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Chapter One<br />

Historical development of<br />

women’s activism in Syria<br />

The 1950s are generally regarded as the democratic<br />

phase in Syria’s modern history due<br />

to the political and social freedoms the era<br />

enjoyed. This atmosphere highly influenced<br />

women’s activism and lobbying, which resulted<br />

in the rise of pioneering groups advocating for women’s<br />

rights 1 . Some of these emerged as women-only branches<br />

of political parties that were otherwise mainly dominated<br />

by men, as women did not hold decision-making positions<br />

in politics at the time. The focus of the women’s groups<br />

revolved around women’s empowerment and raising their<br />

professional and educational skills, in which fighting illiteracy<br />

was a major activity. In addition, the state approved<br />

the registration of many non-governmental organizations<br />

and charities. In 1958, Gamal Abdel Nasser, the president<br />

of the short-lived political union between Syria and<br />

Egypt known as the United Arab Republic 2 , imposed the<br />

dissolution of political parties. Nevertheless, some of the<br />

women’s groups affiliated with these parties refused to do<br />

so and carried out their activities with no effect on their<br />

groups’ registration.<br />

8<br />

In 1971, when Hafez Al Assad seized power, the Al Baath<br />

Party was named the state party 3 , and all civil society<br />

groups were subsequently listed under the party’s unions;<br />

women’s groups were asked to be listed under the General<br />

Women’s Union 4 (GWU). No women’s organizations were<br />

granted registration if not listed in the union, except for a<br />

few groups that had close ties with the regime. Some women’s<br />

groups refused to merge with GWU, such as the Syrian<br />

Motherhood and Childhood Association (SMCA) which<br />

continued to work regardless of the newly imposed law<br />

of registration. At the time, the groups’ work consisted of<br />

providing skills and empowerment trainings alongside organizing<br />

numerous panel discussions on women’s issues<br />

such as equality and legal reforms. By the late 1980s, the<br />

discourse against gender stereotyping began to appear and<br />

resulted in the defection of women’s organizations from<br />

male-dominated political parties 5 . Women’s groups advocated<br />

feminist ideals by calling for the solidarity and support<br />

of working-class and rural women.<br />

During the 1990s, women’s groups organized panel discussions<br />

on definitions of gender and how society plays a<br />

major role in shaping it. Furthermore, the era witnessed<br />

numerous campaigns launched against violence against<br />

women. In 1995, women’s organizations, as well as the<br />

vast majority of civil society groups in Syria 6 , participated<br />

for the first time in the Fourth World Conference on<br />

Women (FWCW): Action for Equality, Development and<br />

Peace convened by the United Nations in Beijing, China 7 .<br />

The conference played a huge role in allowing civil society<br />

organizations to voice their criticism of state policy and<br />

suggest reforms.<br />

With Bashar Al-Assad’s inheritance of his father’s rule in<br />

2000, the country witnessed a brief celebration of freedom<br />

of expression 8 and the establishment of intellectual and<br />

political forums. This paved the way for the establishment<br />

of small intellectual and elitist women’s groups. More issues<br />

related to women emerged on the agenda, such as<br />

divorce and so-called honour crimes, and how they both<br />

affect women, and sit-ins calling for women’s right to citizenship<br />

and celebrating International Women’s Day were<br />

organized. The regime applied some artificial reforms<br />

when beneficial for its rule. For example, in October 2011,<br />

Bashar Al-Assad issued the presidential decree number<br />

1 9 which maximized the punishment of so-called honour<br />

crimes from five to seven years in prison. However, it did<br />

not address the original violation of women’s rights itself,<br />

but made the regime appear as if it was carrying out<br />

reforms to improve the status of women’s rights in the<br />

country, possibly to boost its international image.<br />

In general, women’s rights activism, in comparison with<br />

political and other human rights, enjoyed a relative space<br />

of freedom. However, and specifically after the assassination<br />

of Rafic Harriri 10 , this space began to recede. The

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