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The Conjugal Dictatorship

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>Conjugal</strong> <strong>Dictatorship</strong> of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos<br />

democracy. In the light of the traditional American policy of fighting its<br />

defensive wars outside the American continent, the Philippines becomes<br />

America’s special concern because it is a vital link in the U.S. world-wide<br />

defense network designed to keep wars away from American shores.<br />

5) A Philippines gone Communist could present the U.S. with a problem<br />

on its defense arrangements similar to what is now the so-called Portugal<br />

Trojan horse.<br />

6) Freedom-loving Filipinos desirous of overthrowing the dictatorial yoke<br />

of Mr. Marcos are stymied by the posture of support the state department<br />

has shown for the martial regime; various organized groups waiting for a<br />

clarion call to shed blood for the restoration of democracy in the Philippines<br />

are even more fearful that they might face American troops and arms from<br />

Clark Field, if they should take up arms to overthrow the Marcos regime.<br />

We are not even asking the United States to come to the aid of the<br />

freedom-yearning Filipinos and actively assist them in overthrowing a<br />

dictatorial regime. We want to restore democracy to our ravished country by<br />

our own resources, animated only by our unquenchable thirst for freedom.<br />

We only ask that the United States stand aside, state categorically that it<br />

does not, and will not, support a dictatorial regime that has by now all the<br />

hallmarks of an incipient Vietnam gone Communist.<br />

<strong>The</strong> opening statement I read before the committee was, of course, only a<br />

capsule of the story of the terrible dark night of dictatorship that has devoured<br />

the Republic of the Philippines. It was this story, so damaging to his claim of<br />

legitimacy as chief of state of the Republic of the Philippines, that President<br />

Marcos tried to prevent me from telling the American Congress and people.<br />

However, the bizarre bribery attempt made by President Marcos to silence<br />

me did not end with the first offer he made to me in Washington, D.C. on June<br />

16, 1975. <strong>The</strong> bribe offer followed me all the way back to San Francisco,<br />

thereby establishing a second stage, or perhaps, a second criminal act, in the<br />

attempt of Dictator-President Marcos to stop me from talking about his martial<br />

regime.<br />

<strong>The</strong> first attempt involved an offer made to me by Marcos of a bribe<br />

amounting to $100,000.00 as quid pro quo in the following manner:<br />

1) $50,000.00, if I would withhold my scheduled testimony, or in the<br />

alternative, to tone down my said testimony, on the events leading up to the<br />

imposition, and during the first three years, of martial law in the Philippines,<br />

before the Sub-committee on International Organizations; and 2) Another<br />

$50,000.00, if I, upon compliance with the first condition, would leave the<br />

United States and reside in another country. Australia was suggested because<br />

I have a sister who resides in Perth, W. Australia<br />

I rejected the offer and testified as scheduled at 2 p.m. on June 17, 1975,<br />

before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, denouncing the oneman<br />

military dictatorship of Marcos in the strongest and most authoritative<br />

language yet used against Marcos in a forum where it really counted so much.<br />

I confided the bribe offer at about 8:30 a.m. on June 17,1975, to San<br />

Francisco lawyer Gerald N. Hill; to John Salzberg, staff consultant of the<br />

Subcommittee on International Organizations at about 11 a.m. on June 18,<br />

1975; to Les Whitten, an associate of columnist Jack Anderson, at about 5 p.m.<br />

Primitivo Mijares Page 42

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