TSAWTB Section 6 - Interlude - A Miscellany of Items

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Section 6 - Interlude 267 Hope’s accuracy in recording what Darwin actually said. In order to see if she was inclined to “embellish” her accounts, her book Our Golden Key (Hope) was examined. It was her account, published in 1884, of the experiences of this unnamed evangelist she called “Felix” who worked in a deprived area of London and held tent missions amongst the hop-pickers in Kent. Her account is quite detailed. It did not take much reading to conclude that “Felix” could not possibly have been Fegan. (a) “Felix” is said to have a “little cottage” with “a young wife and pretty babes.” This is hardly the circumstances of Fegan who was not rich but fairly well connected. (b) “Felix” worked for the London City Mission (which is still operating) evangelising the very poor and there is no mention of him working specifically with destitute young boys - who were Fegan’s main interest. (c) “Felix” played a portable harmonium (as did Lady Hope) but there is no mention of Fegan playing such an instrument. (d) “Felix” worked in tent missions to hop pickers. Fegan’s tents were for evangelistic meetings of the Downe area and used for housing his boys in the summer. He does not appear to have worked specifically with the hop-pickers. (e) “Felix” worked from an LCM “Mission-room”. Fegan started his own orphanage and organisation. Furthermore, Lady Hope makes no mention of any work she may have done in these tent meetings. She does say that “Felix’s” tent preaching “seems to have been very attractive” (Hope:107) which suggests she was not present herself. She also says that “A lady in the part of Kent that we have described... started a coffee tent... and took ..no less than EIGHTY (her emphasis) pounds” (which was returned to the poor as gifts of food). This may have been herself but it seems unlikely. She later refers to taking pains with “our tea and coffee”, (p116) but this seems to refer to one of her London “tea shops”. Had she participated in Fegan’s tent meetings in 1881, she would surely have mentioned it in a book that refers to this work published in 1884. In order to identify who “Felix” was, the London City Mission was contacted. Amongst other things that came to light, they mentioned that it was not until the turn of the century that they actually identified their London evangelists by their names. Before then, they only referred to “our worker in (location)”. Thus, the reason for Lady Hope using a pseudonym was to comply with the policy of the LCM at that time and preserve his identity. It was not to hide Fegan’s name. Indeed, why should she do so? The LCM could not identify “Felix” from their records, but their Magazine dated 1st. May 1884 (p100) locates the “Mission-room” in Brixton. Fegan worked in Deptford. We would therefore contend that Moore is incorrect in identifying “Felix” as Fegan. If this is accepted, then Moore’s claim that Fegan used Lady Hope to run the tent meeting during his illness can be dismissed. Thus, Fegan had no connection with Lady Hope at this time and was away ill when she visited Darwin! Fegan’s assertion that “the interview... never took place” is therefore invalidated. This raises one question. Why should Moore, who read Our Golden Key, contend that Fegan was “Felix”, when it is abundantly clear from the book that “Felix” could not possibly be Fegan? Furthermore, having made the link, Moore then contradicts Fegan’s claim that the interview never took place, for he contends that she did visit Down House. It is her account of what was said that he dismisses. One is left wondering why Moore should have gone to the trouble of forging a link
268 Section 6 - Interlude between Fegan and Lady Hope in the first place. Fegan’s assertion that “it never took place” is not stated from direct knowledge. Fegan made this statement not by questioning Lady Hope but on the basis that Francis Darwin, whom he considered most trustworthy, had claimed this. Moore points out that Francis was not present at that time and could not make this statement from first-hand knowledge. Robson’s review of Moore’s book Robson, in an article in Faith and Thought (April 1997.Rob) questioned whether Fegan had any connection with Lady Hope at that time. He is also critical of Moore on several points. He notes that in order to support his claim that Lady Hope did visit Darwin, Moore has to contradict Fegan who said the visit did not take place. Moore then says “Fegan’s reliability as a witness, no less than Lady Hope’s, is open to question.” Robson, vigorously and rightly defending Fegan’s integrity, suggests Fegan was naive to accept Francis’s word that Lady Hope never visited Darwin. Robson quotes from Fegan’s letter regarding Francis and “the high standards of truth which the Darwin’s inherited from their father... a most honourable, chivalrous and benevolent gentleman”. Robson comments: “Desmond and Moore’s picture of Darwin and family [in their book Darwin (Desm)] is very different.” He infers that they were not as honourable as Fegan (and Moore) would like to portray them. We also dispute Fegan’s accolade but Desmond and Moore’s book hardly ever questioned the family’s integrity, although The Darwin Legend gives a few examples. Darwin’s basic dishonesty was to concoct “evidence” for evolution from pure speculation. Surprisingly, for such a detailed book, Darwin omits all mention of Fegan. Robson also mentions Moore’s recording of Pat Sloan’s two articles (in 1960 and 1965) in The Humanist. In these, Sloan surprisingly admitted that “Lady Hope may have visited” Down House (Moore:68). Fegan’s denial that Lady Hope ever visited Darwin can therefore be discounted. What remains of importance in Fegan’s letters are his comments on Lady Hope’s character. Darwin’s last days In February 1881, the Duke of Argyll pointed out to Darwin that there is obviously a mind behind the beauties of nature. “He looked at me very hard and said: ‘Well, that often come over me with overwhelming force, but at other times,’ and he shook his head vaguely, adding, ‘it seems to go away’.” (Rob. and Desm:649). In the summer of 1881, Darwin was gloomy and depressed which a holiday had failed to dispel. He wrote “I am rather despondent about myself” and “life has become wearisome to me.” Wallace wrote that he was gloomy “on the future of humanity on the ground that in our civilisation natural selection had no play and the fittest did not survive” (Croft:104). His thoughts may, therefore, have turned to Christianity by the late summer of 1881. With Fegan away ill, he may have asked Lady Hope, who he heard was in the area, to visit him. Croft speculates that in seeing that man was kindly to man, Darwin may have realised that this might be a reflection of the kindness of God - and that Paley may have been right after all! If Darwin did entertain such thoughts, then his desire to talk to a fervent Christian as he neared the end of his life is understandable. Darwin may also have wanted to meet Lady Hope in view of her stand against drunkenness. Both his grandmother and great-grandmother
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