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Research Methods for Cultural Studies

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why study narrative? opportunities and<br />

problems<br />

If, as I have argued, stories run through social life such that the social world<br />

is itself storied, then it is not enough to simply look <strong>for</strong> narratives and then<br />

show that they are there. Barbara Czarniawska, after Solow (1988), characterises<br />

this as a ‘Look, Ma, there is a narrative!’ approach (Czarniawska<br />

2004: 41). This, as she points out, is inadequate. The point, rather, is consider<br />

‘the consequences of storytelling – <strong>for</strong> those who tell the stories and <strong>for</strong> those<br />

who study them’ (2004: 41) and, I would add, <strong>for</strong> broader social and cultural<br />

relations.<br />

In this spirit, I want, in this section, to consider what studying narratives can<br />

achieve. In my consideration of what narratives can do, I will highlight two features:<br />

narratives as bridging the divide between self and other, individual and<br />

‘society’; and as bridging the gap between past and present.<br />

Self and Other<br />

stories and the social world 37<br />

Narratives plunge us into a sociality. Whatever stories we tell must challenge<br />

the myth of the atomised individual, <strong>for</strong> two principal reasons: firstly, because<br />

there is always more than one story to tell about any event, or any life; and<br />

secondly, because we cannot produce stories out of nothing, and must instead<br />

draw on the narrative resources available to us. The multiplicity of narratives<br />

springs, no doubt, from a multiplicity of perspectives. Taking Gina’s narrative<br />

(above), it is easy to consider the ways in which her mother might produce<br />

adifferent narrative, perhaps one that explains her own approach to domestic<br />

life, or even one that refutes Gina’s own. Or, Gina’s children might have<br />

adifferent story to tell about their mother, or about their own childhood.<br />

Furthermore, others’ stories sometimes provide the basis <strong>for</strong> our own, as intimates<br />

furnish parts of stories that have been <strong>for</strong>gotten, or (as in the case of early<br />

childhood) furnish the stories themselves. Even memory itself – which is conventionally<br />

understood as being ‘owned’ by the individual – can be seen as<br />

being produced in complex, intersubjective relationships. Jeffrey Prager, <strong>for</strong><br />

example, writes of ‘the ways in which the cultural and the interpersonal interpenetrate<br />

in memory, a process generally thought to be purely individual’ and<br />

argues that memories are ‘the result of an individual’s relation to both self and<br />

the outside world’ (2000: 59–60).<br />

In general, people have quite high levels of tolerance <strong>for</strong> a diversity of interpretations<br />

and hence of narratives, although, as I will discuss below, this variety<br />

is not endless. The point I want to make here, however, is that this very diversity<br />

indicates the ways in which people exist in what we might see as interpretive<br />

collectivities. An attention to narrative reminds us of this.

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