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DECEMBER 5, 2017 ISSUE No. 75 (1127)<br />

Tel.: +38(044) 303-96-19,<br />

fax: +38(044) 303-94-20<br />

е-mail: time@day.kiev.ua;<br />

http://www.day.kiev.ua<br />

Photo from Yurii ROMANENKO’s Facebook page<br />

INSCRIPTION READS: “IMPEACHMENT!”<br />

Where are we marching?<br />

Expert: “The law on impeachment is a feature of civilized society, and it would be<br />

a guarantee of the existence of a system of checks and balances in this country”<br />

By Valentyn TORBA, The Day<br />

Yet another march was held in Kyiv, with its<br />

leaders traditionally including Mikheil<br />

Saakashvili. Other marchers can be called<br />

the government’s opponents only<br />

conditionally, because some of them are still<br />

members of pro-presidential factions, such as<br />

Serhii Leshchenko or Mustafa Nayyem. In general,<br />

we have a strange situation: MPs hold protests and<br />

present demands at the walls of the Verkhovna Rada<br />

instead of doing the same within that body. At the<br />

same time, they fight the president while stubbornly<br />

remaining in his faction. Moreover, it is not just<br />

about criticizing Petro Poroshenko. They call for<br />

impeachment. We emphasize, it is not just about<br />

making changes to the law on impeachment, but<br />

about going ahead with the impeachment itself.<br />

Saakashvili has spoken quite clearly on that matter.<br />

One can even say that this is the only clear demand<br />

coming from him, because all his other demands<br />

sound like a lot of noise about the “fat cats<br />

government,” “criminals in power,” and so on.<br />

Saakashvili puts forward his slogan of impeachment<br />

with a direct hint that he is prepared to replace the<br />

incumbent head of state. Whether other<br />

participants of the protest scene share this opinion<br />

about the “alternative to Poroshenko,” remains an<br />

open question. It seems that each of them thinks<br />

about reaping election dividends for themselves.<br />

While the previous procession was called the<br />

“March of the Outraged,” featured a banner with<br />

the word “impeachment,” and did gather several<br />

thousand participants indeed, then the present<br />

event, which was attended by as many people at<br />

least, was already called the straight-up “March for<br />

Impeachment.” And even the very word “impeachment”<br />

was far more frequent on the posters<br />

carried during the event.<br />

It is clear that the people who attend these<br />

marches are mostly not interested in the subtleties<br />

of legislation and changes to it. Back on October<br />

17, when they marched to the government<br />

quarter demanding political reform, the participants<br />

had little idea what the Anticorruption<br />

Court was, and were overall confused about the list<br />

of demands. That was the first attempt to “bring<br />

people into it.” Tents outside the Verkhovna Rada,<br />

blocked streets, and large presence of police<br />

(which then disappeared on Arsen Avakov’s orders<br />

and left the protesters alone and in a certain state<br />

of confusion) were an attempt to imitate the Maidan.<br />

But it turned out that the use of the word<br />

“Maidan” by certain politicians became a false start<br />

for these protests.<br />

In general, the technologies of bringing people<br />

to rallies are simple and have long been in use. Representatives<br />

of the current government took an active<br />

part in such marches themselves before 2014.<br />

Rounding up or assembling a crowd is not hard. This<br />

requires a certain number of bribable people, a certain<br />

number of local activists of varying degrees of<br />

mental health, loudspeakers, flags, and a clear plan<br />

of pickets with predetermined slogans. The slogans<br />

themselves are easy to invent as well, as the theme<br />

of reform and the fight against corruption is a longlasting<br />

one under our conditions. Thus, the cocktail<br />

for a picket, a rally or a march is ready, but it<br />

is still not a Maidan.<br />

“This is an exhibition<br />

for strong people”<br />

Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day<br />

Emotions and thoughts<br />

on the margins of Den’s<br />

Days in Kharkiv<br />

Continued on page 2


2<br />

No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017<br />

DAY AFTER DAY<br />

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

By Natalia PUSHKARUK, The Day<br />

Anunprecedented event occurred last<br />

week at a session of the International<br />

Criminal Tribunal for the Former<br />

Yugoslavia (ICTY): Slobodan Praljak,<br />

72, a former Bosnian Croat general,<br />

announced that he was “not a war<br />

criminal,” drank a poison, and then died in a<br />

hospital. This happened immediately after the<br />

judge upheld his 20-year sentence passed in<br />

2013. Deutsche Welle (DW) says that Praljak is<br />

one of the six former political and military<br />

leaders of Bosnian Croats who stood the trial. He<br />

was one of the commanders of a unit that<br />

committed war crimes against Bosnian Muslims<br />

in almost 30 municipalities of Bosnia and<br />

Herzegovina, including Mostar, where a 16thcentury<br />

bridge was ruined.<br />

This immediately touched off a wave of comments<br />

in the world media about how the defendant<br />

managed to carry the bottle with poison to<br />

the court room. The Guardian says: “An investigation<br />

is likely to be launched into... how he<br />

could have smuggled the bottle into court<br />

through what should have been strict security at<br />

the longest-running war crimes tribunal in The<br />

Hague.”<br />

Radio Free Europe reports that Dutch prosecutors<br />

have opened an investigation that<br />

would focus on what killed Praljak and whether<br />

he had received any outside help in obtaining<br />

the poison.<br />

Reuters says that stricter procedures at the<br />

UN detention unit in The Hague were adopted<br />

following the death of suspect Slobodan Milosevic,<br />

the former Serbian and Yugoslav president,<br />

of a heart attack. Previously, two defendants<br />

awaiting their ICTY trial, both Serbs, committed<br />

suicide in their UN cells.<br />

Incidentally, the International Criminal Tribunal<br />

for the Former Yugoslavia handed down<br />

its last ruling on that day and now, almost a<br />

quarter of a century later, has ended its work.<br />

DW writes that the suicide death of Praljak<br />

has overshadowed the International Criminal<br />

Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia’s final verdict.<br />

According to the agency, over the last<br />

25 years some 161 people have been charged with<br />

crimes. The court convicted 90 people in all, including<br />

presidents, generals, and intelligence<br />

services leaders, most of whom were given long<br />

prison sentences. The most spectacular of those<br />

trials was that of former Serbian President Slobodan<br />

Milosevic who died before his trial was<br />

concluded. And last week the Hague tribunal<br />

sentenced former Bosnian Serb general Ratko<br />

Mladic to life in prison.<br />

● “THERE IS NO PROOF THAT<br />

PRALJAK’S CONVICTION WAS<br />

UNJUST”<br />

Volodymyr VASYLENKO, Doctor of Law,<br />

Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador<br />

of Ukraine, a judge at the International Criminal<br />

Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in 2002-05:<br />

“This dramatic event is about one person – a<br />

Croatian general who thus expressed his personal<br />

disagreement with the International Tribunal’s<br />

sentence – and will carry no political or<br />

legal consequences. In principle, very many people<br />

are dissatisfied with the rulings of both national<br />

and international courts.<br />

“As for the International Criminal Tribunal<br />

for the Former Yugoslavia, the vast majority of<br />

the convicted people have considered themselves<br />

innocent and expressed disagreement with the<br />

sentence even before. They and their sympathizers<br />

used to express protests. In this case the<br />

protest assumed an extreme and dramatic form.<br />

But there is no proof that Praljak’s conviction<br />

was unjust and is the result of a biased attitude<br />

to the defendant.”<br />

You were a judge at the International Criminal<br />

Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.<br />

Could you tell us more in detail about the performance<br />

of this body?<br />

“The tribunal was established to punish the<br />

people who took part in the conflict on the territory<br />

of the former Yugoslavia and committed<br />

war crimes and crimes against humanity.<br />

The tribunal practiced no discrimination against<br />

either the Serbs, or the Croats, or the Bosnian<br />

Muslims. The same norms, set out in the tribunal’s<br />

statute and rules of procedure, were applied<br />

to all. There was no bias against defendants<br />

on the basis of their ethnicity.<br />

“On the one hand, the tribunal was established<br />

as a body that was to punish the guilty and fully<br />

Final verdict in Hague and general’s suicide<br />

Volodymyr VASYLENKO:<br />

“I believe that justice<br />

about Russia’s<br />

crimes in Ukraine<br />

will also prevail<br />

sooner or later”<br />

restore justice. On the other, it was to lay the<br />

groundwork for a future reconciliation among the<br />

populace and between the states that had emerged<br />

on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. There<br />

have not been so far and I don’t think there will be<br />

any official complaints from European governments<br />

about the tribunal’s performance. All of its<br />

rulings were just and fair, for they were based on<br />

the truth. I am more than sure that European<br />

democracies will make no negative appraisal of the<br />

tribunal’s performance. The main conclusion is<br />

that the tribunal has played a positive role by adhering<br />

to the principle of the unavoidability of<br />

punishment for international crimes.”<br />

War is going on in Ukraine, and Russia is<br />

committing aggression against this country and<br />

has annexed some Ukrainian territories. Do you<br />

believe that Russian mercenaries will also be<br />

punished one day for killing our citizens?<br />

“I do believe in this and think that justice<br />

will prevail sooner or later. As far back as<br />

By Maria PROKOPENKO, The Day;<br />

Liudmyla LUTYTSKA<br />

Photos by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day<br />

very scared when the events in<br />

the Donbas began. I thought, what<br />

Kharkiv would be like, and would<br />

they move on it? Yes, most residents<br />

“Iwas<br />

of Kharkiv region support Ukraine,<br />

and we are always with Ukraine. But,<br />

unfortunately, not everything depends on our<br />

choice alone. There is an external aggressor,<br />

and the situation is very difficult. And we<br />

need to look at these pictures, showing our<br />

warriors, heroes…” shared her impressions<br />

Maria Chumak, one of the first visitors of our<br />

exhibition in Kharkiv.<br />

When we sum up this or that event, in this<br />

case – the opening of the photo exhibition,<br />

then, of course, we consider the number of visitors.<br />

But the main thing, after all, is the<br />

amount of emotion. Were people just watching<br />

the photos or were they empathizing with<br />

their subjects, laughing and crying? Did they<br />

vote for the best work? After all, if a visitor<br />

cares enough to fill out the form, then the photo<br />

really touched them. In Kharkiv, this was<br />

very much present.<br />

● “I HOPE THIS EVENT WILL HELP<br />

PEOPLE TO BETTER UNDERSTAND<br />

UKRAINE”<br />

2015, the Verkhovna Rada resolved to recognize<br />

mandatory jurisdiction of the International<br />

Criminal Court (ICC) over the war crimes<br />

and crimes against humanity committed during<br />

Russia’s armed aggression against<br />

Ukraine. And a case of this kind is now under<br />

study at the ICC. The scrutiny of this case and<br />

punishment of the guilty will depend on<br />

whether the Ukrainian side will manage to furnish<br />

the convincing evidence of the war crimes<br />

and crimes against humanity committed by the<br />

aggressor’s armed forces and occupational administration.”<br />

The International Criminal Tribunal for the<br />

Former Yugoslavia passes judgments for flagrant<br />

violations of humanitarian law. Meanwhile,<br />

the British government refused the other<br />

Thus, the national tour of Den’s 19th International<br />

Photo Exhibition began in<br />

Kharkiv. “The annual photo exhibition of<br />

the Den newspaper is always a landmark<br />

event,” asserted Yurii Chevordov, an advisor<br />

to the chief of the Presidential Administration.<br />

“This is a landmark event both in<br />

Kyiv and in the provinces. I attended the<br />

opening of the exhibition in Kyiv this year,<br />

and now I got to attend the opening in<br />

Kharkiv. The fact that this year the organizers<br />

decided to start their tour from<br />

Kharkiv, is a right and logical decision.<br />

Kharkiv has always been an intellectual center<br />

able to appreciate such an event. Moreover,<br />

the leadership of the regional administration<br />

as a whole and Yulia Svitlychna [head<br />

of the Kharkiv Oblast State Administration<br />

(KhOSA). – Editor.] in particular embraced<br />

this idea with gusto and helped in organizing<br />

the exhibition in every possible way.”<br />

Let us recall that the exhibition is supported<br />

by the KhOSA. Its head Svitlychna<br />

told us about her impressions of the exhibition<br />

as follows: “These pictures convey genuine<br />

emotions. This is not some prearranged<br />

scenario, but a real picture of life. I hope that<br />

this exhibition will help people to better understand<br />

Ukraine and Ukrainians, as well as<br />

to sum up 2017 and make their own conclusions<br />

about it.”<br />

day to recognize the 1932-33 Holodomor in<br />

Ukraine as genocide. How can you explain this?<br />

“It is up to the British government to decide.<br />

The government of every state has the right to<br />

recognize or not to recognize a certain act, fact,<br />

or situation. The British government says that,<br />

to recognize the Ukraine Holodomor as a crime of<br />

genocide, they need the ruling of a British court.<br />

This is a strange excuse for refusing to recognize<br />

the Holodomor as genocide. I do not see it necessary<br />

for a British court to recognize the<br />

Holodomor. Some measures could be taken. The<br />

Kyiv Court of Appeal resolved on January 13,<br />

2010, to uphold the previously-made conclusions<br />

about the case opened by the Security Service of<br />

Ukraine, which confirmed that the communist<br />

regime in Ukraine had committed a crime of<br />

genocide by intentionally killing millions of<br />

Ukrainians in 1932-33 by way of famine.<br />

“What is no less important than recognition<br />

of the Holodomor as genocide by one government<br />

or another is the attitude of Ukrainian society to<br />

this tragedy. Opinion polls show today that<br />

77 percent of Ukrainian citizens consider the<br />

Holodomor as a crime of genocide. Compared to<br />

previous surveys, this indicates a much larger<br />

number of those who interpret the Holodomor<br />

this way. This is gratifying because the attitude<br />

of society to this crime as to a national tragedy<br />

testifies to the growing national self-awareness<br />

and further promotes the national unity of<br />

Ukrainians. Therefore, the Ukrainian leadership<br />

and civil society must focus on making concerted<br />

efforts inside the country so that 100 percent<br />

of our citizens are unanimous in the appraisal of<br />

this crime against the Ukrainian nation and are<br />

aware of who committed it. This would be a powerful<br />

factor of national cohesion and reinforcement<br />

of our national identity.”<br />

“This is an exhibition for strong people”<br />

Emotions and thoughts on the margins of Den’s Days in Kharkiv<br />

● “OUR HOME, KHARKIV REGION,<br />

IS DEPICTED HERE”<br />

Thus, Den’s photo exhibition will continue<br />

at Kharkiv Mykola Lysenko National Academic<br />

Theater of Opera and Ballet (KhNATOB)<br />

throughout December. By the way, the KhNA-<br />

TOB building is not like your typical theater,<br />

built in Baroque or Classicist style. This is a solid<br />

monumental building made of granite, which<br />

was built in the late 1980s and commissioned in<br />

full in 1991. Kharkivites’ opinions of this building<br />

differ widely. Still, our exhibition has fit<br />

well into its clear geometry and has not got lost<br />

in the large hall space.


WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

DAY AFTER DAY No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017 3<br />

By Mykola SIRUK<br />

Kyiv hosted the other day the International<br />

Maritime Security Conference, one of the<br />

participants of which was Rear Admiral<br />

Daniel W. DWYER, Chief of Staff,<br />

Deputy Chief of Staff for Strategy,<br />

Policy, and Requirements, US Naval Forces<br />

Europe-Africa/US 6th Fleet. We began an<br />

interview with the rear admiral, who came to<br />

Ukraine for the first time, with asking him<br />

about his impressions of our country. “Ukraine<br />

is a very proud nation with a very proud history,<br />

it’s a nation of people that want to determine their<br />

own way of life, how they want to govern<br />

themselves and how they want to interact with the<br />

international community,” RDML Dwyer said.<br />

● “BLACK SEA IS A FREE AND OPEN<br />

INTERNATIONAL WATERWAYS,<br />

NO NATION CAN INFLUENCE<br />

THE FREE FLOW OF COMMERCE<br />

AND TRADING”<br />

Sir, what are your impressions of the<br />

Ukrainian Navy? Have you contacted with the<br />

Ukrainian naval command yet?<br />

“I had a couple of opportunities outside of<br />

Ukraine to meet with Vice Admiral Voronchenko<br />

and his staff. We recently met at the regional sea<br />

power symposium in Venice just two months<br />

ago. And my commander, Admiral Foggo, had<br />

an opportunity to sit down and have a one-on-one<br />

discussion with Vice Admiral Voronchenko. Actually,<br />

it was his first meeting at the conference,<br />

showing importance that commander of US<br />

naval forces in Europe and Africa places with<br />

Ukraine and Ukrainian Navy.<br />

“Ukrainian frigate Hetman Sahaidachny recently<br />

participated in operational exercise Sea<br />

Breeze that we conducted in the Black Sea, very<br />

important exercise, it is held annually to bring<br />

all NATO nations part of Black Sea region as well<br />

as other nations outside the Black Sea to come<br />

together to work closely, increase their own interoperability,<br />

to increase their capability, and<br />

In general, Kharkivites are most touched by<br />

the pictures associated with the region. Maria<br />

Chumak voted for Andrii Kravchenko’s photo,<br />

made on March 24, 2017 in Balaklia, Kharkiv<br />

oblast. The day before, the city was shaken by explosions<br />

in an ammunition depot. The picture<br />

shows a boy with a red puppy. “As a photographer,<br />

I like this work’s colors and mood. The red color of<br />

the puppy’s fur is echoed by that of the beams of a<br />

destroyed building. Meanwhile, everything else is<br />

dark, and the burnt remnants of wood make a<br />

faint appearance in places,” commented Chumak.<br />

“This is our home, Kharkiv region, and I remember<br />

well that terrible day. People who had friends<br />

or relatives in the affected area went there, my<br />

friends evacuated people out of there, rescued<br />

them. This story affected me as well.”<br />

● “I SAW THE LIFE OF THE NATION IN<br />

ITS ENTIRETY”<br />

As usual, our partners donated books from<br />

Den’s Library series to various institutions during<br />

the event. This time, the intellectual sets (including<br />

books The Crown, or Heritage of the Rus’ Kingdom;<br />

Ukraine Incognita. TOP 25; My Sister Sofia<br />

and the annual subscription to the Friday issue of<br />

Den) were received by Rohan Agrarian Lyceum of<br />

Kharkiv raion, Korobochkyne Educational Complex,<br />

Korobochkyne Library, Chkalovske Educational<br />

Complex, Kharkiv Military Hospital, and the<br />

92nd Separate Mechanized Brigade (SMB) of the<br />

Ukrainian Armed Forces. These gifts were purchased<br />

by the Kharkiv Oblast Organization of the<br />

Agrarian Party. It is noteworthy that, according to<br />

its head Mykhailo Zolotariov, Den’s Days were, in<br />

fact, the first cultural event to be supported by his<br />

branch of the party.<br />

“We agrarians nourish people’s bodies.<br />

What we see at the exhibition is spiritual food.<br />

In order for people to receive all that is necessary<br />

for the soul and body, we gladly responded to the<br />

book donation initiative,” continued Zolotariov.<br />

“The books are really very good. I think both<br />

children and adults will benefit from reading<br />

them and find it pleasurable. Meanwhile, the exhibition<br />

struck a chord in my soul. I saw here the<br />

life of the nation in its entirety. The anti-terrorist<br />

operation events and deaths are reflected in<br />

these photos. One just cannot remain indifferent.<br />

I admired a series of children’s photos – after<br />

all, it is our future. Such pictures inspire optimism<br />

and the belief that everything will turn<br />

out fine for us at the end.”<br />

“Ukraine is a very proud nation<br />

with a very proud history”<br />

Rear Admiral Daniel W. DWYER on cooperation between the Ukrainian<br />

and US navies and the containment of Russia in the Black Sea<br />

to encourage navies and other regional actors to<br />

show that the Black Sea is a free and open international<br />

waterways, that no nation can influence<br />

the free flow of commerce and trading.”<br />

● “IT’S VERY REFRESHING AND<br />

IMPORTANT TO SEE THAT<br />

UKRAINIAN NAVY CONTINUES<br />

TO DEVELOP ITS MARITIME 2035<br />

STRATEGY”<br />

In what way do you think the US can help<br />

Ukraine rebuild its Navy?<br />

“First, you know, individual navy or nation<br />

has to take the first step. They have to show that<br />

they are committed to increasing their own capability.<br />

And it’s very refreshing and important<br />

to see that Ukrainian Navy has a vision as it continues<br />

to develop its own command and control,<br />

to look at the internal organization, to modernize<br />

their organization, to approve the lines of<br />

communication to other command structures, as<br />

well as start to develop their own maritime strategy.<br />

As Ukrainian Navy continues to develop<br />

its maritime strategy, I believe they call it the<br />

maritime 2035 strategy, it’s what they want to<br />

see in the navy in 20 years, it’s very refreshing<br />

to see these first steps. You have to know where<br />

you want to get to, and set a course to get there.<br />

And so from the United States Navy standpoint,<br />

we certainly encourage that and we look to assist<br />

Ukrainian Navy in developing this strategy and<br />

● “THE WAR IS THE SAME EVERYWHERE”<br />

The 92nd SMB is a special story for Kharkiv.<br />

Residents of the city are proud of the soldiers of<br />

this brigade, which is based near Chuhuiv. It was<br />

Lieutenant Colonel Oleksandr Lutsenko, deputy<br />

commander of the brigade, who came to receive<br />

books from our Library series. During the tour<br />

of the exhibition, he joined our effort to tell people<br />

about the photos.<br />

In Oleksandr Klymenko’s work The Fragments<br />

of Civilization, Lutsenko recognized a soldier<br />

from the 92nd Brigade. The picture depicts<br />

a defunct library at the hospital for veterans of<br />

war and labor in Marinka, Donetsk oblast, which<br />

was defended by the 92nd SMB for a time. The<br />

library is defunct because the building suffered<br />

a lot of war damage, and its floor is covered with<br />

abandoned books.<br />

“It is nice to see our boys in these photos as<br />

well,” said Lutsenko. “In general, one can see all<br />

aspects of peace and war at this exhibition. By<br />

the way, Avdiivka, which is pictured on one of<br />

the photos, is very similar to some places near<br />

Marinka. The war is the same everywhere, as it<br />

brings devastation and makes locals very tired<br />

continue to provide any guides and internship<br />

that we can offer to help them achieve their<br />

goals and vision.”<br />

It’s common knowledge that Ukraine is unable<br />

to build new warships immediately. What<br />

about the leasing of US ships?<br />

of it. People forget that we are still at war. Now<br />

the war gets a minute or two in the news. It is<br />

presented as an ordinary event: so many locations<br />

have been fired upon, so many people<br />

have died, so many have been injured. It is just<br />

statistics. People are fighting, holding their<br />

ground, defending it. Others do not feel at war<br />

anymore.”<br />

Lutsenko rejoiced at receiving books from<br />

Den. “Humanities education is very important<br />

for the soldier. They must know their mother<br />

tongue, read, broaden their horizons. They<br />

must know the history of Ukraine as well, and<br />

not that imposed on us for 70 years, and then<br />

some more,” emphasized the officer. “Den’s<br />

books will be added to our library, and every<br />

addition is a pleasant experience. Our collection<br />

is not replenished that often, but this does<br />

happen, in particular, due to the efforts of civil<br />

volunteers. Our boys love to read modern literature,<br />

including detectives and science fiction,<br />

to get some respite from war and everyday<br />

troubles. Some officers read military history<br />

books that deal with tactics, operational<br />

art, borrow something from the experience of<br />

the Second World War.”<br />

“We have a very robust program at the Navy<br />

International Program Office, where we take<br />

former United States vessels that still have service<br />

life remaining, and we look to provide those<br />

to our allies and partners if they have a need, or<br />

they have a capability gap that they need to fill<br />

with one of these vessels.<br />

“Currently, the United States has a couple of<br />

vessels that we can offer to the Ukrainian Navy<br />

to fill some of those capability gaps, and we are<br />

very hopeful that we can provide these excess defense<br />

ships to the Ukrainian government and<br />

Ukrainian Navy for their own use, for their own<br />

self-defense.”<br />

At what stage is this process of transfer?<br />

What does the Ukrainian side have to do to receive<br />

these ships?<br />

“I am not an expert on this process, I know it<br />

very basically. It requests from the Ukrainian<br />

government to write US government requesting<br />

those vessels, and then there is a certain price to refurbish<br />

those vessels and bring to operational capability<br />

and transfer them to the government that<br />

wishes to take the possession of those vessels.<br />

So, it involves your Ministry of Defense and our Ministry<br />

of Defense, and an agreement made between<br />

the two governments to make that transfer happen.<br />

It’s a very common practice, we have many NATO<br />

nations and many partner nations that we make this<br />

available to. It offers a much lower price than building<br />

a new ship, it’s about substantial savings to use<br />

these excess ships that we have.<br />

“Several Black Sea nations operate former<br />

US Navy Oliver Hazard Perry-class frigates, and<br />

it’s very productive, and it’s very good to see<br />

that those nations are taking advantage of that<br />

program.”<br />

● “EVERY NAVY NEEDS TO LOOK INTO<br />

TECHNOLOGIES THAT COULD GIVE<br />

THEM THE COMPETITIVE<br />

ADVANTAGE”<br />

Ukroboronprom director general Roman<br />

Romanov emphasized at the panel “Regional<br />

and Global Sociopolitical and Economic Consequences<br />

of Challenges to Security in the Black<br />

Sea Region” that more attention should be paid<br />

to unmanned systems to provide security, particularly<br />

at sea. What do you think of this?<br />

“I think every navy needs to look into technologies<br />

that could give them the competitive<br />

advantage in the environment they are operating<br />

in, whether it is the Ukrainian Navy or United<br />

States Navy. I think it all gets us back to what<br />

Ukraine’s overarching maritime strategy is.<br />

Knowing the professional nature of the Ukrainian<br />

Navy staff, their very strategic vision, I<br />

would assume they would look at this kind of opportunities<br />

and make their own assessment if it<br />

has viability in the Ukrainian Navy.”<br />

Can you say what role the US Navy is playing<br />

in the Black Sea region after Russia’s illegal<br />

annexation of Crime and the ongoing Russian<br />

aggression in eastern Ukraine?<br />

“US is part of NATO, obviously, and NATO<br />

has quickly come out to condemn the annexation<br />

of Crimea as an illegal act, and established a rapid<br />

action plan as well as a quick reaction force to<br />

increase controls on air, land and at the sea under<br />

the NATO contract, and we fully support<br />

that as a NATO member. And the US Navy in<br />

particular has increased our patrols in the Black<br />

Sea as we continue to work with our NATO partners<br />

in the Black Sea as well as our other partners,<br />

including the Ukrainian Navy. We hold<br />

joint patrols and work to increase the Black Sea<br />

nations’ navies’ capability and capacity to ensure<br />

the safe transport and access to international<br />

markets.”<br />

In 2008 several US warships entered the<br />

Black Sea to support Georgia and stop the offensive<br />

of Russian troops on Tbilisi. So, can we<br />

consider US warships as sort of a deterrent to<br />

the aggressor?<br />

“We always come invited: we come at the invitation<br />

of other Black Sea navies to take part<br />

in joint patrols. None of our patrols are unilateral,<br />

they are always in conjunction with another<br />

Black Sea navy. Just today, we have the<br />

USS James E. Williams in the Black Sea conducting<br />

operations with the Ukrainian Navy. In<br />

2017 alone, the US Navy has spent over a hundred<br />

days in the Black Sea, and we do it in partnership<br />

with other Black Sea nations.”<br />

What role do you think the US armed forces<br />

can play to force Russia to observe the norms of<br />

international law and retreat from Ukraine?<br />

“I think you know that NATO came up very<br />

quickly and stated that aggressive, illegal, illegitimate<br />

action will not to be allowed for any aggressive<br />

nation, and we will not stand by and allow<br />

that to happen. And I think NATO has<br />

shown that they can react quickly.”


4<br />

No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017<br />

TOPIC OF THE DAY<br />

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

Kremlin’s plan<br />

By Andrii TUZ<br />

The Kremlin is trying to have<br />

the Crimea and Donbas sanctions<br />

lifted or eased. The Russian<br />

leaders are irked at<br />

personal restrictions for Vladimir<br />

Putin’s inner circle and the<br />

sanctions that ban the supply of<br />

equipment and technologies to<br />

Crimea. Moscow is attempting to<br />

manipulate Ukrainian laws via its<br />

straw men and venal judges.<br />

● RUSSIA THREATENS TO GO<br />

TO INTERNATIONAL COURTS<br />

The so-called Russian government<br />

of the occupied Crimea intends<br />

to file lawsuits to international<br />

courts, demanding that the sanctions<br />

imposed over the peninsula’s<br />

annexation be lifted. This follows<br />

from an interview of Aleksandr<br />

Molokhov, chief of the juridical<br />

group in the “representation” of the<br />

annexed Crimea under the president<br />

of Russia. In his words, the first<br />

suits may be prepared as early as<br />

next year. “We are making efforts,<br />

and we are sure to do so [prepare the<br />

suits. – Author] if not this then next<br />

year. We are working in two directions,<br />

the first of which is to appeal<br />

against personal sanctions,” RIA<br />

Novosti quotes Molokhov as saying.<br />

He claims that Russian lawyers<br />

are also working on lifting or easing<br />

the sanctions imposed over the occupation<br />

of Crimea. Molokhov notes<br />

that the Kremlin’s difficulty is that<br />

the Russians are going to bring suits<br />

to international courts, including<br />

the Luxembourg-based European<br />

Court of Justice, which requires essential<br />

financial expenses. For the<br />

time being, they are negotiating this<br />

matter with Russia’s Ministry of<br />

Foreign Affairs.<br />

This is not the first time Molokhov<br />

and the Crimean “government”<br />

as a whole is discussing the<br />

prospects of a legal action against<br />

sanctions in international courts. In<br />

early November, at the so-called Forum<br />

of Crimea’s Friends held on the<br />

annexed peninsula, Molokhov announced<br />

the formation of a special<br />

juridical group “to combat sanctions.”<br />

Then he recalled two international<br />

entities – the abovementioned<br />

European Court of Justice<br />

and the European Court of Human<br />

Rights. Russian emissaries continue<br />

to allege that the Crimean “referendum”<br />

was legitimate. Therefore,<br />

the US and EU sanctions must<br />

be lifted. At the same time, Russian<br />

lawyers and diplomats do not specify<br />

when the first suit will be filed.<br />

● HOW SANCTIONS AFFECT<br />

THE KREMLIN<br />

Kicking off the so-called “Russian<br />

spring” in Crimea and the Donbas,<br />

Vladimir Putin failed to take<br />

into account the economic consequences<br />

of his aggression. The Russian<br />

government’s actions in the first<br />

months after the annexation of<br />

Crimea clearly show that Moscow<br />

had no plans at all about maintaining<br />

the occupied territories in the<br />

conditions of sanctions, trade blockade,<br />

and Russian economic backwardness.<br />

Crimea’s water blockade<br />

by Ukraine was the first serious<br />

blow. Before the annexation, the<br />

Northern Crimean Canal met about<br />

85 percent of the peninsula’s industry,<br />

farming, and household water<br />

requirements. The blocking of the<br />

canal caused an acute shortage of<br />

water in Crimea. Today, Crimea receives<br />

potable water from 15 reservoirs<br />

that depend on precipitation<br />

and underground sources. The area<br />

Russia is manipulating international and Ukrainian<br />

laws in an attempt to have Crimea sanctions eased<br />

of irrigated Crimean steppes has<br />

been reduced greatly. Farmers have<br />

to bore wells, which results in<br />

groundwater depletion and soil<br />

salinity. Without the Dnieper water,<br />

the peninsula may face an environmental<br />

disaster. The mineralization<br />

of water in the center and the<br />

north has already exceeded the<br />

norm two or three times. Moscow is<br />

unable to meet Crimea’s need for<br />

water without the participation of<br />

Ukraine. The Crimean “government”<br />

has discussed the plan of<br />

building a water pipeline from<br />

Kuban. The project was abandoned<br />

because that region itself suffers<br />

from water shortage.<br />

The next blow was sectoral sanctions<br />

of the West and the trade<br />

blockade of the territory. Deprived<br />

of a land boundary with the neighboring<br />

Russia, Crimea has in fact<br />

become an island. This triggered a<br />

hike of prices for foodstuffs and<br />

manufactured goods. In some cases,<br />

prices skyrocketed by 250-300 percent<br />

compared to 2013. Before the<br />

“referendum,” Russian politicians<br />

and propagandists lured Crimeans<br />

with “high wages” and generous social<br />

benefits. Today, the average<br />

wages in Simferopol are about 250-<br />

300 dollars per month. Before the<br />

annexation, incomes were almost<br />

the same, while prices were essentially<br />

lower. The Russian authorities<br />

promised to create a lot of new<br />

jobs in Crimea but also failed to do<br />

so. Russian big business, retail<br />

chains, and state-run banks are giving<br />

the peninsula a wide berth because<br />

of sanctions. The only cell<br />

phone operator is the Russian MTC<br />

that works through bogus firms.<br />

The Russian leadership does not<br />

care about the way the Crimeans<br />

live. Moscow is only interested in<br />

the development of its military<br />

base, which needs Western technologies<br />

and domestic production of<br />

electric power, gas, and oil. After<br />

Ukrainian activists had cut off power<br />

supply to Crimea, the invaders<br />

faced an acute necessity to build<br />

their own thermal power plants on<br />

the peninsula. The so-called Putin’s<br />

energy bridge from Kuban turned<br />

out to be a commonplace publicity<br />

stunt. Launching the “bridge” was<br />

just for show. Putin and local officials<br />

alleged that the republic had<br />

gained “energy independence,” but<br />

the “energy bridge” went out of order<br />

several time last year. The system<br />

could not carry the load.<br />

Moscow is trying to solve the<br />

problem by building two power<br />

plants, but the project is moving on<br />

extremely slowly. The point is that<br />

Russia has no equipment and technologies<br />

of its own. The attempt to<br />

deliver German Siemens turbines to<br />

Crimea caused a grandiose scandal.<br />

German journalists found out that<br />

Putin had personally promised the<br />

company management that the turbines<br />

would not go to Crimea, but he<br />

lied for the umpteenth time. Although<br />

the Russian authorities<br />

made it clear that the turbines<br />

would remain in Crimea, this will<br />

not solve the problem. They need<br />

servicing, but Siemens specialists<br />

are unlikely to come to Crimea, even<br />

on condition of complete anonymity,<br />

after a scandal like this. Besides,<br />

American and European sanctions<br />

forced the Russian monopolist Rosneft<br />

to freeze its Black Sea projects.<br />

All the attempts of Moscow to<br />

“sell” its ostensible assistance to the<br />

West in the solution of the Syrian<br />

Sketch by Viktor BOGORAD<br />

question or to “exchange” the Donbas<br />

for Crimea have failed with a<br />

bang. The Kremlin’s attempts to interfere<br />

into the US elections resulted<br />

in more stringent sanctions<br />

against Crimea and increased the<br />

chances of Ukraine receiving lethal<br />

weapons from the US. The Kremlin<br />

knows only too well that it is so far<br />

impossible to resolve the “Crimean<br />

question.” This is why Russian officials<br />

are saying they intend to file<br />

lawsuits to international courts.<br />

● IS THE KREMLIN ACTING<br />

VIA UKRAINIAN COURTS?<br />

Borys Babin, Representative of<br />

the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous<br />

Republic of Crimea, said in<br />

a commentary to The Day that the<br />

Russians could achieve certain success<br />

in European courts. ”It is no<br />

wonder that the Russians hope to<br />

have the sanctions lifted on the international<br />

level because they are already<br />

doing this in a Ukrainian<br />

court,” the official pointed out. The<br />

point is that the Kyiv District Administrative<br />

Court overruled in early<br />

November the decision of the<br />

Ministry of the Economy of Ukraine<br />

to impose sanctions against the<br />

Ukrainian branch of a Russian maritime<br />

shipping company. The ruling<br />

was published on the website of the<br />

General Register of Judicial Decisions.<br />

The entity in question is Maritime<br />

Register of Shipping in Ukraine<br />

which belongs to the Russian<br />

Maritime Register of Shipping.”<br />

Prosecutors found out last<br />

March that the entity had been doing<br />

business on the occupied peninsula<br />

in spite of the legal ban. On the<br />

basis of the military prosecution office’s<br />

materials, the Ministry of<br />

Economic Development imposed restrictions<br />

on the Russian Maritime<br />

Register of Shipping and its branches<br />

in Ukraine. Now the Kyiv Administrative<br />

Court has lifted sanctions<br />

against this entity. The ruling<br />

says that the Maritime Register of<br />

Shipping in Ukraine did not violate<br />

the laws of our country. The Military<br />

Prosecution Office has announced<br />

that it does not accept this<br />

ruling and intends to file a petition<br />

of appeal.<br />

According to our sources in the<br />

Ukrainian government, the water<br />

blockade of Crimea may be the next<br />

object of a “judicial attack.” The<br />

Russians are going to use as a cover<br />

the private enterprises that have allegedly<br />

suffered from the blocking<br />

of the Northern Crimean Canal. The<br />

Kremlin has two options to solve<br />

the water problem of Crimea: to<br />

blackmail Kyiv with the escalation<br />

of the Donbas hostilities or to resort<br />

to craftiness. The latter envisions a<br />

number of political and legal measures<br />

to discredit the Ukrainian<br />

state, leadership, and legal system<br />

as a whole. One of the Ukrainian officials<br />

told The Day that the Russians<br />

are making use of venal<br />

Ukrainian judges and lawyers. “The<br />

intention is to file lawsuits to commercial<br />

courts on behalf of private<br />

enterprises that have allegedly suffered<br />

from the water blockade.<br />

They will be claiming damages associated<br />

with the blockade of the<br />

canal. The Russians need this kind<br />

of court rulings to wave them in<br />

Brussels or Strasbourg and say:<br />

look, Ukraine itself admits that its<br />

actions were illegal,” the interviewee<br />

said.<br />

Moscow’s plan is simple: to get<br />

the sanctions lifted or essentially<br />

eased without having to withdraw<br />

from the occupied Ukrainian territories.<br />

It is to this end that a large<br />

number of the Kremlin’s agents in<br />

Ukraine and the West are working.


WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

TOPIC OF THE DAY No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017 5<br />

By Ivan KAPSAMUN,<br />

Valentyn TORBA, The Day<br />

Four years ago, on December 1,<br />

2013, hundreds of thousands of<br />

Ukrainians came to Independence<br />

Square and Khreshchatyk. Such<br />

was the reaction of society to the<br />

brazen and brutal assault on students on<br />

the night of November 30. Had the<br />

Berkut riot police not crossed the red line<br />

then, the subsequent avalanche-like<br />

events could have failed to happen. Still,<br />

they did happen. Why? Has the<br />

Ukrainian public understood those<br />

events in full? Who has actually won and<br />

who has lost?<br />

The Day has repeatedly written<br />

about the events of four years ago. Accordingly,<br />

the public, thanks to other media<br />

outlets as well, has enough information<br />

to offer its assessment of those<br />

events. Today, we want to draw attention<br />

to another aspect. The latest broadcast of<br />

the big political talk show Ukrainian<br />

Format on the TV channel NewsOne became<br />

an illustrative example. Its participants<br />

included both “pre-Maidan” and<br />

“post-Maidan” politicians, and we mean<br />

both the Orange events and the Revolution<br />

of Dignity.<br />

We will not go into details, let us just<br />

note that the former “regionals,” or the<br />

current representatives of the Opposition<br />

Bloc (OB), behaved absolutely calmly<br />

and confidently. And it was not because<br />

this channel belongs to their colleague<br />

Yevhen Muraiev who was present during<br />

the show. In fact, the same Oleksandr<br />

Vilkul, who, according to the current<br />

mayor of Dnipro, had violently dispersed<br />

the Euromaidan in the city, spoke<br />

seemingly quite logical things regarding<br />

the socio-economic or political situation.<br />

For example, the OB members drew<br />

the public’s attention to the fact that<br />

Viktor Yanukovych’s team had passed<br />

more European integration laws than<br />

ever before.<br />

Given the policies of the current<br />

post-Maidan government, which have<br />

raised many questions, some of them<br />

voiced at the last summit of the Eastern<br />

Partnership in Brussels (including the<br />

self-created Mikhail Saakashvili problem,<br />

the slow implementation of reforms,<br />

and the dangerously high level of corruption,<br />

etc.), it creates completely comfortable<br />

conditions for the former “regionals”<br />

to mix truths with untruths, incrementally<br />

pouring oil into the fire of a<br />

general permanent crisis.<br />

So, against the backdrop of dissatisfaction<br />

of the people who came to the<br />

Maidan, but were once again used by the<br />

current politicians and the Kremlin for<br />

their own purposes, is a political revanche<br />

of the previous government possible?<br />

We have already been there. Remember<br />

2010, when Yanukovych and<br />

the Party of Regions (PoR) came to power<br />

quite legitimately, having won an<br />

election.<br />

The ground for this is gradually being<br />

prepared, both by former regionals<br />

and their curators in Moscow, and by the<br />

current government. It is enough to<br />

point to the confrontation between lawenforcement<br />

agencies, including the<br />

Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine,<br />

the Security Service of Ukraine, the<br />

National Anti-Corruption Bureau of<br />

Ukraine (NABU), the National Corruption<br />

Prevention Agency, and the Special<br />

Anti-Corruption Prosecutions Office<br />

(SAP)... The abbreviations alone are<br />

enough to make people disoriented, not<br />

to mention dissuade them from any attempt<br />

to understand the essence of the<br />

showdowns between them. Moreover,<br />

the confrontation has grown to involve<br />

entirely new structures as well, such as<br />

the NABU and SAP. Have the participants<br />

of all these conflicts given thought<br />

to the fact that were a revanche occur, it<br />

will hit them all?<br />

Another logical question being<br />

asked these days is, why have the perpetrators<br />

of Maidan-related crimes not<br />

been punished yet? Why there are thousands<br />

of witnesses, but the accused<br />

number in single digits, and those punished<br />

are even fewer? And again, is<br />

not it likely that if there is a revanche,<br />

then the Maidan criminal cases will be<br />

completed by the “regionals” them-<br />

“By and large, not all Maidan-related<br />

criminal cases have been investigated because<br />

the current authorities are helping<br />

figures of the previous regime. Some of<br />

these cases have not been investigated<br />

due to a simple lack of competence and professionalism<br />

on the part of investigators.<br />

What is the worst, though, is such investigations<br />

being a non-priority for the government.<br />

They do not need them to succeed.<br />

They are in power and do very well. Unfortunately,<br />

implementing what the public<br />

demands has never been a priority for<br />

any government in this country, while<br />

promoting one’s business, engaging in<br />

get-rich-fast schemes and corruption have<br />

always been a priority.<br />

“Let us turn to another moment. When<br />

we talk about revanche, we must see two<br />

sides to this trend. If we are talking about<br />

the former PoR staging a revanche, then<br />

we should realize that we have former<br />

representatives of that party in power<br />

even now. Judging by the latest local elecselves?<br />

And they will do it not for the<br />

country, but for themselves.<br />

There are countless questions. But<br />

the essence of it all is that we are still living<br />

through a crisis called “the Kuchmaless<br />

of a European choice and more of rage<br />

and protest against the system that had<br />

taken shape in post-Soviet Ukraine and<br />

blocked opportunities for development.<br />

Therefore, if this did not happen then, it<br />

known personal features, could take any<br />

steps, even irrational ones. And once again,<br />

it was Liovochkin who could facilitate it, as<br />

he was the one who in fact shaped the information<br />

circle around Yanukovych.<br />

Yanukovych system.” Incidentally, the could have still happened later, because “Russia, meanwhile, believed until<br />

presence of Volodymyr Lytvyn at the TV the fundamental problems that lay at the 2004 that no special effort was necessary,<br />

show and the lack of punishment for origins of the protest did not disappear. as Ukraine would return to the Kremlin’s<br />

people who ordered crimes in the<br />

Gongadze-Podolsky case is another confirmation<br />

of this. To change the situation, Maidan, we must realize that we were lin had become more active to prevent au-<br />

“As to the violent dispersal of the embrace on its own. After 2004, the Krem-<br />

we need different people in power who will dealing with representatives of the old administrative<br />

school there. Under this mo-<br />

I do not rule out that there was a plan for<br />

tonomous processes developing in Ukraine.<br />

change the rules. All those who have<br />

brought the war about must go. This<br />

was the goal of the real Maidan.<br />

del, Yanukovych was accustomed to perceiving<br />

any signs of dissatisfaction with<br />

partitioning Ukraine under the guise of a<br />

coup. After all, Russia did try to promote<br />

Is a political revanche possible?<br />

And who will replace the current team in case of its bankruptcy?<br />

PLACARD READS: “WE ARE ASHAMED OF OUR POLITICIANS”<br />

● “NOW WE HAVE A GENUINE<br />

ISSUE WITH ALTERNATIVE”<br />

Ihor LUTSENKO, MP, the Fatherland<br />

faction:<br />

“I do not think that the people who<br />

stood on the stage of the Maidan defeated<br />

anyone. They simply caught the power<br />

that Maidan protesters won at the cost of<br />

multiple sacrifices. Yanukovych was, most<br />

likely, frightened by how the situation developed,<br />

and, accordingly, he let the power<br />

slip from his hands.<br />

“Now we really have a genuine issue<br />

with alternative. We need a high-quality<br />

broad movement that would unite representatives<br />

of the opposition and broader<br />

public. Unfortunately, we have quite negative<br />

traditions in this field. We have not<br />

yet seen a great organized alternative.”<br />

● “IT WAS LESS OF A<br />

EUROPEAN CHOICE AND<br />

MORE OF RAGE AND<br />

PROTEST AGAINST POST-<br />

SOVIET UKRAINE”<br />

Petro OLESHCHUK, a political analyst:<br />

“The Maidan events, as any other<br />

events in Ukrainian politics, were rather<br />

multidimensional. Even if certain<br />

provocative measures were involved, the<br />

organizers could not predict all the hypothetical<br />

consequences of all that happened.<br />

The society experienced a rather<br />

high tension. Although we are used to calling<br />

those events the Euromaidan, it was<br />

him as his own weakness. It is worth remembering<br />

how they acted in the Donbas,<br />

their base region, when they were coming<br />

to power and strengthening their positions<br />

there. That is, letting people to conduct<br />

large-scale events in the center of the capital<br />

was for them a demonstration of<br />

their own weakness, which they could not<br />

tolerate. And where the whole system is<br />

based on fear, any weakness is a threat to<br />

the regime itself, because they then risk being<br />

trampled by their own underlings. I do<br />

not rule out that Yanukovych’s memories<br />

of the 2004 Maidan, when no dispersal happened,<br />

but he still failed to obtain power,<br />

played a role. His entourage of 2014 could<br />

use this situation and play to his stereotypes<br />

and emotions. It should not be forgotten<br />

that at the end of his reign,<br />

Yanukovych was in an informational vacuum<br />

situation. He could not just connect<br />

to the Internet himself and do a deep<br />

analysis of everything that was happening.<br />

“Thus, he had a specific circle of people<br />

who informed him and advised him. By the<br />

way, informing Yanukovych in such a way<br />

was ultimately Serhii Liovochkin’s responsibility<br />

as chief of the Presidential<br />

Administration. It is no secret that<br />

Yanukovych’s entourage was playing to his<br />

paranoid attitudes. They revealed some<br />

‘conspiracies,’ told Yanukovych that someone<br />

wanted to remove him from the position<br />

of head of state. In this way, the entourage<br />

expanded its power. One can recall the story<br />

of Yanukovych going to Mount Athos and<br />

allegedly getting told there that he would die<br />

a violent death as a result of a coup. Accordingly,<br />

Yanukovych, in line with his<br />

Photo by Artem SLIPACHUK, The Day<br />

first the idea of a coup having happened,<br />

then a parade of sovereignties in southern<br />

and eastern regions of Ukraine, then the introduction<br />

of some sort of peacekeeping<br />

contingents and, on the basis of this, to<br />

achieve an effective partition of Ukraine.”<br />

● “WE ARE LIVING THROUGH<br />

AN AGE OF GRAY AND<br />

SEMI-GRAY POLITICAL<br />

FORCES...”<br />

Oleksandr SOLONTAI, an expert of the<br />

Institute of Political Education:<br />

tions’ results, more former ‘regionals’<br />

have been elected on the Petro Poroshenko<br />

Bloc (PPB)’s lists than on the list of the OB.<br />

If we add to this list members of the Our<br />

Land party, which is the PPB’s satellite,<br />

then it can be said that it is primarily the<br />

current government that confidently sends<br />

representatives of the former PoR to local<br />

councils. Therefore, the party-based revanche<br />

has already taken place.<br />

“Nonetheless, were we to talk about a<br />

revanche in the context of abandoning the<br />

European choice, stopping implementation<br />

of the EU Association Agreement,<br />

and freezing the development of our relations<br />

with the EU, then it is impossible. It<br />

is impossible to bury pro-European aspirations<br />

in Ukraine. The objective reality<br />

forces even pro-Russian politicians say<br />

phrases like ‘we are friends with Russia, but<br />

are not against Europe.’ They even say<br />

that the EU is our strategic partner. That<br />

is, in Ukraine, the era when there was a split<br />

between forces advocating a clear course for<br />

the EU and a clear course for Russia, that<br />

era is over. Now nobody cries ‘Down with the<br />

EU!’ and ‘Down with the US!’ We are living<br />

through an age of gray and semi-gray political<br />

forces that lobby against and hinder<br />

European integration in order to parasitize<br />

on the views of millions of Ukrainians.<br />

Unfortunately, we still have many Ukrainians<br />

who have never been to the EU and never<br />

seen how Europeans live since they do<br />

not have an international passport.<br />

“In addition, the politicians who act as<br />

if they were pro-Russian are actually faking<br />

it. After all, they themselves spend vacations<br />

outside the post-Soviet space, their<br />

children study in the EU and own property<br />

there. Therefore, they play the roles of<br />

pro-Russian politicians only to be able to engage<br />

in corrupt dealings. As soon as the corruption<br />

hydra is overcome, we will immediately<br />

see that there is really no debate in<br />

the country about whether we should go to<br />

Europe or not. Ukraine has made a clear<br />

European choice. But we are very vulnerable<br />

as a result of the fact that we still have<br />

not separated politics and business. And<br />

this situation has not changed since the<br />

1990s, when the clan oligarchy was actually<br />

born. Thus, we are a free access zone<br />

for Russian agents and information influences.<br />

It is they who feed those views<br />

that ought to naturally die out and be replaced<br />

by progressive voter attitudes.”<br />

● “UKRAINIAN SOCIETY<br />

LACKS ONE OF THE MOST<br />

IMPORTANT NEEDS – THE<br />

NEED FOR SELF-ANALYSIS”<br />

Andrii BAUMEISTER, Doctor<br />

of Philosophy (facebook.com):<br />

“Ukrainian society lacks one of the<br />

most important needs – the need for selfanalysis,<br />

the need to understand oneself<br />

and one’s place in the world. We not only<br />

do not want to know ourselves, but we are<br />

also afraid to do so. This fear gives rise to<br />

aggression. If some outsider tries to talk to<br />

us about us, we become indignant and enter<br />

a state of extreme excitement (‘How do<br />

you dare!’; ‘Who are you to teach us!’).<br />

Evidence of this symptom (which is very<br />

dangerous for normal functioning of society)<br />

can be seen also in the state of the socalled<br />

expert community. Anything will do<br />

as an expert opinion: a pleasant voice, a<br />

gentle smile, a cheeky tone, long and<br />

wordy musings about ‘everything there is,’<br />

provincial gossip, indistinct chatter or<br />

plangent lowing, as well as claims of largescale<br />

‘analysis’ (they like talking about eras<br />

and civilizational turning points while<br />

sitting in front of a computer and flipping<br />

through some obscure websites). The people<br />

have got talk shows back, where guests<br />

scream, fight, insult and accuse each other.<br />

People like that, they are glued to<br />

their TVs or computer screens. But when<br />

will a sober and competent conversation begin?<br />

When will the experts begin to demonstrate<br />

at least elementary analytical skills<br />

(combined with clear and transparent presentation)?<br />

It will not happen anytime<br />

soon, because ‘anything goes.’ Because<br />

people still watch, read, quote it. When<br />

there is no demand for reality, for an attempt<br />

to understand what is happening to<br />

us and who we are, everything that we call<br />

‘TV channels,’ ‘expert opinion,’ ‘newspapers,’<br />

and ‘talk shows’ will do. The only<br />

comfort is that Christmas and New Year<br />

are upon us. In that time, Reality knocks<br />

at our doors, even if just once a year...”


6<br />

No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017<br />

CULT URE<br />

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

“LUHANSK WINTER”<br />

Artists from the east attempt at reinterpreting<br />

conventional symbols in a joint exhibit<br />

A UNICORN<br />

By Maria PROKOPENKO, photos<br />

by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day<br />

Project “LUUK” is now presented<br />

at the TSEKH Gallery in Kyiv.<br />

The name stands for “Luhansk<br />

Ukrainian.” The exposition<br />

includes works by Yaroslav<br />

Derkach, Zakentii Horobiov, and Serhii<br />

Lykhovyd. All three come from<br />

Luhansk oblast, which they left at<br />

various times and for various reasons.<br />

They have known each other a long<br />

while, and now they come up with a<br />

joint project.<br />

● “TO LET PEOPLE SEE WHAT<br />

THEY WANT”<br />

Where do the stairs that do not go up<br />

lead? Next to them are confusing traffic<br />

lights, without the conventional<br />

green, amber, and red. There are no<br />

rules, climb as you wish. If you wish. Upstairs<br />

you will face a competition, held<br />

according to strange unwritten rules.<br />

They are symbolized by new Olympic<br />

rings. Here this symbol includes not<br />

only circumferences, but also a triangle<br />

and squares. The symbol of interconti-<br />

nental equality is falling apart. Actually,<br />

the Olympics themselves, revived in<br />

the 19th century to promote the spirit of<br />

fair, non-violent contest, not infrequently<br />

turns into a demonstration of<br />

wealth and power, or even of the<br />

progress in pharmacological industry.<br />

The laconic metal objects, described<br />

above, are part of Derkach’s cycle<br />

“Shape.” “In my view, the problem of the<br />

conventional symbols is that their semantic<br />

load is eroded. They are used universally,<br />

but what do they stand for?”<br />

Derkach muses. “My approach is to<br />

choose well-known symbols and transform<br />

them in some way, letting people<br />

see them from a new angle. I interpret<br />

these symbols in a certain way, but this<br />

is my vision. The simpler the shape, the<br />

more room for associations. I give everyone<br />

room to see what they want to see.”<br />

The artist has long worked with<br />

metal. This is unprocessed steel,<br />

which would be corroded with time.<br />

“Such material speaks for itself. It is<br />

heavy, it has an own character, and it<br />

is convincing,” Derkach explains.<br />

● “I WANT UKRAINE TO<br />

RESEMBLE MY POSTERS”<br />

When rules are broken, one could<br />

look to common virtues and own principles<br />

for guidance. Opposite Derkach’s<br />

works is the series “Atisha” by Horobiov.<br />

The author, graphic designer who<br />

works with Cyrillic fonts, broke the<br />

maxims by Atisha, a Buddhist thinker<br />

and preacher, into parts and visualized<br />

them. “Tranquility of mind is the ultimate<br />

good,” “The most important quality<br />

is working for others,” “The most<br />

useful effort is free from expectations,”<br />

etc. Sometimes the letters are<br />

barely readable, they are perceived as<br />

abstract symbols.<br />

“At first, a person can perceive it superficially,<br />

they focus on the form, and<br />

dwell on the meaning later,” says Horobiov.<br />

“I chose such a form because I wanted<br />

to play with human perception. I am<br />

interested in Buddhism. Back in Luhansk<br />

I had many friends who frequented<br />

the local Buddhist center, but I had ignored<br />

that for quite a long while. But<br />

when in Kyiv, I decided to give it a try.<br />

Buddhism appeals to me due to its rationality,<br />

explanations of the essence of<br />

things, it gives a real scheme of problem<br />

solution: your own problems as well as<br />

those of others.”<br />

Horobiov emphasizes that nowadays<br />

Ukraine is undergoing a period of<br />

revisiting its identity, which is reflected<br />

in graphic art. “In my view, we had a<br />

group of artists who dealt with visual<br />

art in the 1980s, for instance, the<br />

Kharkiv School, but later it disappeared.<br />

You could not see people who<br />

would keep making books, posters, etc.<br />

They are replaced with people with<br />

technical background, but they lacked<br />

professionalism. Now, it seems to me,<br />

the first post-1980s generation is active,<br />

and it treats things seriously.<br />

There are more and more sophisticated<br />

artists, in particular, when it comes to<br />

identity design, signature styles, and<br />

logos. Earlier such things had to be ordered<br />

in Moscow or Europe. Nowadays<br />

both are expensive, and not really interesting.<br />

In Ukraine studios dealing<br />

with identic art have appeared. Working<br />

on a font, I personally experiment<br />

with various languages but I emphasize<br />

Ukrainian and I tried to choose for a<br />

HARVESTING CHAMOMILE


WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

CULT URE No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017 7<br />

post-modernist form. I want Ukraine<br />

to resemble my posters: contemporary,<br />

dynamic yet flexible and<br />

adaptive.”<br />

● FANCY ARCHEOLOGY<br />

A true Martian drama unfolds<br />

at the exhibition “LUUK.” The author<br />

of the eponymous project is<br />

Serhii Lykhovyd, who early in the<br />

2000s left Luhansk for Odesa, where<br />

he still lives. “This is a version of the<br />

history of human exploration. Mars<br />

is a collective image. I tell about<br />

man’s eagerness to learn something<br />

new and losing what he already<br />

has,” Lykhovyd comments.<br />

The project could conventionally<br />

be split in two. Corrugated steel<br />

sheets are painted with episodes<br />

from “the history of the exploration<br />

of Mars,” executed in hot enamel<br />

technique. The exquisite technique<br />

is in stark contrast with the rusting<br />

metal. Harvesting chamomile, flying<br />

the hot air balloon: this life<br />

seems familiar yet totally different.<br />

But is it really different, even if it is<br />

on another planet?<br />

The next part of the project is a<br />

series of objects skull-shaped objects,<br />

also in the same technique. A<br />

white tiger, a unicorn, a Martian:<br />

they all look like archeological artifacts.<br />

The skulls of non-existing animals<br />

are a display of colors and cast<br />

fantastic shadows. But in the beginning<br />

they were just flat copper sheets.<br />

“I am attracted by volume, I want to<br />

break away from the two-dimensional<br />

world,” Lykhovyd says. “I also<br />

want to create something futuristic,<br />

a figment of imagination. Yet in<br />

any case at first you study what already<br />

exists. If it is a plant, you look<br />

at the water life or at macro-world. It<br />

is so huge you can contemplate it endlessly.<br />

A microscope reveals a totally<br />

different picture of the world,<br />

you see the geometry of design, the<br />

structure, the backbone of everything.<br />

I started with anatomical<br />

themes, with animal skeletons. Often<br />

I chose rare animals as my prototypes.<br />

Yet when you start implementing<br />

this, you realize that you are creating<br />

a different, non-existing animal.”<br />

● ETERNAL STRUGGLE<br />

Oleksandr SHCHELUSHCHEN-<br />

KO, founder of the TSEKH Gallery,<br />

has jokingly dubbed the new project<br />

“Luhansk Winter.” “I have read an<br />

article about Zakentii, Yaroslav, and<br />

Serhii a long time ago, and decided<br />

to make their joint exhibit. They<br />

cannot implement such a project<br />

where they were born and shaped as<br />

artists. And here they are together.<br />

But this project is not associated<br />

with Donbas, its coal-mining landscape<br />

etc.,” Shchelushchenko says.<br />

By the way, Lykhovyd admits<br />

there was no artistic environment to<br />

speak of in Luhansk, “before we<br />

started doing something.” “What<br />

was going on in Luhansk was a different<br />

drama,” he goes on to say.<br />

“There was only one exhibition room,<br />

where you could display your work<br />

only via the Association of Artists.<br />

Which means you need to make a series<br />

of exhibits which you do not<br />

need. Back then, I could not afford<br />

waiting five or seven years. We simply<br />

rented room and made our own<br />

exhibits with performance, although<br />

no one knew the word back then.<br />

For us it was like a rite or so. I see it<br />

as absolutely different periods: in<br />

Luhansk, in Odesa, and now.”<br />

The works of Luhansk artist<br />

avoid coal mines, and they also lack<br />

references to war. Yet their<br />

themes – escape from Earth, exploration<br />

of new territories, life without<br />

rules – suggest thoughts about<br />

the developments in the east of<br />

Ukraine. And not only there. It<br />

may seem a platitude, yet life is a<br />

battle in which you could best rely<br />

on own principles and virtues.<br />

■ The exhibit “LUUK” is<br />

open at the TSEKH Gallery<br />

through March 10.<br />

By Liudmyla LUTYTSKA<br />

Photos from R.LOOM Facebook page<br />

In the early 19th century, there was<br />

a 3,000-strong cooperative in<br />

Reshetylivka, Poltava region, which<br />

specialized in making unique<br />

carpets (“kylyms”). About 1,000<br />

weavers were making veritable objects<br />

of art. But today Reshetylivka carpetmaking<br />

is on the verge of extinction.<br />

Only 11 masters can skillfully apply<br />

the almost 500-year-old manual<br />

technique of weaving original Poltava<br />

region carpets. They are all employed at<br />

Solomia, an arts and crafts studio<br />

founded in 2006 by Serhii Kolinchenko.<br />

He worked until 2004 as manager of the<br />

factory that wove Reshetylivka carpets<br />

and was shut down just six month before<br />

its centennial.<br />

Three years ago, a family of the<br />

Donbas migrants Oleksandr and Maryna<br />

Dovzhenko joined the Poltava carpetmakers.<br />

While Oleksandr is mostly busy<br />

performing managerial functions – he<br />

drew up a project of preserving the ancient<br />

handicraft, initiated raising funds<br />

for carrying it out on a crowdfunding<br />

platform, – Maryna, a former travel<br />

agency manager, became an artist. She<br />

makes mockups of carpets. “This is an<br />

entirely new job for me. Of course, I once<br />

painted, but it was not on a professional<br />

level. I had to learn to dye threads,<br />

make technical drawings and mockups.<br />

It is very difficult to describe it in<br />

words, for these production processes are<br />

so fascinating that you should see them<br />

with your own eyes. There is only one<br />

loom in Ukraine, on which you can<br />

weave a 6-meter carpet. We also make<br />

tapestries, but our hallmark is monumental<br />

creations,” Maryna Dovzhenko<br />

says. I asked Oleksandr, an economist by<br />

profession, why he had chosen to revive<br />

and popularize traditional handicrafts in<br />

Reshetylivka. His answer was short:<br />

“Because I like all things Ukrainian.”<br />

● INIMITABLE<br />

The unique Reshetylivka carpets<br />

adorn governmental institutions in<br />

Ukraine, but the Poltava region carpet-makers<br />

are mostly proud of the<br />

fact that the tapestry “Tree of Life,”<br />

made by their now late colleague Nadia<br />

Babenko, hangs in the New York<br />

UN Headquarters’ Blue Hall. “From<br />

beginning to end, our carpets involve<br />

handwork. They are made in the knotted<br />

double-sided braiding technique.<br />

They are, so to speak, ‘read’ from both<br />

sides. They have no knots because<br />

threads are finely placed one after another<br />

under the strong pressure of a<br />

comb. Then this woolen carpet is<br />

steamed-ironed. The carpet looks absolutely<br />

the same on both its ‘face’ and<br />

underside. Only a specialist can distinguish<br />

between the ‘face’ and the<br />

underside,” Maryna Dovzhenko says.<br />

Reshetylivka carpets display pastel<br />

and grayish-blue hues, floral motifs,<br />

and a harmony of yellow, green,<br />

and red colors. What is fascinating is<br />

not only their beauty, but also the harmony<br />

they add to the space. Mistresses<br />

claim that it is not easy to make<br />

these “living carpets.” It is not only a<br />

laborious, but also a physically hard<br />

task. Most of the Reshetylivka carpetmakers<br />

have more than 20-year-long<br />

experience. Only the best remain behind<br />

in the craft. Quite often, they<br />

represent dynasties of carpet-makers,<br />

for whom it is not just gainful employment,<br />

but also an object of pleasure.<br />

“When they go, this art will come<br />

to an end,” Maryna notes sadly. She<br />

says young people are not exactly<br />

rushing to take up this craft. The girls<br />

who come to work at the workshop after<br />

finishing the local vocational<br />

school hold out for six months at<br />

most. They are dissatisfied with<br />

wages, work conditions, and non-prestigious<br />

status of the profession. To<br />

change the situation at least a little<br />

and keep Reshetylivka carpet-making<br />

afloat, funds are being raised on a<br />

crowdfunding basis for installing special<br />

lighting and air conditioning in<br />

the workshop. This will perhaps improve<br />

the health of the so far irreplaceable<br />

carpet-makers.<br />

It is time to save<br />

Reshetylivka carpets<br />

Only 11 masters can skillfully apply the almost 500-year-old<br />

manual technique of weaving original Poltava region carpets<br />

● 8 TO 10 CENTIMETERS<br />

OF FABRIC IN AN 8-HOUR<br />

WORKDAY<br />

The Reshetylivka traditional arts<br />

and crafts workshop is always glad to<br />

see guests. There are excursions here,<br />

but the tourist potential of this place<br />

has been minimally tapped so far.<br />

Oleksandr Dovzhenko hopes that the<br />

situation will improve and tour operators<br />

will create routes to Reshetylivka,<br />

for there are things to see and<br />

learn here. The mistresses will be glad<br />

to share the secrets of their trade with<br />

those who wish to take it up. It turns<br />

out that, to make a carpet, they need<br />

about 100 shades of wool. They dye it<br />

on their own with natural dyestuffs.<br />

They buy wool in the Chernihiv region<br />

because Poltava oblast is short of this<br />

material. The basis of the future carpets<br />

is laid in Kharkiv. The most<br />

heartfelt work is assigned to the<br />

Reshetylivka craftswomen – they<br />

weave picture carpets out of these materials.<br />

By far the largest of them was<br />

a 300 sq.m. carpet on which the<br />

weavers depicted the history of Azerbaijan.<br />

They wove it at a time when<br />

the factory was still named after Clara<br />

Zetkin.<br />

The price of Reshetylivka carpets<br />

varies from 5 to 10 thousand hryvnias<br />

a meter. It depends on how complicated<br />

the image is. It takes a very long<br />

time to make them, for the selection of<br />

colors demands that carpet-makers<br />

have a flawless taste and ideal lighting.<br />

For this reason, weavers often<br />

have to work on one carpet for not just<br />

one or two but for four solid months.<br />

An experienced weaver can usually do<br />

8 to 10 centimeters of fabric in an<br />

8-hour workday.<br />

Maryna hopes that it is possible to<br />

save and preserve the technique of<br />

making Reshetylivka carpets, arouse<br />

young people’s interest in this trade,<br />

and open up the potential of Ukrainian<br />

weaving to the world. For, in the<br />

view of Maryna, this craft’s story is<br />

very sad – the best examples of our<br />

carpet-making have been taken abroad<br />

and can only be seen in the collections<br />

of New York or London... “And we<br />

have what we have. What are left are<br />

collections in Poltava and Kyiv. But<br />

this cannot give you the full idea of<br />

the uniqueness of Ukrainian carpetmaking,”<br />

the artist says sadly and<br />

calls for joining the effort to save the<br />

unique technique of making Reshetylivka<br />

carpets. Incidentally, they<br />

are still woven on the old-fashioned<br />

wooden looms inherited from the now<br />

defunct factory.


8<br />

No.75 DECEMBER 5, 2017<br />

TIMEO U T<br />

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

Ukrainian art and European choice<br />

By Dmytro DESIATERYK, The Day<br />

By Hanna PAROVATKINA<br />

The first thing that attracts<br />

your attention in the film<br />

Loving Vincent is, of course,<br />

the technique of execution.<br />

The work of the Pole Dorota<br />

Kobiela (scriptwriter of the fairytale<br />

The Flying Machine, 2011)<br />

and the Briton Hugh Welchman<br />

(Oscar for the best animated short<br />

film Peter and the Wolf, 2007) is<br />

the world’s first full-length<br />

animated movie fully drawn with<br />

oil paints. A team of 85 artists<br />

(including some Ukrainians) did all<br />

the 62,470 frames in oil on a canvas<br />

in the same post-impressionist<br />

manner in which Vincent van Gogh<br />

worked.<br />

The protagonist is Armand<br />

(Douglas Booth), the son of postman<br />

Joseph Roulin, a hot-tempered<br />

but sincere boy with a<br />

strong feeling of justice. At the<br />

beginning of the story, father<br />

asks Armand to deliver van<br />

Gogh’s last letter to some of the<br />

painter’s relatives (it was addressed<br />

to his brother Theo, but<br />

he was also dead). Armand comes<br />

to the town Auvers-sur-Oise to<br />

find Vincent’s close friend doctor<br />

Gachet (Jerome Flynn). Waiting<br />

for the latter to come back, the<br />

MUKHi (a Ukrainian acronym<br />

that stands for “young Ukrainian<br />

artists and...” and is consonant with<br />

“mukhi” – “flies”) is a competition<br />

founded by gallerist and<br />

curator Maryna Shcherbenko<br />

and held since<br />

2009. Anyone aged up<br />

to 35 can take part in<br />

the contest except for<br />

those who have already won<br />

in it. For, as a rule, finalists<br />

become very well known artists<br />

not only in Ukraine and compete<br />

with noted masters.<br />

“The cause is a fair selection of<br />

competitors,” comments Oksana<br />

BARSHYNOVA, chief, 20th-early-<br />

21st-century art research department,<br />

National Art Museum of<br />

Winners<br />

of young<br />

artists’ competition<br />

MUKHi 2017<br />

announced<br />

in Kyiv<br />

Ukraine; teacher of the contemporary<br />

art history, national Academy of<br />

Fine Arts and Architecture, Ukraine.<br />

This year Barshynova is a member<br />

of the contest’s international expert<br />

commission for the second<br />

time in a row. In addition to<br />

her, the jury includes Jerzy<br />

Onuch, ex-director of<br />

the Contemporary Art<br />

Center at Kyiv Mohyla<br />

Academy and the Polish Institute<br />

in Kyiv; gallerists<br />

Tetiana Tumasian (Kharkiv),<br />

Gunnar Kvaran (Astrup Fearnley<br />

Museum of Modern Art, Oslo), and<br />

Oleksandra Homeniuk (Hales Gallery,<br />

London/New York).<br />

“Competition experts are trying<br />

to be as unbiased as possible. We do<br />

not even take into account the space<br />

On paintbrush tips<br />

postman meets a lot of people who<br />

not only knew van Gogh and the circumstances<br />

of his death, but also appeared<br />

on his pictures.<br />

Biographic films about wellknown<br />

people often “suffer” from excessive<br />

melodramatics and simplified<br />

plot-related techniques, when,<br />

An animated drama<br />

on the life and<br />

death of van Gogh<br />

is now showing<br />

Photo courtesy of the organizers of the exhibit<br />

in which the contest finalists’ exhibit<br />

may be opened. I myself saw the exposition<br />

at the Taras Shevchenko Museum<br />

during the vernissage only. It was<br />

very interesting,” Barshynova says.<br />

MUKHi were exhibited at the<br />

Taras Shevchenko for the first time.<br />

Before that, finalists’ exhibits had<br />

been held at the Institute of Contemporary<br />

Art. This year the contest has<br />

received 456 applications from young<br />

authors in various regions of<br />

Ukraine. The organizers have selected<br />

a dozen of projects instead of the<br />

planned 10.<br />

“In 2015, many of the contestants<br />

explored the themes of war and traumas<br />

as well as of the current sociopolitical<br />

situation. Now the young<br />

authors have addressed the same<br />

problems more subtly. Almost all of<br />

to shape the story, scriptwriters<br />

try to find a conflict in the life of a<br />

hero or heroine, showing the finesse<br />

of gutter-press journalists<br />

and putting the blame on each and<br />

every. The authors of Loving Vincent<br />

also rely on a biographic material.<br />

However, even introducing<br />

some elements of detective investigation,<br />

they still leave it to the<br />

spectator to answer the question<br />

about the cause of the artist’s<br />

death (suicide or unintentional<br />

murder?). Everybody is guilty of<br />

something, but nobody is guilty in<br />

essence. The permanent source of<br />

Vincent’s misfortunes is not the<br />

hypothetic mental abnormality but<br />

his very nature and gift – too challenging<br />

to the surrounding reality.<br />

Interestingly, Vincent passes<br />

as a secondary character, mostly in<br />

black and white flashbacks. This<br />

detachment, coupled with the<br />

equality of various voices, views,<br />

and versions, make the film’s style<br />

fully justified or even the only possible.<br />

People on the screen speak<br />

about van Gogh and argue whether<br />

he was a genius, but all this occurs<br />

in the world he created.<br />

And this metaphor also applies<br />

to us. We are also, in a way, the<br />

creatures of Vincent – on paintbrush<br />

tips, lovingly.<br />

them dropped straightforward options.<br />

In spite of a young age, many<br />

of the current participants know very<br />

well how to put their ideas across,”<br />

Barshynova emphasized. “And 12 finalists<br />

were the result of an unusual<br />

consensus of the experts.”<br />

Yet Barshynova is too diplomatic<br />

in her appraisals. In reality, according<br />

to a well-known national tradition,<br />

MUKHi nominees strove to<br />

evade altogether acute social issues<br />

and even the topic of war. Both the<br />

“stars” and the totally unknown<br />

short-listed authors preferred “pure”<br />

art to the topics of the day. For example,<br />

Kinder Album (Lviv) presented<br />

a very impressive cycle of analogue<br />

photographs, “Not My Hotel,”<br />

in which hotel rooms symbolize the<br />

fluidity of time. Dmytro Chervonyi<br />

(Hlevakha, Kyiv oblast) turned to the<br />

theme of a “little man.” He placed his<br />

India-ink-drawn “heroes” under a<br />

magnifying glass, as if it were a microscope.<br />

In the installation “While I<br />

Am Young, I Make Bad Works” (with<br />

a toy speaking parrot), the Odesabased<br />

Mykola Karabinovych makes<br />

play with Oleksandr Brener’s classical<br />

performance “Why Didn’t They<br />

Invite Me to this Exhibition?”<br />

The MUKHi 2017 grand prix was<br />

awarded to “Hollywood-Troieshchyna,”<br />

a project by Mykhailo Alekseienko<br />

(Kyiv). The artist, who was<br />

physically in Troieshchyna, hoaxed<br />

his colleagues and acquaintances by<br />

means of social media and convinced<br />

them that he worked on contract in…<br />

Hollywood. The award for this ironic<br />

mockumentary was 40,000 hryvnias<br />

and a trip of Alekseienko himself not<br />

exactly to Los Angeles but to quite a<br />

real FUTURA art residency in the<br />

Czech Republic. Incidentally, the<br />

artist’s 2018 exhibit will be also held<br />

in Kyiv’s Shcherbenko Art Center.<br />

Two special prizes (15,000 hryvnias<br />

each) went to photo artists: the<br />

Odesa-based Oleh Dymov for the conceptualistic<br />

photo project “Document<br />

of a Condition” and Kyivite Maria<br />

Proshkovska for “Sensitiveness,” a<br />

cycle of nude self-portraits.<br />

MUKHi makes it possible to see<br />

with your own eyes how the young<br />

contemporary art of Ukraine is<br />

changing. “Even in comparison with<br />

2015, there are fewer traditional<br />

techniques in and approaches to the<br />

exposition,” competition curator Maryna<br />

SHCHERBENKO says. “Today,<br />

the oeuvre of our artists mirrors contemporary<br />

worldwide trends by a<br />

hundred percent. The Ukrainians are<br />

integrated into the worldwide art<br />

space and can well compete with their<br />

Western counterparts.”<br />

Among the traditional downsides,<br />

there is an incredible deal of<br />

kitsch (I mean the bulk of the participants,<br />

not the finalists). The “young<br />

ones” are trying to spread around the<br />

well-known techniques. They are reproducing<br />

somebody else’s ideas…<br />

But this must be the common feature<br />

of young people in any epoch, who are<br />

looking for their own way in art.<br />

Ukrainian young artists are extensively<br />

working in Europe today,<br />

not only at our contest. And this<br />

poses a certain problem. They are<br />

losing touch with the “inner” context.<br />

And, as a result, they address<br />

European, not Ukrainian, problems.<br />

Conversely, searching for new<br />

names in the national contemporary<br />

art and integrating these artists into<br />

the national art milieu still remains<br />

MUKHi’s goal.<br />

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