Media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia

social and psychological affinities” – within his definition of the power elite. Thus,
“origin, career, and style of life of each of the types of circle whose members
compose the power elite” do inform “the personal and social basis of the power
elite’s unity” (Mills 1959: 278).
Mills, however, insisted that there were divisions and quarrels among the
parts of the power elite. Within the power elite, he argued, "factions do exist; there
are conflicts of policy; individual ambitions do clash" (Mills 1959: 283).
Nevertheless, he believed that the "internal discipline" and the "community of
interests" of these factions and individuals were more powerful than the divisions
among them (Mills 1959: 283). Thus, Mills did not think of the power elite as a
homogenous or coherent group. Rather, there are struggles of dominance among the
instituted elite and their over time shifting interests (Mills 1959: 276, 277).
As pointed out by Case (2003) various aspects of Mills’ power elite thesis can
also be applied to Indonesia’s elite. In particular, this applies to the interlocking of
positions across institutions as well as Mills’ perception of the elite not as a cohesive
group but divided by a diversity of interests. Indeed, numerous scholars have
highlighted that the Indonesian elite has never been fully unified and that factions
within the elite have always existed (Crouch 1979; Robison and Hadiz 2004: 26-7;
Winters 2011; Barker 2008; Case 2009: 656; Slater 2006: 212). During the authoritarian
New Order, elite fractions frequently plotted against one another, and, at times, also
worked to undermine or confront Suharto’s power. However, Suharto was very
skilful in managing the elite:
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