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DECEMBER 5, 2017 ISSUE No. 75 (1127)<br />
Tel.: +38(044) 303-96-19,<br />
fax: +38(044) 303-94-20<br />
е-mail: time@day.kiev.ua;<br />
http://www.day.kiev.ua<br />
Photo from Yurii ROMANENKO’s Facebook page<br />
INSCRIPTION READS: “IMPEACHMENT!”<br />
Where are we marching?<br />
Expert: “The law on impeachment is a feature of civilized society, and it would be<br />
a guarantee of the existence of a system of checks and balances in this country”<br />
By Valentyn TORBA, The Day<br />
Yet another march was held in Kyiv, with its<br />
leaders traditionally including Mikheil<br />
Saakashvili. Other marchers can be called<br />
the government’s opponents only<br />
conditionally, because some of them are still<br />
members of pro-presidential factions, such as<br />
Serhii Leshchenko or Mustafa Nayyem. In general,<br />
we have a strange situation: MPs hold protests and<br />
present demands at the walls of the Verkhovna Rada<br />
instead of doing the same within that body. At the<br />
same time, they fight the president while stubbornly<br />
remaining in his faction. Moreover, it is not just<br />
about criticizing Petro Poroshenko. They call for<br />
impeachment. We emphasize, it is not just about<br />
making changes to the law on impeachment, but<br />
about going ahead with the impeachment itself.<br />
Saakashvili has spoken quite clearly on that matter.<br />
One can even say that this is the only clear demand<br />
coming from him, because all his other demands<br />
sound like a lot of noise about the “fat cats<br />
government,” “criminals in power,” and so on.<br />
Saakashvili puts forward his slogan of impeachment<br />
with a direct hint that he is prepared to replace the<br />
incumbent head of state. Whether other<br />
participants of the protest scene share this opinion<br />
about the “alternative to Poroshenko,” remains an<br />
open question. It seems that each of them thinks<br />
about reaping election dividends for themselves.<br />
While the previous procession was called the<br />
“March of the Outraged,” featured a banner with<br />
the word “impeachment,” and did gather several<br />
thousand participants indeed, then the present<br />
event, which was attended by as many people at<br />
least, was already called the straight-up “March for<br />
Impeachment.” And even the very word “impeachment”<br />
was far more frequent on the posters<br />
carried during the event.<br />
It is clear that the people who attend these<br />
marches are mostly not interested in the subtleties<br />
of legislation and changes to it. Back on October<br />
17, when they marched to the government<br />
quarter demanding political reform, the participants<br />
had little idea what the Anticorruption<br />
Court was, and were overall confused about the list<br />
of demands. That was the first attempt to “bring<br />
people into it.” Tents outside the Verkhovna Rada,<br />
blocked streets, and large presence of police<br />
(which then disappeared on Arsen Avakov’s orders<br />
and left the protesters alone and in a certain state<br />
of confusion) were an attempt to imitate the Maidan.<br />
But it turned out that the use of the word<br />
“Maidan” by certain politicians became a false start<br />
for these protests.<br />
In general, the technologies of bringing people<br />
to rallies are simple and have long been in use. Representatives<br />
of the current government took an active<br />
part in such marches themselves before 2014.<br />
Rounding up or assembling a crowd is not hard. This<br />
requires a certain number of bribable people, a certain<br />
number of local activists of varying degrees of<br />
mental health, loudspeakers, flags, and a clear plan<br />
of pickets with predetermined slogans. The slogans<br />
themselves are easy to invent as well, as the theme<br />
of reform and the fight against corruption is a longlasting<br />
one under our conditions. Thus, the cocktail<br />
for a picket, a rally or a march is ready, but it<br />
is still not a Maidan.<br />
“This is an exhibition<br />
for strong people”<br />
Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day<br />
Emotions and thoughts<br />
on the margins of Den’s<br />
Days in Kharkiv<br />
Continued on page 2
2<br />
No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017<br />
DAY AFTER DAY<br />
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />
By Natalia PUSHKARUK, The Day<br />
Anunprecedented event occurred last<br />
week at a session of the International<br />
Criminal Tribunal for the Former<br />
Yugoslavia (ICTY): Slobodan Praljak,<br />
72, a former Bosnian Croat general,<br />
announced that he was “not a war<br />
criminal,” drank a poison, and then died in a<br />
hospital. This happened immediately after the<br />
judge upheld his 20-year sentence passed in<br />
2013. Deutsche Welle (DW) says that Praljak is<br />
one of the six former political and military<br />
leaders of Bosnian Croats who stood the trial. He<br />
was one of the commanders of a unit that<br />
committed war crimes against Bosnian Muslims<br />
in almost 30 municipalities of Bosnia and<br />
Herzegovina, including Mostar, where a 16thcentury<br />
bridge was ruined.<br />
This immediately touched off a wave of comments<br />
in the world media about how the defendant<br />
managed to carry the bottle with poison to<br />
the court room. The Guardian says: “An investigation<br />
is likely to be launched into... how he<br />
could have smuggled the bottle into court<br />
through what should have been strict security at<br />
the longest-running war crimes tribunal in The<br />
Hague.”<br />
Radio Free Europe reports that Dutch prosecutors<br />
have opened an investigation that<br />
would focus on what killed Praljak and whether<br />
he had received any outside help in obtaining<br />
the poison.<br />
Reuters says that stricter procedures at the<br />
UN detention unit in The Hague were adopted<br />
following the death of suspect Slobodan Milosevic,<br />
the former Serbian and Yugoslav president,<br />
of a heart attack. Previously, two defendants<br />
awaiting their ICTY trial, both Serbs, committed<br />
suicide in their UN cells.<br />
Incidentally, the International Criminal Tribunal<br />
for the Former Yugoslavia handed down<br />
its last ruling on that day and now, almost a<br />
quarter of a century later, has ended its work.<br />
DW writes that the suicide death of Praljak<br />
has overshadowed the International Criminal<br />
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia’s final verdict.<br />
According to the agency, over the last<br />
25 years some 161 people have been charged with<br />
crimes. The court convicted 90 people in all, including<br />
presidents, generals, and intelligence<br />
services leaders, most of whom were given long<br />
prison sentences. The most spectacular of those<br />
trials was that of former Serbian President Slobodan<br />
Milosevic who died before his trial was<br />
concluded. And last week the Hague tribunal<br />
sentenced former Bosnian Serb general Ratko<br />
Mladic to life in prison.<br />
● “THERE IS NO PROOF THAT<br />
PRALJAK’S CONVICTION WAS<br />
UNJUST”<br />
Volodymyr VASYLENKO, Doctor of Law,<br />
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador<br />
of Ukraine, a judge at the International Criminal<br />
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in 2002-05:<br />
“This dramatic event is about one person – a<br />
Croatian general who thus expressed his personal<br />
disagreement with the International Tribunal’s<br />
sentence – and will carry no political or<br />
legal consequences. In principle, very many people<br />
are dissatisfied with the rulings of both national<br />
and international courts.<br />
“As for the International Criminal Tribunal<br />
for the Former Yugoslavia, the vast majority of<br />
the convicted people have considered themselves<br />
innocent and expressed disagreement with the<br />
sentence even before. They and their sympathizers<br />
used to express protests. In this case the<br />
protest assumed an extreme and dramatic form.<br />
But there is no proof that Praljak’s conviction<br />
was unjust and is the result of a biased attitude<br />
to the defendant.”<br />
You were a judge at the International Criminal<br />
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.<br />
Could you tell us more in detail about the performance<br />
of this body?<br />
“The tribunal was established to punish the<br />
people who took part in the conflict on the territory<br />
of the former Yugoslavia and committed<br />
war crimes and crimes against humanity.<br />
The tribunal practiced no discrimination against<br />
either the Serbs, or the Croats, or the Bosnian<br />
Muslims. The same norms, set out in the tribunal’s<br />
statute and rules of procedure, were applied<br />
to all. There was no bias against defendants<br />
on the basis of their ethnicity.<br />
“On the one hand, the tribunal was established<br />
as a body that was to punish the guilty and fully<br />
Final verdict in Hague and general’s suicide<br />
Volodymyr VASYLENKO:<br />
“I believe that justice<br />
about Russia’s<br />
crimes in Ukraine<br />
will also prevail<br />
sooner or later”<br />
restore justice. On the other, it was to lay the<br />
groundwork for a future reconciliation among the<br />
populace and between the states that had emerged<br />
on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. There<br />
have not been so far and I don’t think there will be<br />
any official complaints from European governments<br />
about the tribunal’s performance. All of its<br />
rulings were just and fair, for they were based on<br />
the truth. I am more than sure that European<br />
democracies will make no negative appraisal of the<br />
tribunal’s performance. The main conclusion is<br />
that the tribunal has played a positive role by adhering<br />
to the principle of the unavoidability of<br />
punishment for international crimes.”<br />
War is going on in Ukraine, and Russia is<br />
committing aggression against this country and<br />
has annexed some Ukrainian territories. Do you<br />
believe that Russian mercenaries will also be<br />
punished one day for killing our citizens?<br />
“I do believe in this and think that justice<br />
will prevail sooner or later. As far back as<br />
By Maria PROKOPENKO, The Day;<br />
Liudmyla LUTYTSKA<br />
Photos by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day<br />
very scared when the events in<br />
the Donbas began. I thought, what<br />
Kharkiv would be like, and would<br />
they move on it? Yes, most residents<br />
“Iwas<br />
of Kharkiv region support Ukraine,<br />
and we are always with Ukraine. But,<br />
unfortunately, not everything depends on our<br />
choice alone. There is an external aggressor,<br />
and the situation is very difficult. And we<br />
need to look at these pictures, showing our<br />
warriors, heroes…” shared her impressions<br />
Maria Chumak, one of the first visitors of our<br />
exhibition in Kharkiv.<br />
When we sum up this or that event, in this<br />
case – the opening of the photo exhibition,<br />
then, of course, we consider the number of visitors.<br />
But the main thing, after all, is the<br />
amount of emotion. Were people just watching<br />
the photos or were they empathizing with<br />
their subjects, laughing and crying? Did they<br />
vote for the best work? After all, if a visitor<br />
cares enough to fill out the form, then the photo<br />
really touched them. In Kharkiv, this was<br />
very much present.<br />
● “I HOPE THIS EVENT WILL HELP<br />
PEOPLE TO BETTER UNDERSTAND<br />
UKRAINE”<br />
2015, the Verkhovna Rada resolved to recognize<br />
mandatory jurisdiction of the International<br />
Criminal Court (ICC) over the war crimes<br />
and crimes against humanity committed during<br />
Russia’s armed aggression against<br />
Ukraine. And a case of this kind is now under<br />
study at the ICC. The scrutiny of this case and<br />
punishment of the guilty will depend on<br />
whether the Ukrainian side will manage to furnish<br />
the convincing evidence of the war crimes<br />
and crimes against humanity committed by the<br />
aggressor’s armed forces and occupational administration.”<br />
The International Criminal Tribunal for the<br />
Former Yugoslavia passes judgments for flagrant<br />
violations of humanitarian law. Meanwhile,<br />
the British government refused the other<br />
Thus, the national tour of Den’s 19th International<br />
Photo Exhibition began in<br />
Kharkiv. “The annual photo exhibition of<br />
the Den newspaper is always a landmark<br />
event,” asserted Yurii Chevordov, an advisor<br />
to the chief of the Presidential Administration.<br />
“This is a landmark event both in<br />
Kyiv and in the provinces. I attended the<br />
opening of the exhibition in Kyiv this year,<br />
and now I got to attend the opening in<br />
Kharkiv. The fact that this year the organizers<br />
decided to start their tour from<br />
Kharkiv, is a right and logical decision.<br />
Kharkiv has always been an intellectual center<br />
able to appreciate such an event. Moreover,<br />
the leadership of the regional administration<br />
as a whole and Yulia Svitlychna [head<br />
of the Kharkiv Oblast State Administration<br />
(KhOSA). – Editor.] in particular embraced<br />
this idea with gusto and helped in organizing<br />
the exhibition in every possible way.”<br />
Let us recall that the exhibition is supported<br />
by the KhOSA. Its head Svitlychna<br />
told us about her impressions of the exhibition<br />
as follows: “These pictures convey genuine<br />
emotions. This is not some prearranged<br />
scenario, but a real picture of life. I hope that<br />
this exhibition will help people to better understand<br />
Ukraine and Ukrainians, as well as<br />
to sum up 2017 and make their own conclusions<br />
about it.”<br />
day to recognize the 1932-33 Holodomor in<br />
Ukraine as genocide. How can you explain this?<br />
“It is up to the British government to decide.<br />
The government of every state has the right to<br />
recognize or not to recognize a certain act, fact,<br />
or situation. The British government says that,<br />
to recognize the Ukraine Holodomor as a crime of<br />
genocide, they need the ruling of a British court.<br />
This is a strange excuse for refusing to recognize<br />
the Holodomor as genocide. I do not see it necessary<br />
for a British court to recognize the<br />
Holodomor. Some measures could be taken. The<br />
Kyiv Court of Appeal resolved on January 13,<br />
2010, to uphold the previously-made conclusions<br />
about the case opened by the Security Service of<br />
Ukraine, which confirmed that the communist<br />
regime in Ukraine had committed a crime of<br />
genocide by intentionally killing millions of<br />
Ukrainians in 1932-33 by way of famine.<br />
“What is no less important than recognition<br />
of the Holodomor as genocide by one government<br />
or another is the attitude of Ukrainian society to<br />
this tragedy. Opinion polls show today that<br />
77 percent of Ukrainian citizens consider the<br />
Holodomor as a crime of genocide. Compared to<br />
previous surveys, this indicates a much larger<br />
number of those who interpret the Holodomor<br />
this way. This is gratifying because the attitude<br />
of society to this crime as to a national tragedy<br />
testifies to the growing national self-awareness<br />
and further promotes the national unity of<br />
Ukrainians. Therefore, the Ukrainian leadership<br />
and civil society must focus on making concerted<br />
efforts inside the country so that 100 percent<br />
of our citizens are unanimous in the appraisal of<br />
this crime against the Ukrainian nation and are<br />
aware of who committed it. This would be a powerful<br />
factor of national cohesion and reinforcement<br />
of our national identity.”<br />
“This is an exhibition for strong people”<br />
Emotions and thoughts on the margins of Den’s Days in Kharkiv<br />
● “OUR HOME, KHARKIV REGION,<br />
IS DEPICTED HERE”<br />
Thus, Den’s photo exhibition will continue<br />
at Kharkiv Mykola Lysenko National Academic<br />
Theater of Opera and Ballet (KhNATOB)<br />
throughout December. By the way, the KhNA-<br />
TOB building is not like your typical theater,<br />
built in Baroque or Classicist style. This is a solid<br />
monumental building made of granite, which<br />
was built in the late 1980s and commissioned in<br />
full in 1991. Kharkivites’ opinions of this building<br />
differ widely. Still, our exhibition has fit<br />
well into its clear geometry and has not got lost<br />
in the large hall space.
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />
DAY AFTER DAY No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017 3<br />
By Mykola SIRUK<br />
Kyiv hosted the other day the International<br />
Maritime Security Conference, one of the<br />
participants of which was Rear Admiral<br />
Daniel W. DWYER, Chief of Staff,<br />
Deputy Chief of Staff for Strategy,<br />
Policy, and Requirements, US Naval Forces<br />
Europe-Africa/US 6th Fleet. We began an<br />
interview with the rear admiral, who came to<br />
Ukraine for the first time, with asking him<br />
about his impressions of our country. “Ukraine<br />
is a very proud nation with a very proud history,<br />
it’s a nation of people that want to determine their<br />
own way of life, how they want to govern<br />
themselves and how they want to interact with the<br />
international community,” RDML Dwyer said.<br />
● “BLACK SEA IS A FREE AND OPEN<br />
INTERNATIONAL WATERWAYS,<br />
NO NATION CAN INFLUENCE<br />
THE FREE FLOW OF COMMERCE<br />
AND TRADING”<br />
Sir, what are your impressions of the<br />
Ukrainian Navy? Have you contacted with the<br />
Ukrainian naval command yet?<br />
“I had a couple of opportunities outside of<br />
Ukraine to meet with Vice Admiral Voronchenko<br />
and his staff. We recently met at the regional sea<br />
power symposium in Venice just two months<br />
ago. And my commander, Admiral Foggo, had<br />
an opportunity to sit down and have a one-on-one<br />
discussion with Vice Admiral Voronchenko. Actually,<br />
it was his first meeting at the conference,<br />
showing importance that commander of US<br />
naval forces in Europe and Africa places with<br />
Ukraine and Ukrainian Navy.<br />
“Ukrainian frigate Hetman Sahaidachny recently<br />
participated in operational exercise Sea<br />
Breeze that we conducted in the Black Sea, very<br />
important exercise, it is held annually to bring<br />
all NATO nations part of Black Sea region as well<br />
as other nations outside the Black Sea to come<br />
together to work closely, increase their own interoperability,<br />
to increase their capability, and<br />
In general, Kharkivites are most touched by<br />
the pictures associated with the region. Maria<br />
Chumak voted for Andrii Kravchenko’s photo,<br />
made on March 24, 2017 in Balaklia, Kharkiv<br />
oblast. The day before, the city was shaken by explosions<br />
in an ammunition depot. The picture<br />
shows a boy with a red puppy. “As a photographer,<br />
I like this work’s colors and mood. The red color of<br />
the puppy’s fur is echoed by that of the beams of a<br />
destroyed building. Meanwhile, everything else is<br />
dark, and the burnt remnants of wood make a<br />
faint appearance in places,” commented Chumak.<br />
“This is our home, Kharkiv region, and I remember<br />
well that terrible day. People who had friends<br />
or relatives in the affected area went there, my<br />
friends evacuated people out of there, rescued<br />
them. This story affected me as well.”<br />
● “I SAW THE LIFE OF THE NATION IN<br />
ITS ENTIRETY”<br />
As usual, our partners donated books from<br />
Den’s Library series to various institutions during<br />
the event. This time, the intellectual sets (including<br />
books The Crown, or Heritage of the Rus’ Kingdom;<br />
Ukraine Incognita. TOP 25; My Sister Sofia<br />
and the annual subscription to the Friday issue of<br />
Den) were received by Rohan Agrarian Lyceum of<br />
Kharkiv raion, Korobochkyne Educational Complex,<br />
Korobochkyne Library, Chkalovske Educational<br />
Complex, Kharkiv Military Hospital, and the<br />
92nd Separate Mechanized Brigade (SMB) of the<br />
Ukrainian Armed Forces. These gifts were purchased<br />
by the Kharkiv Oblast Organization of the<br />
Agrarian Party. It is noteworthy that, according to<br />
its head Mykhailo Zolotariov, Den’s Days were, in<br />
fact, the first cultural event to be supported by his<br />
branch of the party.<br />
“We agrarians nourish people’s bodies.<br />
What we see at the exhibition is spiritual food.<br />
In order for people to receive all that is necessary<br />
for the soul and body, we gladly responded to the<br />
book donation initiative,” continued Zolotariov.<br />
“The books are really very good. I think both<br />
children and adults will benefit from reading<br />
them and find it pleasurable. Meanwhile, the exhibition<br />
struck a chord in my soul. I saw here the<br />
life of the nation in its entirety. The anti-terrorist<br />
operation events and deaths are reflected in<br />
these photos. One just cannot remain indifferent.<br />
I admired a series of children’s photos – after<br />
all, it is our future. Such pictures inspire optimism<br />
and the belief that everything will turn<br />
out fine for us at the end.”<br />
“Ukraine is a very proud nation<br />
with a very proud history”<br />
Rear Admiral Daniel W. DWYER on cooperation between the Ukrainian<br />
and US navies and the containment of Russia in the Black Sea<br />
to encourage navies and other regional actors to<br />
show that the Black Sea is a free and open international<br />
waterways, that no nation can influence<br />
the free flow of commerce and trading.”<br />
● “IT’S VERY REFRESHING AND<br />
IMPORTANT TO SEE THAT<br />
UKRAINIAN NAVY CONTINUES<br />
TO DEVELOP ITS MARITIME 2035<br />
STRATEGY”<br />
In what way do you think the US can help<br />
Ukraine rebuild its Navy?<br />
“First, you know, individual navy or nation<br />
has to take the first step. They have to show that<br />
they are committed to increasing their own capability.<br />
And it’s very refreshing and important<br />
to see that Ukrainian Navy has a vision as it continues<br />
to develop its own command and control,<br />
to look at the internal organization, to modernize<br />
their organization, to approve the lines of<br />
communication to other command structures, as<br />
well as start to develop their own maritime strategy.<br />
As Ukrainian Navy continues to develop<br />
its maritime strategy, I believe they call it the<br />
maritime 2035 strategy, it’s what they want to<br />
see in the navy in 20 years, it’s very refreshing<br />
to see these first steps. You have to know where<br />
you want to get to, and set a course to get there.<br />
And so from the United States Navy standpoint,<br />
we certainly encourage that and we look to assist<br />
Ukrainian Navy in developing this strategy and<br />
● “THE WAR IS THE SAME EVERYWHERE”<br />
The 92nd SMB is a special story for Kharkiv.<br />
Residents of the city are proud of the soldiers of<br />
this brigade, which is based near Chuhuiv. It was<br />
Lieutenant Colonel Oleksandr Lutsenko, deputy<br />
commander of the brigade, who came to receive<br />
books from our Library series. During the tour<br />
of the exhibition, he joined our effort to tell people<br />
about the photos.<br />
In Oleksandr Klymenko’s work The Fragments<br />
of Civilization, Lutsenko recognized a soldier<br />
from the 92nd Brigade. The picture depicts<br />
a defunct library at the hospital for veterans of<br />
war and labor in Marinka, Donetsk oblast, which<br />
was defended by the 92nd SMB for a time. The<br />
library is defunct because the building suffered<br />
a lot of war damage, and its floor is covered with<br />
abandoned books.<br />
“It is nice to see our boys in these photos as<br />
well,” said Lutsenko. “In general, one can see all<br />
aspects of peace and war at this exhibition. By<br />
the way, Avdiivka, which is pictured on one of<br />
the photos, is very similar to some places near<br />
Marinka. The war is the same everywhere, as it<br />
brings devastation and makes locals very tired<br />
continue to provide any guides and internship<br />
that we can offer to help them achieve their<br />
goals and vision.”<br />
It’s common knowledge that Ukraine is unable<br />
to build new warships immediately. What<br />
about the leasing of US ships?<br />
of it. People forget that we are still at war. Now<br />
the war gets a minute or two in the news. It is<br />
presented as an ordinary event: so many locations<br />
have been fired upon, so many people<br />
have died, so many have been injured. It is just<br />
statistics. People are fighting, holding their<br />
ground, defending it. Others do not feel at war<br />
anymore.”<br />
Lutsenko rejoiced at receiving books from<br />
Den. “Humanities education is very important<br />
for the soldier. They must know their mother<br />
tongue, read, broaden their horizons. They<br />
must know the history of Ukraine as well, and<br />
not that imposed on us for 70 years, and then<br />
some more,” emphasized the officer. “Den’s<br />
books will be added to our library, and every<br />
addition is a pleasant experience. Our collection<br />
is not replenished that often, but this does<br />
happen, in particular, due to the efforts of civil<br />
volunteers. Our boys love to read modern literature,<br />
including detectives and science fiction,<br />
to get some respite from war and everyday<br />
troubles. Some officers read military history<br />
books that deal with tactics, operational<br />
art, borrow something from the experience of<br />
the Second World War.”<br />
“We have a very robust program at the Navy<br />
International Program Office, where we take<br />
former United States vessels that still have service<br />
life remaining, and we look to provide those<br />
to our allies and partners if they have a need, or<br />
they have a capability gap that they need to fill<br />
with one of these vessels.<br />
“Currently, the United States has a couple of<br />
vessels that we can offer to the Ukrainian Navy<br />
to fill some of those capability gaps, and we are<br />
very hopeful that we can provide these excess defense<br />
ships to the Ukrainian government and<br />
Ukrainian Navy for their own use, for their own<br />
self-defense.”<br />
At what stage is this process of transfer?<br />
What does the Ukrainian side have to do to receive<br />
these ships?<br />
“I am not an expert on this process, I know it<br />
very basically. It requests from the Ukrainian<br />
government to write US government requesting<br />
those vessels, and then there is a certain price to refurbish<br />
those vessels and bring to operational capability<br />
and transfer them to the government that<br />
wishes to take the possession of those vessels.<br />
So, it involves your Ministry of Defense and our Ministry<br />
of Defense, and an agreement made between<br />
the two governments to make that transfer happen.<br />
It’s a very common practice, we have many NATO<br />
nations and many partner nations that we make this<br />
available to. It offers a much lower price than building<br />
a new ship, it’s about substantial savings to use<br />
these excess ships that we have.<br />
“Several Black Sea nations operate former<br />
US Navy Oliver Hazard Perry-class frigates, and<br />
it’s very productive, and it’s very good to see<br />
that those nations are taking advantage of that<br />
program.”<br />
● “EVERY NAVY NEEDS TO LOOK INTO<br />
TECHNOLOGIES THAT COULD GIVE<br />
THEM THE COMPETITIVE<br />
ADVANTAGE”<br />
Ukroboronprom director general Roman<br />
Romanov emphasized at the panel “Regional<br />
and Global Sociopolitical and Economic Consequences<br />
of Challenges to Security in the Black<br />
Sea Region” that more attention should be paid<br />
to unmanned systems to provide security, particularly<br />
at sea. What do you think of this?<br />
“I think every navy needs to look into technologies<br />
that could give them the competitive<br />
advantage in the environment they are operating<br />
in, whether it is the Ukrainian Navy or United<br />
States Navy. I think it all gets us back to what<br />
Ukraine’s overarching maritime strategy is.<br />
Knowing the professional nature of the Ukrainian<br />
Navy staff, their very strategic vision, I<br />
would assume they would look at this kind of opportunities<br />
and make their own assessment if it<br />
has viability in the Ukrainian Navy.”<br />
Can you say what role the US Navy is playing<br />
in the Black Sea region after Russia’s illegal<br />
annexation of Crime and the ongoing Russian<br />
aggression in eastern Ukraine?<br />
“US is part of NATO, obviously, and NATO<br />
has quickly come out to condemn the annexation<br />
of Crimea as an illegal act, and established a rapid<br />
action plan as well as a quick reaction force to<br />
increase controls on air, land and at the sea under<br />
the NATO contract, and we fully support<br />
that as a NATO member. And the US Navy in<br />
particular has increased our patrols in the Black<br />
Sea as we continue to work with our NATO partners<br />
in the Black Sea as well as our other partners,<br />
including the Ukrainian Navy. We hold<br />
joint patrols and work to increase the Black Sea<br />
nations’ navies’ capability and capacity to ensure<br />
the safe transport and access to international<br />
markets.”<br />
In 2008 several US warships entered the<br />
Black Sea to support Georgia and stop the offensive<br />
of Russian troops on Tbilisi. So, can we<br />
consider US warships as sort of a deterrent to<br />
the aggressor?<br />
“We always come invited: we come at the invitation<br />
of other Black Sea navies to take part<br />
in joint patrols. None of our patrols are unilateral,<br />
they are always in conjunction with another<br />
Black Sea navy. Just today, we have the<br />
USS James E. Williams in the Black Sea conducting<br />
operations with the Ukrainian Navy. In<br />
2017 alone, the US Navy has spent over a hundred<br />
days in the Black Sea, and we do it in partnership<br />
with other Black Sea nations.”<br />
What role do you think the US armed forces<br />
can play to force Russia to observe the norms of<br />
international law and retreat from Ukraine?<br />
“I think you know that NATO came up very<br />
quickly and stated that aggressive, illegal, illegitimate<br />
action will not to be allowed for any aggressive<br />
nation, and we will not stand by and allow<br />
that to happen. And I think NATO has<br />
shown that they can react quickly.”
4<br />
No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017<br />
TOPIC OF THE DAY<br />
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />
Kremlin’s plan<br />
By Andrii TUZ<br />
The Kremlin is trying to have<br />
the Crimea and Donbas sanctions<br />
lifted or eased. The Russian<br />
leaders are irked at<br />
personal restrictions for Vladimir<br />
Putin’s inner circle and the<br />
sanctions that ban the supply of<br />
equipment and technologies to<br />
Crimea. Moscow is attempting to<br />
manipulate Ukrainian laws via its<br />
straw men and venal judges.<br />
● RUSSIA THREATENS TO GO<br />
TO INTERNATIONAL COURTS<br />
The so-called Russian government<br />
of the occupied Crimea intends<br />
to file lawsuits to international<br />
courts, demanding that the sanctions<br />
imposed over the peninsula’s<br />
annexation be lifted. This follows<br />
from an interview of Aleksandr<br />
Molokhov, chief of the juridical<br />
group in the “representation” of the<br />
annexed Crimea under the president<br />
of Russia. In his words, the first<br />
suits may be prepared as early as<br />
next year. “We are making efforts,<br />
and we are sure to do so [prepare the<br />
suits. – Author] if not this then next<br />
year. We are working in two directions,<br />
the first of which is to appeal<br />
against personal sanctions,” RIA<br />
Novosti quotes Molokhov as saying.<br />
He claims that Russian lawyers<br />
are also working on lifting or easing<br />
the sanctions imposed over the occupation<br />
of Crimea. Molokhov notes<br />
that the Kremlin’s difficulty is that<br />
the Russians are going to bring suits<br />
to international courts, including<br />
the Luxembourg-based European<br />
Court of Justice, which requires essential<br />
financial expenses. For the<br />
time being, they are negotiating this<br />
matter with Russia’s Ministry of<br />
Foreign Affairs.<br />
This is not the first time Molokhov<br />
and the Crimean “government”<br />
as a whole is discussing the<br />
prospects of a legal action against<br />
sanctions in international courts. In<br />
early November, at the so-called Forum<br />
of Crimea’s Friends held on the<br />
annexed peninsula, Molokhov announced<br />
the formation of a special<br />
juridical group “to combat sanctions.”<br />
Then he recalled two international<br />
entities – the abovementioned<br />
European Court of Justice<br />
and the European Court of Human<br />
Rights. Russian emissaries continue<br />
to allege that the Crimean “referendum”<br />
was legitimate. Therefore,<br />
the US and EU sanctions must<br />
be lifted. At the same time, Russian<br />
lawyers and diplomats do not specify<br />
when the first suit will be filed.<br />
● HOW SANCTIONS AFFECT<br />
THE KREMLIN<br />
Kicking off the so-called “Russian<br />
spring” in Crimea and the Donbas,<br />
Vladimir Putin failed to take<br />
into account the economic consequences<br />
of his aggression. The Russian<br />
government’s actions in the first<br />
months after the annexation of<br />
Crimea clearly show that Moscow<br />
had no plans at all about maintaining<br />
the occupied territories in the<br />
conditions of sanctions, trade blockade,<br />
and Russian economic backwardness.<br />
Crimea’s water blockade<br />
by Ukraine was the first serious<br />
blow. Before the annexation, the<br />
Northern Crimean Canal met about<br />
85 percent of the peninsula’s industry,<br />
farming, and household water<br />
requirements. The blocking of the<br />
canal caused an acute shortage of<br />
water in Crimea. Today, Crimea receives<br />
potable water from 15 reservoirs<br />
that depend on precipitation<br />
and underground sources. The area<br />
Russia is manipulating international and Ukrainian<br />
laws in an attempt to have Crimea sanctions eased<br />
of irrigated Crimean steppes has<br />
been reduced greatly. Farmers have<br />
to bore wells, which results in<br />
groundwater depletion and soil<br />
salinity. Without the Dnieper water,<br />
the peninsula may face an environmental<br />
disaster. The mineralization<br />
of water in the center and the<br />
north has already exceeded the<br />
norm two or three times. Moscow is<br />
unable to meet Crimea’s need for<br />
water without the participation of<br />
Ukraine. The Crimean “government”<br />
has discussed the plan of<br />
building a water pipeline from<br />
Kuban. The project was abandoned<br />
because that region itself suffers<br />
from water shortage.<br />
The next blow was sectoral sanctions<br />
of the West and the trade<br />
blockade of the territory. Deprived<br />
of a land boundary with the neighboring<br />
Russia, Crimea has in fact<br />
become an island. This triggered a<br />
hike of prices for foodstuffs and<br />
manufactured goods. In some cases,<br />
prices skyrocketed by 250-300 percent<br />
compared to 2013. Before the<br />
“referendum,” Russian politicians<br />
and propagandists lured Crimeans<br />
with “high wages” and generous social<br />
benefits. Today, the average<br />
wages in Simferopol are about 250-<br />
300 dollars per month. Before the<br />
annexation, incomes were almost<br />
the same, while prices were essentially<br />
lower. The Russian authorities<br />
promised to create a lot of new<br />
jobs in Crimea but also failed to do<br />
so. Russian big business, retail<br />
chains, and state-run banks are giving<br />
the peninsula a wide berth because<br />
of sanctions. The only cell<br />
phone operator is the Russian MTC<br />
that works through bogus firms.<br />
The Russian leadership does not<br />
care about the way the Crimeans<br />
live. Moscow is only interested in<br />
the development of its military<br />
base, which needs Western technologies<br />
and domestic production of<br />
electric power, gas, and oil. After<br />
Ukrainian activists had cut off power<br />
supply to Crimea, the invaders<br />
faced an acute necessity to build<br />
their own thermal power plants on<br />
the peninsula. The so-called Putin’s<br />
energy bridge from Kuban turned<br />
out to be a commonplace publicity<br />
stunt. Launching the “bridge” was<br />
just for show. Putin and local officials<br />
alleged that the republic had<br />
gained “energy independence,” but<br />
the “energy bridge” went out of order<br />
several time last year. The system<br />
could not carry the load.<br />
Moscow is trying to solve the<br />
problem by building two power<br />
plants, but the project is moving on<br />
extremely slowly. The point is that<br />
Russia has no equipment and technologies<br />
of its own. The attempt to<br />
deliver German Siemens turbines to<br />
Crimea caused a grandiose scandal.<br />
German journalists found out that<br />
Putin had personally promised the<br />
company management that the turbines<br />
would not go to Crimea, but he<br />
lied for the umpteenth time. Although<br />
the Russian authorities<br />
made it clear that the turbines<br />
would remain in Crimea, this will<br />
not solve the problem. They need<br />
servicing, but Siemens specialists<br />
are unlikely to come to Crimea, even<br />
on condition of complete anonymity,<br />
after a scandal like this. Besides,<br />
American and European sanctions<br />
forced the Russian monopolist Rosneft<br />
to freeze its Black Sea projects.<br />
All the attempts of Moscow to<br />
“sell” its ostensible assistance to the<br />
West in the solution of the Syrian<br />
Sketch by Viktor BOGORAD<br />
question or to “exchange” the Donbas<br />
for Crimea have failed with a<br />
bang. The Kremlin’s attempts to interfere<br />
into the US elections resulted<br />
in more stringent sanctions<br />
against Crimea and increased the<br />
chances of Ukraine receiving lethal<br />
weapons from the US. The Kremlin<br />
knows only too well that it is so far<br />
impossible to resolve the “Crimean<br />
question.” This is why Russian officials<br />
are saying they intend to file<br />
lawsuits to international courts.<br />
● IS THE KREMLIN ACTING<br />
VIA UKRAINIAN COURTS?<br />
Borys Babin, Representative of<br />
the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous<br />
Republic of Crimea, said in<br />
a commentary to The Day that the<br />
Russians could achieve certain success<br />
in European courts. ”It is no<br />
wonder that the Russians hope to<br />
have the sanctions lifted on the international<br />
level because they are already<br />
doing this in a Ukrainian<br />
court,” the official pointed out. The<br />
point is that the Kyiv District Administrative<br />
Court overruled in early<br />
November the decision of the<br />
Ministry of the Economy of Ukraine<br />
to impose sanctions against the<br />
Ukrainian branch of a Russian maritime<br />
shipping company. The ruling<br />
was published on the website of the<br />
General Register of Judicial Decisions.<br />
The entity in question is Maritime<br />
Register of Shipping in Ukraine<br />
which belongs to the Russian<br />
Maritime Register of Shipping.”<br />
Prosecutors found out last<br />
March that the entity had been doing<br />
business on the occupied peninsula<br />
in spite of the legal ban. On the<br />
basis of the military prosecution office’s<br />
materials, the Ministry of<br />
Economic Development imposed restrictions<br />
on the Russian Maritime<br />
Register of Shipping and its branches<br />
in Ukraine. Now the Kyiv Administrative<br />
Court has lifted sanctions<br />
against this entity. The ruling<br />
says that the Maritime Register of<br />
Shipping in Ukraine did not violate<br />
the laws of our country. The Military<br />
Prosecution Office has announced<br />
that it does not accept this<br />
ruling and intends to file a petition<br />
of appeal.<br />
According to our sources in the<br />
Ukrainian government, the water<br />
blockade of Crimea may be the next<br />
object of a “judicial attack.” The<br />
Russians are going to use as a cover<br />
the private enterprises that have allegedly<br />
suffered from the blocking<br />
of the Northern Crimean Canal. The<br />
Kremlin has two options to solve<br />
the water problem of Crimea: to<br />
blackmail Kyiv with the escalation<br />
of the Donbas hostilities or to resort<br />
to craftiness. The latter envisions a<br />
number of political and legal measures<br />
to discredit the Ukrainian<br />
state, leadership, and legal system<br />
as a whole. One of the Ukrainian officials<br />
told The Day that the Russians<br />
are making use of venal<br />
Ukrainian judges and lawyers. “The<br />
intention is to file lawsuits to commercial<br />
courts on behalf of private<br />
enterprises that have allegedly suffered<br />
from the water blockade.<br />
They will be claiming damages associated<br />
with the blockade of the<br />
canal. The Russians need this kind<br />
of court rulings to wave them in<br />
Brussels or Strasbourg and say:<br />
look, Ukraine itself admits that its<br />
actions were illegal,” the interviewee<br />
said.<br />
Moscow’s plan is simple: to get<br />
the sanctions lifted or essentially<br />
eased without having to withdraw<br />
from the occupied Ukrainian territories.<br />
It is to this end that a large<br />
number of the Kremlin’s agents in<br />
Ukraine and the West are working.
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />
TOPIC OF THE DAY No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017 5<br />
By Ivan KAPSAMUN,<br />
Valentyn TORBA, The Day<br />
Four years ago, on December 1,<br />
2013, hundreds of thousands of<br />
Ukrainians came to Independence<br />
Square and Khreshchatyk. Such<br />
was the reaction of society to the<br />
brazen and brutal assault on students on<br />
the night of November 30. Had the<br />
Berkut riot police not crossed the red line<br />
then, the subsequent avalanche-like<br />
events could have failed to happen. Still,<br />
they did happen. Why? Has the<br />
Ukrainian public understood those<br />
events in full? Who has actually won and<br />
who has lost?<br />
The Day has repeatedly written<br />
about the events of four years ago. Accordingly,<br />
the public, thanks to other media<br />
outlets as well, has enough information<br />
to offer its assessment of those<br />
events. Today, we want to draw attention<br />
to another aspect. The latest broadcast of<br />
the big political talk show Ukrainian<br />
Format on the TV channel NewsOne became<br />
an illustrative example. Its participants<br />
included both “pre-Maidan” and<br />
“post-Maidan” politicians, and we mean<br />
both the Orange events and the Revolution<br />
of Dignity.<br />
We will not go into details, let us just<br />
note that the former “regionals,” or the<br />
current representatives of the Opposition<br />
Bloc (OB), behaved absolutely calmly<br />
and confidently. And it was not because<br />
this channel belongs to their colleague<br />
Yevhen Muraiev who was present during<br />
the show. In fact, the same Oleksandr<br />
Vilkul, who, according to the current<br />
mayor of Dnipro, had violently dispersed<br />
the Euromaidan in the city, spoke<br />
seemingly quite logical things regarding<br />
the socio-economic or political situation.<br />
For example, the OB members drew<br />
the public’s attention to the fact that<br />
Viktor Yanukovych’s team had passed<br />
more European integration laws than<br />
ever before.<br />
Given the policies of the current<br />
post-Maidan government, which have<br />
raised many questions, some of them<br />
voiced at the last summit of the Eastern<br />
Partnership in Brussels (including the<br />
self-created Mikhail Saakashvili problem,<br />
the slow implementation of reforms,<br />
and the dangerously high level of corruption,<br />
etc.), it creates completely comfortable<br />
conditions for the former “regionals”<br />
to mix truths with untruths, incrementally<br />
pouring oil into the fire of a<br />
general permanent crisis.<br />
So, against the backdrop of dissatisfaction<br />
of the people who came to the<br />
Maidan, but were once again used by the<br />
current politicians and the Kremlin for<br />
their own purposes, is a political revanche<br />
of the previous government possible?<br />
We have already been there. Remember<br />
2010, when Yanukovych and<br />
the Party of Regions (PoR) came to power<br />
quite legitimately, having won an<br />
election.<br />
The ground for this is gradually being<br />
prepared, both by former regionals<br />
and their curators in Moscow, and by the<br />
current government. It is enough to<br />
point to the confrontation between lawenforcement<br />
agencies, including the<br />
Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine,<br />
the Security Service of Ukraine, the<br />
National Anti-Corruption Bureau of<br />
Ukraine (NABU), the National Corruption<br />
Prevention Agency, and the Special<br />
Anti-Corruption Prosecutions Office<br />
(SAP)... The abbreviations alone are<br />
enough to make people disoriented, not<br />
to mention dissuade them from any attempt<br />
to understand the essence of the<br />
showdowns between them. Moreover,<br />
the confrontation has grown to involve<br />
entirely new structures as well, such as<br />
the NABU and SAP. Have the participants<br />
of all these conflicts given thought<br />
to the fact that were a revanche occur, it<br />
will hit them all?<br />
Another logical question being<br />
asked these days is, why have the perpetrators<br />
of Maidan-related crimes not<br />
been punished yet? Why there are thousands<br />
of witnesses, but the accused<br />
number in single digits, and those punished<br />
are even fewer? And again, is<br />
not it likely that if there is a revanche,<br />
then the Maidan criminal cases will be<br />
completed by the “regionals” them-<br />
“By and large, not all Maidan-related<br />
criminal cases have been investigated because<br />
the current authorities are helping<br />
figures of the previous regime. Some of<br />
these cases have not been investigated<br />
due to a simple lack of competence and professionalism<br />
on the part of investigators.<br />
What is the worst, though, is such investigations<br />
being a non-priority for the government.<br />
They do not need them to succeed.<br />
They are in power and do very well. Unfortunately,<br />
implementing what the public<br />
demands has never been a priority for<br />
any government in this country, while<br />
promoting one’s business, engaging in<br />
get-rich-fast schemes and corruption have<br />
always been a priority.<br />
“Let us turn to another moment. When<br />
we talk about revanche, we must see two<br />
sides to this trend. If we are talking about<br />
the former PoR staging a revanche, then<br />
we should realize that we have former<br />
representatives of that party in power<br />
even now. Judging by the latest local elecselves?<br />
And they will do it not for the<br />
country, but for themselves.<br />
There are countless questions. But<br />
the essence of it all is that we are still living<br />
through a crisis called “the Kuchmaless<br />
of a European choice and more of rage<br />
and protest against the system that had<br />
taken shape in post-Soviet Ukraine and<br />
blocked opportunities for development.<br />
Therefore, if this did not happen then, it<br />
known personal features, could take any<br />
steps, even irrational ones. And once again,<br />
it was Liovochkin who could facilitate it, as<br />
he was the one who in fact shaped the information<br />
circle around Yanukovych.<br />
Yanukovych system.” Incidentally, the could have still happened later, because “Russia, meanwhile, believed until<br />
presence of Volodymyr Lytvyn at the TV the fundamental problems that lay at the 2004 that no special effort was necessary,<br />
show and the lack of punishment for origins of the protest did not disappear. as Ukraine would return to the Kremlin’s<br />
people who ordered crimes in the<br />
Gongadze-Podolsky case is another confirmation<br />
of this. To change the situation, Maidan, we must realize that we were lin had become more active to prevent au-<br />
“As to the violent dispersal of the embrace on its own. After 2004, the Krem-<br />
we need different people in power who will dealing with representatives of the old administrative<br />
school there. Under this mo-<br />
I do not rule out that there was a plan for<br />
tonomous processes developing in Ukraine.<br />
change the rules. All those who have<br />
brought the war about must go. This<br />
was the goal of the real Maidan.<br />
del, Yanukovych was accustomed to perceiving<br />
any signs of dissatisfaction with<br />
partitioning Ukraine under the guise of a<br />
coup. After all, Russia did try to promote<br />
Is a political revanche possible?<br />
And who will replace the current team in case of its bankruptcy?<br />
PLACARD READS: “WE ARE ASHAMED OF OUR POLITICIANS”<br />
● “NOW WE HAVE A GENUINE<br />
ISSUE WITH ALTERNATIVE”<br />
Ihor LUTSENKO, MP, the Fatherland<br />
faction:<br />
“I do not think that the people who<br />
stood on the stage of the Maidan defeated<br />
anyone. They simply caught the power<br />
that Maidan protesters won at the cost of<br />
multiple sacrifices. Yanukovych was, most<br />
likely, frightened by how the situation developed,<br />
and, accordingly, he let the power<br />
slip from his hands.<br />
“Now we really have a genuine issue<br />
with alternative. We need a high-quality<br />
broad movement that would unite representatives<br />
of the opposition and broader<br />
public. Unfortunately, we have quite negative<br />
traditions in this field. We have not<br />
yet seen a great organized alternative.”<br />
● “IT WAS LESS OF A<br />
EUROPEAN CHOICE AND<br />
MORE OF RAGE AND<br />
PROTEST AGAINST POST-<br />
SOVIET UKRAINE”<br />
Petro OLESHCHUK, a political analyst:<br />
“The Maidan events, as any other<br />
events in Ukrainian politics, were rather<br />
multidimensional. Even if certain<br />
provocative measures were involved, the<br />
organizers could not predict all the hypothetical<br />
consequences of all that happened.<br />
The society experienced a rather<br />
high tension. Although we are used to calling<br />
those events the Euromaidan, it was<br />
him as his own weakness. It is worth remembering<br />
how they acted in the Donbas,<br />
their base region, when they were coming<br />
to power and strengthening their positions<br />
there. That is, letting people to conduct<br />
large-scale events in the center of the capital<br />
was for them a demonstration of<br />
their own weakness, which they could not<br />
tolerate. And where the whole system is<br />
based on fear, any weakness is a threat to<br />
the regime itself, because they then risk being<br />
trampled by their own underlings. I do<br />
not rule out that Yanukovych’s memories<br />
of the 2004 Maidan, when no dispersal happened,<br />
but he still failed to obtain power,<br />
played a role. His entourage of 2014 could<br />
use this situation and play to his stereotypes<br />
and emotions. It should not be forgotten<br />
that at the end of his reign,<br />
Yanukovych was in an informational vacuum<br />
situation. He could not just connect<br />
to the Internet himself and do a deep<br />
analysis of everything that was happening.<br />
“Thus, he had a specific circle of people<br />
who informed him and advised him. By the<br />
way, informing Yanukovych in such a way<br />
was ultimately Serhii Liovochkin’s responsibility<br />
as chief of the Presidential<br />
Administration. It is no secret that<br />
Yanukovych’s entourage was playing to his<br />
paranoid attitudes. They revealed some<br />
‘conspiracies,’ told Yanukovych that someone<br />
wanted to remove him from the position<br />
of head of state. In this way, the entourage<br />
expanded its power. One can recall the story<br />
of Yanukovych going to Mount Athos and<br />
allegedly getting told there that he would die<br />
a violent death as a result of a coup. Accordingly,<br />
Yanukovych, in line with his<br />
Photo by Artem SLIPACHUK, The Day<br />
first the idea of a coup having happened,<br />
then a parade of sovereignties in southern<br />
and eastern regions of Ukraine, then the introduction<br />
of some sort of peacekeeping<br />
contingents and, on the basis of this, to<br />
achieve an effective partition of Ukraine.”<br />
● “WE ARE LIVING THROUGH<br />
AN AGE OF GRAY AND<br />
SEMI-GRAY POLITICAL<br />
FORCES...”<br />
Oleksandr SOLONTAI, an expert of the<br />
Institute of Political Education:<br />
tions’ results, more former ‘regionals’<br />
have been elected on the Petro Poroshenko<br />
Bloc (PPB)’s lists than on the list of the OB.<br />
If we add to this list members of the Our<br />
Land party, which is the PPB’s satellite,<br />
then it can be said that it is primarily the<br />
current government that confidently sends<br />
representatives of the former PoR to local<br />
councils. Therefore, the party-based revanche<br />
has already taken place.<br />
“Nonetheless, were we to talk about a<br />
revanche in the context of abandoning the<br />
European choice, stopping implementation<br />
of the EU Association Agreement,<br />
and freezing the development of our relations<br />
with the EU, then it is impossible. It<br />
is impossible to bury pro-European aspirations<br />
in Ukraine. The objective reality<br />
forces even pro-Russian politicians say<br />
phrases like ‘we are friends with Russia, but<br />
are not against Europe.’ They even say<br />
that the EU is our strategic partner. That<br />
is, in Ukraine, the era when there was a split<br />
between forces advocating a clear course for<br />
the EU and a clear course for Russia, that<br />
era is over. Now nobody cries ‘Down with the<br />
EU!’ and ‘Down with the US!’ We are living<br />
through an age of gray and semi-gray political<br />
forces that lobby against and hinder<br />
European integration in order to parasitize<br />
on the views of millions of Ukrainians.<br />
Unfortunately, we still have many Ukrainians<br />
who have never been to the EU and never<br />
seen how Europeans live since they do<br />
not have an international passport.<br />
“In addition, the politicians who act as<br />
if they were pro-Russian are actually faking<br />
it. After all, they themselves spend vacations<br />
outside the post-Soviet space, their<br />
children study in the EU and own property<br />
there. Therefore, they play the roles of<br />
pro-Russian politicians only to be able to engage<br />
in corrupt dealings. As soon as the corruption<br />
hydra is overcome, we will immediately<br />
see that there is really no debate in<br />
the country about whether we should go to<br />
Europe or not. Ukraine has made a clear<br />
European choice. But we are very vulnerable<br />
as a result of the fact that we still have<br />
not separated politics and business. And<br />
this situation has not changed since the<br />
1990s, when the clan oligarchy was actually<br />
born. Thus, we are a free access zone<br />
for Russian agents and information influences.<br />
It is they who feed those views<br />
that ought to naturally die out and be replaced<br />
by progressive voter attitudes.”<br />
● “UKRAINIAN SOCIETY<br />
LACKS ONE OF THE MOST<br />
IMPORTANT NEEDS – THE<br />
NEED FOR SELF-ANALYSIS”<br />
Andrii BAUMEISTER, Doctor<br />
of Philosophy (facebook.com):<br />
“Ukrainian society lacks one of the<br />
most important needs – the need for selfanalysis,<br />
the need to understand oneself<br />
and one’s place in the world. We not only<br />
do not want to know ourselves, but we are<br />
also afraid to do so. This fear gives rise to<br />
aggression. If some outsider tries to talk to<br />
us about us, we become indignant and enter<br />
a state of extreme excitement (‘How do<br />
you dare!’; ‘Who are you to teach us!’).<br />
Evidence of this symptom (which is very<br />
dangerous for normal functioning of society)<br />
can be seen also in the state of the socalled<br />
expert community. Anything will do<br />
as an expert opinion: a pleasant voice, a<br />
gentle smile, a cheeky tone, long and<br />
wordy musings about ‘everything there is,’<br />
provincial gossip, indistinct chatter or<br />
plangent lowing, as well as claims of largescale<br />
‘analysis’ (they like talking about eras<br />
and civilizational turning points while<br />
sitting in front of a computer and flipping<br />
through some obscure websites). The people<br />
have got talk shows back, where guests<br />
scream, fight, insult and accuse each other.<br />
People like that, they are glued to<br />
their TVs or computer screens. But when<br />
will a sober and competent conversation begin?<br />
When will the experts begin to demonstrate<br />
at least elementary analytical skills<br />
(combined with clear and transparent presentation)?<br />
It will not happen anytime<br />
soon, because ‘anything goes.’ Because<br />
people still watch, read, quote it. When<br />
there is no demand for reality, for an attempt<br />
to understand what is happening to<br />
us and who we are, everything that we call<br />
‘TV channels,’ ‘expert opinion,’ ‘newspapers,’<br />
and ‘talk shows’ will do. The only<br />
comfort is that Christmas and New Year<br />
are upon us. In that time, Reality knocks<br />
at our doors, even if just once a year...”
6<br />
No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017<br />
CULT URE<br />
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />
“LUHANSK WINTER”<br />
Artists from the east attempt at reinterpreting<br />
conventional symbols in a joint exhibit<br />
A UNICORN<br />
By Maria PROKOPENKO, photos<br />
by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day<br />
Project “LUUK” is now presented<br />
at the TSEKH Gallery in Kyiv.<br />
The name stands for “Luhansk<br />
Ukrainian.” The exposition<br />
includes works by Yaroslav<br />
Derkach, Zakentii Horobiov, and Serhii<br />
Lykhovyd. All three come from<br />
Luhansk oblast, which they left at<br />
various times and for various reasons.<br />
They have known each other a long<br />
while, and now they come up with a<br />
joint project.<br />
● “TO LET PEOPLE SEE WHAT<br />
THEY WANT”<br />
Where do the stairs that do not go up<br />
lead? Next to them are confusing traffic<br />
lights, without the conventional<br />
green, amber, and red. There are no<br />
rules, climb as you wish. If you wish. Upstairs<br />
you will face a competition, held<br />
according to strange unwritten rules.<br />
They are symbolized by new Olympic<br />
rings. Here this symbol includes not<br />
only circumferences, but also a triangle<br />
and squares. The symbol of interconti-<br />
nental equality is falling apart. Actually,<br />
the Olympics themselves, revived in<br />
the 19th century to promote the spirit of<br />
fair, non-violent contest, not infrequently<br />
turns into a demonstration of<br />
wealth and power, or even of the<br />
progress in pharmacological industry.<br />
The laconic metal objects, described<br />
above, are part of Derkach’s cycle<br />
“Shape.” “In my view, the problem of the<br />
conventional symbols is that their semantic<br />
load is eroded. They are used universally,<br />
but what do they stand for?”<br />
Derkach muses. “My approach is to<br />
choose well-known symbols and transform<br />
them in some way, letting people<br />
see them from a new angle. I interpret<br />
these symbols in a certain way, but this<br />
is my vision. The simpler the shape, the<br />
more room for associations. I give everyone<br />
room to see what they want to see.”<br />
The artist has long worked with<br />
metal. This is unprocessed steel,<br />
which would be corroded with time.<br />
“Such material speaks for itself. It is<br />
heavy, it has an own character, and it<br />
is convincing,” Derkach explains.<br />
● “I WANT UKRAINE TO<br />
RESEMBLE MY POSTERS”<br />
When rules are broken, one could<br />
look to common virtues and own principles<br />
for guidance. Opposite Derkach’s<br />
works is the series “Atisha” by Horobiov.<br />
The author, graphic designer who<br />
works with Cyrillic fonts, broke the<br />
maxims by Atisha, a Buddhist thinker<br />
and preacher, into parts and visualized<br />
them. “Tranquility of mind is the ultimate<br />
good,” “The most important quality<br />
is working for others,” “The most<br />
useful effort is free from expectations,”<br />
etc. Sometimes the letters are<br />
barely readable, they are perceived as<br />
abstract symbols.<br />
“At first, a person can perceive it superficially,<br />
they focus on the form, and<br />
dwell on the meaning later,” says Horobiov.<br />
“I chose such a form because I wanted<br />
to play with human perception. I am<br />
interested in Buddhism. Back in Luhansk<br />
I had many friends who frequented<br />
the local Buddhist center, but I had ignored<br />
that for quite a long while. But<br />
when in Kyiv, I decided to give it a try.<br />
Buddhism appeals to me due to its rationality,<br />
explanations of the essence of<br />
things, it gives a real scheme of problem<br />
solution: your own problems as well as<br />
those of others.”<br />
Horobiov emphasizes that nowadays<br />
Ukraine is undergoing a period of<br />
revisiting its identity, which is reflected<br />
in graphic art. “In my view, we had a<br />
group of artists who dealt with visual<br />
art in the 1980s, for instance, the<br />
Kharkiv School, but later it disappeared.<br />
You could not see people who<br />
would keep making books, posters, etc.<br />
They are replaced with people with<br />
technical background, but they lacked<br />
professionalism. Now, it seems to me,<br />
the first post-1980s generation is active,<br />
and it treats things seriously.<br />
There are more and more sophisticated<br />
artists, in particular, when it comes to<br />
identity design, signature styles, and<br />
logos. Earlier such things had to be ordered<br />
in Moscow or Europe. Nowadays<br />
both are expensive, and not really interesting.<br />
In Ukraine studios dealing<br />
with identic art have appeared. Working<br />
on a font, I personally experiment<br />
with various languages but I emphasize<br />
Ukrainian and I tried to choose for a<br />
HARVESTING CHAMOMILE
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />
CULT URE No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017 7<br />
post-modernist form. I want Ukraine<br />
to resemble my posters: contemporary,<br />
dynamic yet flexible and<br />
adaptive.”<br />
● FANCY ARCHEOLOGY<br />
A true Martian drama unfolds<br />
at the exhibition “LUUK.” The author<br />
of the eponymous project is<br />
Serhii Lykhovyd, who early in the<br />
2000s left Luhansk for Odesa, where<br />
he still lives. “This is a version of the<br />
history of human exploration. Mars<br />
is a collective image. I tell about<br />
man’s eagerness to learn something<br />
new and losing what he already<br />
has,” Lykhovyd comments.<br />
The project could conventionally<br />
be split in two. Corrugated steel<br />
sheets are painted with episodes<br />
from “the history of the exploration<br />
of Mars,” executed in hot enamel<br />
technique. The exquisite technique<br />
is in stark contrast with the rusting<br />
metal. Harvesting chamomile, flying<br />
the hot air balloon: this life<br />
seems familiar yet totally different.<br />
But is it really different, even if it is<br />
on another planet?<br />
The next part of the project is a<br />
series of objects skull-shaped objects,<br />
also in the same technique. A<br />
white tiger, a unicorn, a Martian:<br />
they all look like archeological artifacts.<br />
The skulls of non-existing animals<br />
are a display of colors and cast<br />
fantastic shadows. But in the beginning<br />
they were just flat copper sheets.<br />
“I am attracted by volume, I want to<br />
break away from the two-dimensional<br />
world,” Lykhovyd says. “I also<br />
want to create something futuristic,<br />
a figment of imagination. Yet in<br />
any case at first you study what already<br />
exists. If it is a plant, you look<br />
at the water life or at macro-world. It<br />
is so huge you can contemplate it endlessly.<br />
A microscope reveals a totally<br />
different picture of the world,<br />
you see the geometry of design, the<br />
structure, the backbone of everything.<br />
I started with anatomical<br />
themes, with animal skeletons. Often<br />
I chose rare animals as my prototypes.<br />
Yet when you start implementing<br />
this, you realize that you are creating<br />
a different, non-existing animal.”<br />
● ETERNAL STRUGGLE<br />
Oleksandr SHCHELUSHCHEN-<br />
KO, founder of the TSEKH Gallery,<br />
has jokingly dubbed the new project<br />
“Luhansk Winter.” “I have read an<br />
article about Zakentii, Yaroslav, and<br />
Serhii a long time ago, and decided<br />
to make their joint exhibit. They<br />
cannot implement such a project<br />
where they were born and shaped as<br />
artists. And here they are together.<br />
But this project is not associated<br />
with Donbas, its coal-mining landscape<br />
etc.,” Shchelushchenko says.<br />
By the way, Lykhovyd admits<br />
there was no artistic environment to<br />
speak of in Luhansk, “before we<br />
started doing something.” “What<br />
was going on in Luhansk was a different<br />
drama,” he goes on to say.<br />
“There was only one exhibition room,<br />
where you could display your work<br />
only via the Association of Artists.<br />
Which means you need to make a series<br />
of exhibits which you do not<br />
need. Back then, I could not afford<br />
waiting five or seven years. We simply<br />
rented room and made our own<br />
exhibits with performance, although<br />
no one knew the word back then.<br />
For us it was like a rite or so. I see it<br />
as absolutely different periods: in<br />
Luhansk, in Odesa, and now.”<br />
The works of Luhansk artist<br />
avoid coal mines, and they also lack<br />
references to war. Yet their<br />
themes – escape from Earth, exploration<br />
of new territories, life without<br />
rules – suggest thoughts about<br />
the developments in the east of<br />
Ukraine. And not only there. It<br />
may seem a platitude, yet life is a<br />
battle in which you could best rely<br />
on own principles and virtues.<br />
■ The exhibit “LUUK” is<br />
open at the TSEKH Gallery<br />
through March 10.<br />
By Liudmyla LUTYTSKA<br />
Photos from R.LOOM Facebook page<br />
In the early 19th century, there was<br />
a 3,000-strong cooperative in<br />
Reshetylivka, Poltava region, which<br />
specialized in making unique<br />
carpets (“kylyms”). About 1,000<br />
weavers were making veritable objects<br />
of art. But today Reshetylivka carpetmaking<br />
is on the verge of extinction.<br />
Only 11 masters can skillfully apply<br />
the almost 500-year-old manual<br />
technique of weaving original Poltava<br />
region carpets. They are all employed at<br />
Solomia, an arts and crafts studio<br />
founded in 2006 by Serhii Kolinchenko.<br />
He worked until 2004 as manager of the<br />
factory that wove Reshetylivka carpets<br />
and was shut down just six month before<br />
its centennial.<br />
Three years ago, a family of the<br />
Donbas migrants Oleksandr and Maryna<br />
Dovzhenko joined the Poltava carpetmakers.<br />
While Oleksandr is mostly busy<br />
performing managerial functions – he<br />
drew up a project of preserving the ancient<br />
handicraft, initiated raising funds<br />
for carrying it out on a crowdfunding<br />
platform, – Maryna, a former travel<br />
agency manager, became an artist. She<br />
makes mockups of carpets. “This is an<br />
entirely new job for me. Of course, I once<br />
painted, but it was not on a professional<br />
level. I had to learn to dye threads,<br />
make technical drawings and mockups.<br />
It is very difficult to describe it in<br />
words, for these production processes are<br />
so fascinating that you should see them<br />
with your own eyes. There is only one<br />
loom in Ukraine, on which you can<br />
weave a 6-meter carpet. We also make<br />
tapestries, but our hallmark is monumental<br />
creations,” Maryna Dovzhenko<br />
says. I asked Oleksandr, an economist by<br />
profession, why he had chosen to revive<br />
and popularize traditional handicrafts in<br />
Reshetylivka. His answer was short:<br />
“Because I like all things Ukrainian.”<br />
● INIMITABLE<br />
The unique Reshetylivka carpets<br />
adorn governmental institutions in<br />
Ukraine, but the Poltava region carpet-makers<br />
are mostly proud of the<br />
fact that the tapestry “Tree of Life,”<br />
made by their now late colleague Nadia<br />
Babenko, hangs in the New York<br />
UN Headquarters’ Blue Hall. “From<br />
beginning to end, our carpets involve<br />
handwork. They are made in the knotted<br />
double-sided braiding technique.<br />
They are, so to speak, ‘read’ from both<br />
sides. They have no knots because<br />
threads are finely placed one after another<br />
under the strong pressure of a<br />
comb. Then this woolen carpet is<br />
steamed-ironed. The carpet looks absolutely<br />
the same on both its ‘face’ and<br />
underside. Only a specialist can distinguish<br />
between the ‘face’ and the<br />
underside,” Maryna Dovzhenko says.<br />
Reshetylivka carpets display pastel<br />
and grayish-blue hues, floral motifs,<br />
and a harmony of yellow, green,<br />
and red colors. What is fascinating is<br />
not only their beauty, but also the harmony<br />
they add to the space. Mistresses<br />
claim that it is not easy to make<br />
these “living carpets.” It is not only a<br />
laborious, but also a physically hard<br />
task. Most of the Reshetylivka carpetmakers<br />
have more than 20-year-long<br />
experience. Only the best remain behind<br />
in the craft. Quite often, they<br />
represent dynasties of carpet-makers,<br />
for whom it is not just gainful employment,<br />
but also an object of pleasure.<br />
“When they go, this art will come<br />
to an end,” Maryna notes sadly. She<br />
says young people are not exactly<br />
rushing to take up this craft. The girls<br />
who come to work at the workshop after<br />
finishing the local vocational<br />
school hold out for six months at<br />
most. They are dissatisfied with<br />
wages, work conditions, and non-prestigious<br />
status of the profession. To<br />
change the situation at least a little<br />
and keep Reshetylivka carpet-making<br />
afloat, funds are being raised on a<br />
crowdfunding basis for installing special<br />
lighting and air conditioning in<br />
the workshop. This will perhaps improve<br />
the health of the so far irreplaceable<br />
carpet-makers.<br />
It is time to save<br />
Reshetylivka carpets<br />
Only 11 masters can skillfully apply the almost 500-year-old<br />
manual technique of weaving original Poltava region carpets<br />
● 8 TO 10 CENTIMETERS<br />
OF FABRIC IN AN 8-HOUR<br />
WORKDAY<br />
The Reshetylivka traditional arts<br />
and crafts workshop is always glad to<br />
see guests. There are excursions here,<br />
but the tourist potential of this place<br />
has been minimally tapped so far.<br />
Oleksandr Dovzhenko hopes that the<br />
situation will improve and tour operators<br />
will create routes to Reshetylivka,<br />
for there are things to see and<br />
learn here. The mistresses will be glad<br />
to share the secrets of their trade with<br />
those who wish to take it up. It turns<br />
out that, to make a carpet, they need<br />
about 100 shades of wool. They dye it<br />
on their own with natural dyestuffs.<br />
They buy wool in the Chernihiv region<br />
because Poltava oblast is short of this<br />
material. The basis of the future carpets<br />
is laid in Kharkiv. The most<br />
heartfelt work is assigned to the<br />
Reshetylivka craftswomen – they<br />
weave picture carpets out of these materials.<br />
By far the largest of them was<br />
a 300 sq.m. carpet on which the<br />
weavers depicted the history of Azerbaijan.<br />
They wove it at a time when<br />
the factory was still named after Clara<br />
Zetkin.<br />
The price of Reshetylivka carpets<br />
varies from 5 to 10 thousand hryvnias<br />
a meter. It depends on how complicated<br />
the image is. It takes a very long<br />
time to make them, for the selection of<br />
colors demands that carpet-makers<br />
have a flawless taste and ideal lighting.<br />
For this reason, weavers often<br />
have to work on one carpet for not just<br />
one or two but for four solid months.<br />
An experienced weaver can usually do<br />
8 to 10 centimeters of fabric in an<br />
8-hour workday.<br />
Maryna hopes that it is possible to<br />
save and preserve the technique of<br />
making Reshetylivka carpets, arouse<br />
young people’s interest in this trade,<br />
and open up the potential of Ukrainian<br />
weaving to the world. For, in the<br />
view of Maryna, this craft’s story is<br />
very sad – the best examples of our<br />
carpet-making have been taken abroad<br />
and can only be seen in the collections<br />
of New York or London... “And we<br />
have what we have. What are left are<br />
collections in Poltava and Kyiv. But<br />
this cannot give you the full idea of<br />
the uniqueness of Ukrainian carpetmaking,”<br />
the artist says sadly and<br />
calls for joining the effort to save the<br />
unique technique of making Reshetylivka<br />
carpets. Incidentally, they<br />
are still woven on the old-fashioned<br />
wooden looms inherited from the now<br />
defunct factory.
8<br />
No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017<br />
TIMEO U T<br />
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />
Ukrainian art and European choice<br />
By Dmytro DESIATERYK, The Day<br />
By Hanna PAROVATKINA<br />
The first thing that attracts<br />
your attention in the film<br />
Loving Vincent is, of course,<br />
the technique of execution.<br />
The work of the Pole Dorota<br />
Kobiela (scriptwriter of the fairytale<br />
The Flying Machine, 2011)<br />
and the Briton Hugh Welchman<br />
(Oscar for the best animated short<br />
film Peter and the Wolf, 2007) is<br />
the world’s first full-length<br />
animated movie fully drawn with<br />
oil paints. A team of 85 artists<br />
(including some Ukrainians) did all<br />
the 62,470 frames in oil on a canvas<br />
in the same post-impressionist<br />
manner in which Vincent van Gogh<br />
worked.<br />
The protagonist is Armand<br />
(Douglas Booth), the son of postman<br />
Joseph Roulin, a hot-tempered<br />
but sincere boy with a<br />
strong feeling of justice. At the<br />
beginning of the story, father<br />
asks Armand to deliver van<br />
Gogh’s last letter to some of the<br />
painter’s relatives (it was addressed<br />
to his brother Theo, but<br />
he was also dead). Armand comes<br />
to the town Auvers-sur-Oise to<br />
find Vincent’s close friend doctor<br />
Gachet (Jerome Flynn). Waiting<br />
for the latter to come back, the<br />
MUKHi (a Ukrainian acronym<br />
that stands for “young Ukrainian<br />
artists and...” and is consonant with<br />
“mukhi” – “flies”) is a competition<br />
founded by gallerist and<br />
curator Maryna Shcherbenko<br />
and held since<br />
2009. Anyone aged up<br />
to 35 can take part in<br />
the contest except for<br />
those who have already won<br />
in it. For, as a rule, finalists<br />
become very well known artists<br />
not only in Ukraine and compete<br />
with noted masters.<br />
“The cause is a fair selection of<br />
competitors,” comments Oksana<br />
BARSHYNOVA, chief, 20th-early-<br />
21st-century art research department,<br />
National Art Museum of<br />
Winners<br />
of young<br />
artists’ competition<br />
MUKHi 2017<br />
announced<br />
in Kyiv<br />
Ukraine; teacher of the contemporary<br />
art history, national Academy of<br />
Fine Arts and Architecture, Ukraine.<br />
This year Barshynova is a member<br />
of the contest’s international expert<br />
commission for the second<br />
time in a row. In addition to<br />
her, the jury includes Jerzy<br />
Onuch, ex-director of<br />
the Contemporary Art<br />
Center at Kyiv Mohyla<br />
Academy and the Polish Institute<br />
in Kyiv; gallerists<br />
Tetiana Tumasian (Kharkiv),<br />
Gunnar Kvaran (Astrup Fearnley<br />
Museum of Modern Art, Oslo), and<br />
Oleksandra Homeniuk (Hales Gallery,<br />
London/New York).<br />
“Competition experts are trying<br />
to be as unbiased as possible. We do<br />
not even take into account the space<br />
On paintbrush tips<br />
postman meets a lot of people who<br />
not only knew van Gogh and the circumstances<br />
of his death, but also appeared<br />
on his pictures.<br />
Biographic films about wellknown<br />
people often “suffer” from excessive<br />
melodramatics and simplified<br />
plot-related techniques, when,<br />
An animated drama<br />
on the life and<br />
death of van Gogh<br />
is now showing<br />
Photo courtesy of the organizers of the exhibit<br />
in which the contest finalists’ exhibit<br />
may be opened. I myself saw the exposition<br />
at the Taras Shevchenko Museum<br />
during the vernissage only. It was<br />
very interesting,” Barshynova says.<br />
MUKHi were exhibited at the<br />
Taras Shevchenko for the first time.<br />
Before that, finalists’ exhibits had<br />
been held at the Institute of Contemporary<br />
Art. This year the contest has<br />
received 456 applications from young<br />
authors in various regions of<br />
Ukraine. The organizers have selected<br />
a dozen of projects instead of the<br />
planned 10.<br />
“In 2015, many of the contestants<br />
explored the themes of war and traumas<br />
as well as of the current sociopolitical<br />
situation. Now the young<br />
authors have addressed the same<br />
problems more subtly. Almost all of<br />
to shape the story, scriptwriters<br />
try to find a conflict in the life of a<br />
hero or heroine, showing the finesse<br />
of gutter-press journalists<br />
and putting the blame on each and<br />
every. The authors of Loving Vincent<br />
also rely on a biographic material.<br />
However, even introducing<br />
some elements of detective investigation,<br />
they still leave it to the<br />
spectator to answer the question<br />
about the cause of the artist’s<br />
death (suicide or unintentional<br />
murder?). Everybody is guilty of<br />
something, but nobody is guilty in<br />
essence. The permanent source of<br />
Vincent’s misfortunes is not the<br />
hypothetic mental abnormality but<br />
his very nature and gift – too challenging<br />
to the surrounding reality.<br />
Interestingly, Vincent passes<br />
as a secondary character, mostly in<br />
black and white flashbacks. This<br />
detachment, coupled with the<br />
equality of various voices, views,<br />
and versions, make the film’s style<br />
fully justified or even the only possible.<br />
People on the screen speak<br />
about van Gogh and argue whether<br />
he was a genius, but all this occurs<br />
in the world he created.<br />
And this metaphor also applies<br />
to us. We are also, in a way, the<br />
creatures of Vincent – on paintbrush<br />
tips, lovingly.<br />
them dropped straightforward options.<br />
In spite of a young age, many<br />
of the current participants know very<br />
well how to put their ideas across,”<br />
Barshynova emphasized. “And 12 finalists<br />
were the result of an unusual<br />
consensus of the experts.”<br />
Yet Barshynova is too diplomatic<br />
in her appraisals. In reality, according<br />
to a well-known national tradition,<br />
MUKHi nominees strove to<br />
evade altogether acute social issues<br />
and even the topic of war. Both the<br />
“stars” and the totally unknown<br />
short-listed authors preferred “pure”<br />
art to the topics of the day. For example,<br />
Kinder Album (Lviv) presented<br />
a very impressive cycle of analogue<br />
photographs, “Not My Hotel,”<br />
in which hotel rooms symbolize the<br />
fluidity of time. Dmytro Chervonyi<br />
(Hlevakha, Kyiv oblast) turned to the<br />
theme of a “little man.” He placed his<br />
India-ink-drawn “heroes” under a<br />
magnifying glass, as if it were a microscope.<br />
In the installation “While I<br />
Am Young, I Make Bad Works” (with<br />
a toy speaking parrot), the Odesabased<br />
Mykola Karabinovych makes<br />
play with Oleksandr Brener’s classical<br />
performance “Why Didn’t They<br />
Invite Me to this Exhibition?”<br />
The MUKHi 2017 grand prix was<br />
awarded to “Hollywood-Troieshchyna,”<br />
a project by Mykhailo Alekseienko<br />
(Kyiv). The artist, who was<br />
physically in Troieshchyna, hoaxed<br />
his colleagues and acquaintances by<br />
means of social media and convinced<br />
them that he worked on contract in…<br />
Hollywood. The award for this ironic<br />
mockumentary was 40,000 hryvnias<br />
and a trip of Alekseienko himself not<br />
exactly to Los Angeles but to quite a<br />
real FUTURA art residency in the<br />
Czech Republic. Incidentally, the<br />
artist’s 2018 exhibit will be also held<br />
in Kyiv’s Shcherbenko Art Center.<br />
Two special prizes (15,000 hryvnias<br />
each) went to photo artists: the<br />
Odesa-based Oleh Dymov for the conceptualistic<br />
photo project “Document<br />
of a Condition” and Kyivite Maria<br />
Proshkovska for “Sensitiveness,” a<br />
cycle of nude self-portraits.<br />
MUKHi makes it possible to see<br />
with your own eyes how the young<br />
contemporary art of Ukraine is<br />
changing. “Even in comparison with<br />
2015, there are fewer traditional<br />
techniques in and approaches to the<br />
exposition,” competition curator Maryna<br />
SHCHERBENKO says. “Today,<br />
the oeuvre of our artists mirrors contemporary<br />
worldwide trends by a<br />
hundred percent. The Ukrainians are<br />
integrated into the worldwide art<br />
space and can well compete with their<br />
Western counterparts.”<br />
Among the traditional downsides,<br />
there is an incredible deal of<br />
kitsch (I mean the bulk of the participants,<br />
not the finalists). The “young<br />
ones” are trying to spread around the<br />
well-known techniques. They are reproducing<br />
somebody else’s ideas…<br />
But this must be the common feature<br />
of young people in any epoch, who are<br />
looking for their own way in art.<br />
Ukrainian young artists are extensively<br />
working in Europe today,<br />
not only at our contest. And this<br />
poses a certain problem. They are<br />
losing touch with the “inner” context.<br />
And, as a result, they address<br />
European, not Ukrainian, problems.<br />
Conversely, searching for new<br />
names in the national contemporary<br />
art and integrating these artists into<br />
the national art milieu still remains<br />
MUKHi’s goal.<br />
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