Treatment of Sex Offenders
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298<br />
P. Lussier<br />
the role <strong>of</strong> social factors, life events and turning points, as well as the impact <strong>of</strong><br />
formal and informal sanctions (e.g., threats, victimization, arrest, incarceration). It<br />
is possible to organize the current state <strong>of</strong> knowledge around three dimensions<br />
(Table 13.2 ): (a) individual characteristics and the role <strong>of</strong> internal changes; (b) external<br />
factors, pressure and contingencies; and (c) developmental life course perspective.<br />
The first dimension emphasizes the person and individual characteristics as key factors<br />
promoting desistance. The second dimension puts more emphasis on the role and<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> the social environment to explain the mechanisms <strong>of</strong> desistance from<br />
crime. The final dimension emphasizes the role and importance <strong>of</strong> person–environment<br />
interactions and the sociodevelopmental context in which such interactions take<br />
place. These three dimensions and associated issues are presented below.<br />
Individual Characteristics and Internal Changes<br />
Maturation and Aging Out <strong>of</strong> Crime<br />
The maturation hypothesis is probably one <strong>of</strong> the first and most widely held view<br />
about the causal mechanisms <strong>of</strong> desistance from crime and delinquency. This<br />
hypothesis was initially proposed following observations about the age–crime<br />
curve, that is, while delinquency involvement peaks during mid-adolescence, it<br />
gradually drops with age, especially past the adolescence–adulthood transition<br />
(Glueck & Glueck, 1940 ). The maturational hypothesis is based broadly on the idea<br />
that adolescents typically becoming more emotionally stable, interpersonally more<br />
sophisticated and skilled, and intellectually more knowledgeable and more futureoriented<br />
with age. These changes, in turn, increases moral reasoning, reduce impulsivity<br />
and facilitate more future-oriented goals and planning. Were probably among<br />
the first to examine <strong>of</strong>fending as part <strong>of</strong> a longitudinal cohort study <strong>of</strong> a large sample<br />
<strong>of</strong> juvenile delinquents. They noticed that participation in crime dropped as youth<br />
reach their 20s and 30s and suggested that this age effect was the result <strong>of</strong> a maturation<br />
effect. They argued that, desistance occurs naturally with age and aging, as a<br />
result <strong>of</strong> physical, moral, intellectual and mental changes characterizing a maturation<br />
process. This process was the result <strong>of</strong> a changing environment but reflected<br />
internal changes whereby youth became less impulsive, more future-oriented. As a<br />
result <strong>of</strong> this maturation process, crime became less attractive and acceptable. They<br />
also argued that this maturation effect was part <strong>of</strong> a normal process <strong>of</strong> aging unless<br />
youth had been exposed to severe neuropsychological or environmental problems.<br />
The maturational hypothesis has regain attention in recent years with emerging<br />
research from the field <strong>of</strong> neuroscience. Research has convincingly shown that the<br />
adolescent’s brain is different than the child and the adult’s brain and part <strong>of</strong> a natural<br />
brain developmental process than influence the person’s ability to regulate cognitions,<br />
emotions and behavior (Steinberg, 2010 ). Relatedly, longitudinal research<br />
has been able to identify patterns <strong>of</strong> development with respect to personality characteristics,<br />
impulse control, and future-oriented perspective that mirrors that are<br />
associated with desistance from <strong>of</strong>fending (e.g., Monahan, Steinberg, Cauffman, &