POLITICS GOVERNANCE STATE-SOCIETY RELATIONS

POLITICS, GOVERNANCE, AND STATE-SOCIETY RELATIONS
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BOX 2: THE PRICE OF US DOMESTIC GRIDLOCK
The analysis in this paper makes clear that achieving sustainable governance in the Middle East is a
long-term project—the work must begin immediately, but it must also be sustained over years of effort,
and sustained in the face of apparent setbacks and challenges. Throughout the United States’ history as
a global power, Congress has often played a positive role in overcoming short-termism in the executive
branch by enshrining key principles (like fealty to human rights and democracy) in authorizing and
appropriating legislation.
More broadly, the work entailed in the United States’ necessary contribution to regional stability in the
Middle East needs a degree of consensus support across the two major US political parties if it is to
be implemented successfully. Recent years have seen a precipitous erosion of the old rule that politics
stops at the water’s edge; and the current election campaign has demonstrated that a trend away
from internationalism exists within both political parties. And yet, calls to put “America First” do not
address the inescapable interdependence of the twenty-first-century world, and thus cannot advance
US national security.
To give just one example, American “energy independence” may be a worthy policy goal for many
reasons, but has little relevance for US interests in Middle Eastern stability. As long as energy remains
a global market, and as long as major US trading partners in Europe and Asia rely on Middle Eastern
energy supplies, the United States’ economic health will remain linked to a stable flow of Middle Eastern
energy to global markets, and securing that flow will remain a vital US interest. Likewise, American
friends in the region may indeed remain capable and crucial partners in regional stabilization, but
that does not mean that more arms sales or bilateral government to government assistance is always
the best way to support their security. It is time for Democrats and Republicans to engage in serious
dialogue about the role of the Middle East in US national security, and to build greater consensus on
how to respond appropriately to the historic changes still underway in this strategic region.
More prosaically, it is well-nigh impossible for the United States to make a sustained investment in
improving regional governance when it cannot carry out the basics of reliable governance at home.
The dysfunctionality of the budget and appropriations process, in particular, harms the ability of
the United States government to conduct consistent diplomacy and carry out consistent programs
to achieve American goals abroad. In the midst of the Arab Spring uprisings, for example, the US
government nearly faced a total shutdown due to a partisan deadlock over basic appropriations laws.
The annual standoff over the national budget, the constant lurching from one continuing resolution
to another, the late-night omnibus bills littered with last-minute earmarks, and other markers of the
United States’ political dysfunction severely impede the ability of policy makers to plan and execute
consistent support for improved governance in the Middle East (or for any other national purpose).
And, of course, this dysfunction also serves as a negative model for those struggling to establish more
inclusive, accountable governance in their own countries, and gives cover to the arguments of autocrats
that inclusive governance cannot deliver concrete results. The US political system must do better, for
the sake of Americans and for the country’s policy impact.
environments requires attention to governance and
development, not simply military operations.
The United States must devote greater attention
to supporting governments that are using political
compromise instead of violence to resolve
disputes, like that in Tunisia. In addition, through
exchanges, public diplomacy, private “jawboning,”
and programmatic assistance, the United States
should encourage communities in the Middle
East to build and exercise their own capacity for
peaceful dialogue and conflict resolution. Given
the state of governance at the national level, and
the challenges of order and authority, such efforts
might first concentrate on local communities and
on inculcating conflict resolution skills within civil
society.
38 ATLANTIC COUNCIL