The Conjugal Dictatorship

The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos
the Senate presidency in 1963 as he (Marcos) was the presidential timber
“best-equipped” to dislodge the incumbent President, Macapagal, in the 1965
presidential elections.* 8 Marcos eventually won the presidency in
1965, and won reelection in 1969, but I stayed on in my job as a newspaperman
with the Lopez empire.
(*8. See Chapter on “Too Late the Hero.”)
When Marcos and Lopez broke up their alliance in 1972, I chose to side
with Marcos, and was thus compelled to transfer to Marcos’ newly-established
newspaper, the Daily Express. Thus, even before the imposition of a dictatorial
martial regime, I found myself closely collaborating with Marcos in news
management under conditions of a still very free press in the Philippines. Upon
the imposition of martial law on September 21, 1972, I assumed the role of a
“media czar” for the regime with my election as President of the Malacanangcontrolled
National Press Club of the Philippines, my assumption of the
position of chairman of the Media Advisory Council and my being held out
personally by President Marcos as the sole conduit between the military
government and the practicing media.
Considered a man “outside government,” I performed various functions for
President Marcos. I was generally accepted as an ex-officio member of the
Marcos Cabinet, having access to all Cabinet meetings and even closed-door
military briefings. While functioning as chief propagandist for Marcos, I also
served as a “Devil’s Advocate,” a role which I had taken to heart in my honest
belief that the imposition of martial law in the Philippines was a temporary
emergency measure “to save the Republic” from a Communist take-over. It was
my pursuit of the “Devil’s Advocate” role, which Marcos himself assigned
to me in view of my “non-official” status in the Palace, that eventually led to my
disenchantment with the regime. On a number of occasions, I have had to
denounce corruption and abuses of leaders of the defense and military
establishments, and somehow they managed to find out about my memoranda
to President Marcos on these matters. Some military officers actually proposed
that I be arrested and placed in the military stockade without prior notice to the
President on charges that I was a former staff member of the defunct Manila
Chronicle. However, the military establishment had it on good authority that I
was highly thought of by President Marcos and, in their view, it was politics not
to antagonize a man who had such an influential and powerful friend.
To be sure, there were early attempts on the part of the military’s Office for
Civil Relations to bring me within the pale of its emergency jurisdiction over
mass media.* 9 I had invariably brushed off such attempts to make me clear my
(*9. See Chapter on “Era of Thought Control.”)
writings with the OCR with the statement that they have “presidential clearance.”
At that time, the military just didn’t know the role I was playing for the
martial regime. However, the OCR officers have heard about my easy access
to the President. One day in December, 1972, Colonel Noe S. Andaya, OCR
chief, felt called upon to summon me to the OCR office at Camp Aguinaldo. I
did consent to see Andaya but only after I had “cleared” my trip with the
President himself. Marcos asked one of his presidential assistants to monitor
my trip to the OCR office.
It turned out that Andaya wanted me to explain a piece I had written in my
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