghouta and enjoyed<br />

a relatively good level of communication and access to<br />

negotiations with the armed factions there, most notably<br />

the Free Syrian Army (FSA). Occasionally, these armed<br />

factions even facilitated the implementation of women<br />

activists’ projects. However, the situation changed dramatically<br />

when Jayesh al-Islam 3 (Army of Islam) took power.<br />

In Aleppo, only two out of six women’s groups carried out<br />

peacebuilding activities. The majority of the remaining<br />

groups focused on economic empowerment to improve<br />

the wellbeing of the women they targeted 4 . The spread of<br />

various armed forces in Aleppo and its countryside is one<br />

reason for this poor involvement, as most of these forces<br />

Figure 5: Women’s groups working in peacebuilding<br />

10<br />

8<br />

6<br />

10<br />

8<br />

4<br />

5<br />

2<br />

0<br />

2<br />

Street art in Aleppo, saying “Hand in<br />

hand, we build it together”.<br />

Hasaka Aleppo Damascus<br />

and its<br />

20<br />

countryside<br />

Crossborder<br />

2<br />

1 1 0<br />

Idlib Deir Ezzor Daraa Latakia

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