Media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia

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Glossary of Terms, Abbreviations and Acronyms AJI Aliansi Jurnalis Independen; Alliance of Independent Journalists angket questionnaire Banser Barisan Serbaguna; civilian militia linked to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) mass organisation BI Bank Indonesia; Central Bank of the Republic of Indonesia BKP Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan; State Audit Board budaya amplop ‘envelope culture’, refers to cash payments to journalists to influence media coverage budaya telepon ‘telephone culture’, refers to the practice of authorities telephoning editors in order to influence media coverage or prevent the publication of sensitive information buku putih White Paper Bulog Badan Urusan Logistik; State Logistic Agency Bulog Yanatera The State Logistic Agency’s Employee’s Welfare Foundation bupati regent DPR Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat; House of Representatives or National Parliament Forum Demokrasi Democracy Forum, a grouping of critics of the Suharto government in the 1980s and 1990s Fraksi reformasi Reform Faction (coalition between PAN and PK in the DPR) viii
Gerindra Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya; Greater Indonesia Movement Party Golkar orig. Golongan Karya; ‘Functional Groups’, the state party during the New Order, and one of the major post- New Order political parties Gus Dur honorific childhood nickname of Abdurrahman Wahid hak prerogatif prerogative right hak angket right of inquiry Hanura Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat; The People’s Conscience Party ICMI Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia; the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals ICW Indonesia Corruption Watch IMF International Monetary Fund JPSK KADIN Jaring Pengaman Sistem Keuangan; Financial System Safety Net Indonesian Chamber of Commerce kiai or kiyayi Islamic scholar, head of pesantren KKN korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme; a popular term used in the post-Suharto period to denote corruption, collusion and nepotism. KPK Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi; Corruption Eradication Commission KSSK Komite Stabilitas Sektor Keuangan; Financial System Stability Committee ix
Page 1: Media-elite interactions in post-au
Page 4 and 5: Für Oma, Opa & Ibu Yenny ii
Page 6 and 7: The dissertation’s focus on media
Page 8 and 9: 2 Elite-media interaction during th
Page 12 and 13: Laskar Jihad Holy War Militia LPS L
Page 14 and 15: SK Taperum Surat Keputusan, decree
Page 16 and 17: Explanatory notes A note on Indones
Page 18 and 19: who served as the ARC’s administr
Page 21 and 22: Introduction Media freedoms are wid
Page 23 and 24: their own strategic objectives. Suc
Page 25 and 26: esearch material was derived from a
Page 27 and 28: into the scandal was accompanied by
Page 29 and 30: Keadilan is based on the fact that
Page 31 and 32: After unsuccessfully applying for a
Page 33 and 34: As the sole owner of Media Indonesi
Page 35 and 36: In 2001 Jakob Oetama stepped down a
Page 37 and 38: Tempo Media Group: Tempo and Koran
Page 39 and 40: critical, investigative and objecti
Page 41 and 42: establishes the value of scandal as
Page 43 and 44: pursue their causes. It establishes
Page 45 and 46: 1 Democracy and the elite Introduct
Page 47 and 48: impose tighter scrutiny upon it. Du
Page 49 and 50: interests during Suharto’s New Or
Page 51 and 52: preferred a deal with Suharto’s f
Page 53 and 54: He then compares this definition wi
Page 55 and 56: Further evidence of the argument th
Page 57 and 58: classes, peasants, women or the urb
Page 59 and 60: elite thesis does not only resonate
Page 61 and 62:
Suharto first nurtured factional ri
Page 63 and 64:
The position of Golkar Chair, for e
Page 65 and 66:
withdrawn by the Ministry of Inform
Page 67 and 68:
oadcasting to private investment. I
Page 69 and 70:
Table 1.1: Major media groups in In
Page 71 and 72:
media empire to support the Prabowo
Page 73 and 74:
Chairul Tanjung, whose company CT C
Page 75 and 76:
presidential seat, Alwi Hamu became
Page 77 and 78:
election of Miranda Goeltom as Bank
Page 79 and 80:
ecame increasingly biased in favour
Page 81 and 82:
The annual advertising expenditure
Page 83 and 84:
[T]he mass media are drawn into a s
Page 85 and 86:
media that provide the means and th
Page 87 and 88:
identical interests (Sparks 2000: 4
Page 89 and 90:
and trust are at stake.” 83 For M
Page 91 and 92:
topic is a decisive point to sustai
Page 93 and 94:
Conclusion This first chapter of th
Page 95 and 96:
elationship with the media and over
Page 97 and 98:
Jakarta Post, 16 June 2000). 87 Sin
Page 99 and 100:
president, and that the media were
Page 101 and 102:
damage, and caused the Jawa Pos to
Page 103 and 104:
DPR. 102 The election outcome had d
Page 105 and 106:
Cabinet dismissals and the disclosu
Page 107 and 108:
I'm waiting for the formation of a
Page 109 and 110:
political style, reputed cronyism,
Page 111 and 112:
2.2 The DPR’s strategies The esta
Page 113 and 114:
- have to decide on the amount and
Page 115 and 116:
Wahid’s legitimacy (Republika, 1
Page 117 and 118:
encouragement for the inquiry. 122
Page 119 and 120:
2.3 The government’s strategies W
Page 121 and 122:
members were involved in the arbitr
Page 123 and 124:
December 2000). 126 The PKB members
Page 125 and 126:
Golkar to open negotiations for com
Page 127 and 128:
MPR, DPR and DPRD (The Jakarta Post
Page 129 and 130:
not see any point continuing the me
Page 131 and 132:
era, the executive, legislative and
Page 133 and 134:
difficulties in engaging positively
Page 135 and 136:
organisations were outraged over Ba
Page 137 and 138:
cabinet while simultaneously insist
Page 139 and 140:
frequently criticised and complaine
Page 141 and 142:
Against this background Wahid’s a
Page 143 and 144:
Conclusion This chapter has shown t
Page 145 and 146:
3 The media’s role in Buloggate a
Page 147 and 148:
espectively. Among those three news
Page 149 and 150:
een handled by the DPR, it doubts w
Page 151 and 152:
in case he really was allied with S
Page 153 and 154:
questions the commitment of law enf
Page 155 and 156:
That Media Indonesia sees the inves
Page 157 and 158:
Furthermore, Surya Paloh did not ho
Page 159 and 160:
According to Kompas (26 May 2000) t
Page 161 and 162:
Kompas does not avoid criticising W
Page 163 and 164:
The substance of Buloggate itself i
Page 165 and 166:
For Kompas, the DPR’s decision to
Page 167 and 168:
3.1.3 Republika: Anti-Wahid Overvie
Page 169 and 170:
Both of these issues, long known as
Page 171 and 172:
suggestion that Wahid step down fol
Page 173 and 174:
How can it be that a president who
Page 175 and 176:
While welcoming the DPR’s decisio
Page 177 and 178:
decided to replace Antara’s gener
Page 179 and 180:
legislators and ministers with a do
Page 181 and 182:
Jakarta Post, 7 September 2000; Det
Page 183 and 184:
line), in the amount of space, the
Page 185 and 186:
a political stunt and that Aryanti
Page 187 and 188:
(Quodari 2001: 89). This explains t
Page 189 and 190:
the most anti-Wahid magazines (Copp
Page 191 and 192:
3.2.3 Forum Keadilan Forum Keadilan
Page 193 and 194:
PT Larsa, owned by Rahmat Ismail, a
Page 195 and 196:
egarded as a political tool of anti
Page 197 and 198:
profits indiscriminately.” 251 Id
Page 199 and 200:
legislators to undermine the newly
Page 201 and 202:
the bank’s closure during the pre
Page 203 and 204:
governor, had authorized the bailou
Page 205 and 206:
have their ‘parliamentary beat’
Page 207 and 208:
whether media attention could be su
Page 209 and 210:
The roots of this intra-elite strug
Page 211 and 212:
and replacing them with Boediono an
Page 213 and 214:
As these conflicts have shown it wa
Page 215 and 216:
esumption, that prompted a free fal
Page 217 and 218:
dominated policy-making and the wid
Page 219 and 220:
Century scandal’s disclosure, hei
Page 221 and 222:
also implicate President Yudhoyono
Page 223 and 224:
an indicator of the support for an
Page 225 and 226:
parliament (Inilah.com, 30 November
Page 227 and 228:
14 December 2009; Republika, 18 Dec
Page 229 and 230:
and the subsequent parliament plena
Page 231 and 232:
Legislators were aware that televis
Page 233 and 234:
In an effort to discredit Sri Mulya
Page 235 and 236:
4.3 The government’s strategies E
Page 237 and 238:
Sri Mulyani also denied rumours tha
Page 239 and 240:
funds to Yudhoyono’s inner circle
Page 241 and 242:
politicians, but instead ‘mood dr
Page 243 and 244:
Aburizal Bakrie she could not risk
Page 245 and 246:
Following Centurygate’s initial d
Page 247 and 248:
Papers’ (Buku Putih). 331 Besides
Page 249 and 250:
Anti-corruption fighters the calibr
Page 251 and 252:
Century. Among other assertions, th
Page 253 and 254:
Using the DPR as a forum, Yudhoyono
Page 255 and 256:
5 The media’s role in the Bank Ce
Page 257 and 258:
the 2009 elections (Mohamad, 18 May
Page 259 and 260:
the president. Media Indonesia is c
Page 261 and 262:
Disclose in order to confirm the is
Page 263 and 264:
scrutinize the committee. For examp
Page 265 and 266:
Furthermore, by heading an editoria
Page 267 and 268:
welcomes the committee’s final co
Page 269 and 270:
Meanwhile, the relationship between
Page 271 and 272:
5.2 Kompas: Avoiding conflict and p
Page 273 and 274:
Although writing in the next paragr
Page 275 and 276:
During the course of the investigat
Page 277 and 278:
y prejudice against key officials i
Page 279 and 280:
justice, but also deal with other e
Page 281 and 282:
coalition’s duty to support and t
Page 283 and 284:
Kompas Gramedia Group (KGG) itself
Page 285 and 286:
not fault the government’s bailou
Page 287 and 288:
The public needs to be provided wit
Page 289 and 290:
ecome a signal that paralyses the t
Page 291 and 292:
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
Page 293 and 294:
open the possibility of Vice-Presid
Page 295 and 296:
case. However, Tempo particularly h
Page 297 and 298:
ather than question the witnesses (
Page 299 and 300:
investigation and resolution of the
Page 301 and 302:
The president’s affirmation is im
Page 303 and 304:
Ultimately, Tempo (14 March 2010b)
Page 305 and 306:
That’s why, after observing the B
Page 307 and 308:
Stating that “[t]hrough well-cont
Page 309 and 310:
New Order and its ‘Berkeley mafia
Page 311 and 312:
Bakrie as one of the biggest sponso
Page 313 and 314:
eform and corruption eradication. B
Page 315 and 316:
The prominence of mediated allegati
Page 317 and 318:
authority of the parliamentary inqu
Page 319 and 320:
explained through the shifting inte
Page 321 and 322:
that the magazine has endorsed sinc
Page 323 and 324:
their role as actors the owners or
Page 325 and 326:
Appendix B Scandal disclosure (May
Page 327 and 328:
8 December 2000 Bertugas Kembalinya
Page 329 and 330:
Appendix D Listing of all the magaz
Page 331 and 332:
Appendix F Scandal disclosure (Augu
Page 333 and 334:
21 January 2010 Kewajiban Lapor Kek
Page 335 and 336:
16 February 2010 Akrobat Pansus 17
Page 337 and 338:
14 February 2010c Gertak sambal res
Page 339 and 340:
Alderina, Gracia. 2010. “Konstruk
Page 341 and 342:
———. 2013. “Jakob Oetama: I
Page 343 and 344:
BBC. 2000. “Wahid's masseur 'flee
Page 345 and 346:
Butt, Simon, and Tim Lindsey. 2012.
Page 347 and 348:
Detikcom. 2000a. “Tak Sendirian T
Page 349 and 350:
Dhyatmika, Wahyu. 2014. “Who Owns
Page 351 and 352:
———. 2001. “Akbar disodok i
Page 353 and 354:
———. 2005.”Journalists in I
Page 355 and 356:
Hewison, Kevin, Richard Robison, an
Page 357 and 358:
Indonesia. 2001. Skandal Bulog-Brun
Page 359 and 360:
———. 2006. “Between the lin
Page 361 and 362:
———. 2000. “Presiden Ingin
Page 363 and 364:
———. 2009. “Hari Ini Tim Se
Page 365 and 366:
Koridor.com. 2000. “Panji Bantah,
Page 367 and 368:
Lull, James, and Stephen Hinerman,
Page 369 and 370:
———. 2000. “Repotnya kalau
Page 371 and 372:
———. 2009b. “Gugat Pansus A
Page 373 and 374:
NDI (National Democratic Institute)
Page 375 and 376:
Pemilu Indonesia. 2009. “Inilah T
Page 377 and 378:
———. 2000. “Kapolri Diperin
Page 379 and 380:
———. 2001. “Marzuki Darusma
Page 381 and 382:
Saragih, Samdy. 2009. “Metro TV v
Page 383 and 384:
Slater, Dan. 2004. "Indonesia's acc
Page 385 and 386:
SWA. 2011. “Belanja Iklan di Indo
Page 387 and 388:
.com/id/arsip/2010/05/10/LU/mbm.201
Page 389 and 390:
———. 2014. “Indonesia media
Page 391 and 392:
———. 2000. “Sapuan question
Page 393 and 394:
———. 2001. “Everything will
Page 395 and 396:
———. 2009. “What's at stake
Page 397 and 398:
Tokoh Indonesia. 2003. “Panda Nab
Page 399 and 400:
Vatikiotis, Michael. 2001. “Freed
Page 401 and 402:
Wibisono, Adwin. 2007. “Don't rel
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Media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia

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