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The Conjugal Dictatorship

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>Conjugal</strong> <strong>Dictatorship</strong> of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos<br />

his imposition of martial law in the Philippines in 1972. <strong>The</strong> other apparent<br />

objective of Marcos in offering me a handsome bribe was to silence the<br />

opposition set up by overseas Filipinos to the despotic military rule that has<br />

engulfed the Philippines. Marcos’ objectives are quite understandable<br />

considering the stakes involved, his crime in trying to buy me out of the House<br />

committee hearing not having been his first anyway against democracy.<br />

<strong>The</strong> most merciful thing that might be said about the bribe attempt is that<br />

Marcos simply wanted to stop me from giving the damaging testimony that I<br />

gave to the Fraser committee. Marcos has never failed before; he figured<br />

neither the risk that I just might reject his bribe nor the dire consequences that<br />

would ensue from his failure to make me shy away from the committee hearing.<br />

After all, Marcos and other past Philippine Presidents have always had their<br />

way with Mother America; U.S. aid in terms of millions of dollars squeezed out<br />

of the hard-working American taxpayers regularly come almost as a matter of<br />

course.<br />

Thus, when Marcos proclaimed martial law in the Philippines, he took it for<br />

granted that his military dictatorship, nicknamed the New Society, could<br />

undertake, as had his pre-martial law administration as well as others before<br />

him, activities that earn Washington’s condemnation, if committed by<br />

governments other than that of America’s former ward in Asia.<br />

It seems that Marcos hasn’t realized that the rules of the game have already<br />

been changed. He himself changed the rules by which he should be handled in<br />

the United States when he proclaimed martial law in the Philippines; Marcos<br />

discarded the institution of democratic fair play and humane conduct by which<br />

the delicate art of government should be pursued. His very move was one of<br />

the underlying reasons for the decision of the United States Congress to<br />

conduct an inquiry into the U.S. foreign assistance program, including the dole<br />

out of millions of dollars to the Philippines; the U.S. Congress wanted to determine<br />

the wisdom of pumping millions of American taxpayer money into<br />

authoritarian regimes that go against the very objective of foreign assistance,<br />

which is the expansion of the frontiers of freedom and democracy all over the<br />

world.<br />

It was Marcos’ own conduct of an oppressive and rapacious authoritarian<br />

government that made me renounce a rule of doggish, loyal service to him. He<br />

had the gall nevertheless to assume that I was still his man whom he could<br />

keep away from a congressional witness stand with a bribe offer. Now, other<br />

rules are changing for Marcos. <strong>The</strong> United States government has decided to<br />

investigate the bribe.<br />

<strong>The</strong> attempt to silence me, and the later attempt to make me recant my<br />

congressional testimony, were not the first of acts of similar nature committed<br />

by the martial government of Marcos by way of exportation of martial law to the<br />

United States. <strong>The</strong> exportation of Marcos’ martial law has an altogether<br />

different objective from the exportation made by Fidel Castro of his Cuban<br />

revolution. Marcos’ main desire is to silence criticisms and opposition abroad<br />

by both Filipinos and friends of the Filipino people in order to minimize possible<br />

alarm that might be raised by foreign governments, particularly the United<br />

States, over the repression and plunder that the military regime has launched<br />

in the Philippines.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Manila government has prepared a “blacklist” of Filipinos residing in<br />

Primitivo Mijares Page 46

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