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AUGUST 23, 2018 ISSUE No. 43 (1175)
Tel.: +38(044) 303-96-19,
fax: +38(044) 303-94-20
е-mail: time@day.kiev.ua;
http://www.day.kiev.ua
Dear readers, our next issue will be published on August 30, 2018
Photo by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day
“I am grateful that you
do not forget me”
August 23 marks the 102nd day of Oleh Sentsov’s hunger strike. Why it is
important to write and read out letters to the “prisoners of the Kremlin”
Continued on page 5

2
No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018
DAY AFTER DAY
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
By Daria CHYZH, Yuliia DOVHAICHUK,
Den’s Summer School of Journalism,
2018Members of parliament have
gone on vacation – but not all
of them. Oksana Syroid,
Deputy Chairperson of the
Verkhovna Rada, has visited
the Den’s Summer School of Journalism.
Although the school finished as far back
as July, the practice of students was so
intensive and fruitful that they are still
discussing results. All the more so that the
subjects lecturers covered are still topical.
As Ms. Syroid serves in parliamentary for
the first time, students first of all asked
her what she thinks about the Ukrainian
Parliament’s performance in the almost
four years of the present convocation.
Did she expect to see this when she was
running for a legislative seat?
● “A CLAN OLIGARCHIC
SYSTEM BEGAN TO FORM
IN THE MID-1990S”
“I knew what to expect from this parliament
because I had seen the ups and
downs of many people and the Verkhovna
Rada’s rules. I worked as an MP’s assistant
for several years from 1995 and cooperated,
in other capacities, with politicians for
a long time, so I used to say categorically
that I would never set foot in there. But the
Revolution of Dignity and the war changed
many things. Everybody was trying to
give off something in addition. I knew I
could do nothing on my own there, but I
found a team that became a shoulder to rely
on in the attempt to begin making
changes. I don’t regret my decision today
from the viewpoint of confidence in people,
for I stay in a sincere society, although it
is very difficult to be in politics.
“A clan oligarchic system began to
form in the mid-1990s, when a few people
received access to governmental funds, natural
resources, and privatization. They
would suck out, cash in on, and smuggle
these resources abroad. The next goal was
to form an oligarchic government in order
to preserve or increase access to resources,
the budget, and the management of staterun
businesses.
“The Euromaidan and the war opened
the window that allowed about 60 non-oligarchic
people to make their way to parliament.
This is the first time since the formation
of a clan oligarchic system that we
have people in parliament whom oligarchs
do not control. This makes the current parliament
unique to some extent.”
● “SOME OF THE NEW MPS
HAD ALREADY DEPENDED
ON OLIGARCHS, AND
OTHERS SUCCUMBED TO
TEMPTATION IN THE
PARLIAMENT ITSELF”
Olha KRYSA, Ivan Franko National
University of Lviv: “Many new young
Maidan and NGO politicians, now MPs,
used to say they would unite when they entered
parliament. But, as a result, they in
fact melted into various political projects.
Why did they fail to form a united party?
How effective do you think they are in parliament?”
“Formally, parliament has been renewed
to a large extent. There are several
groups of new people in it. But do they represent
a new generation? Some of them had
already depended on oligarchs when they
became MPs, and others succumbed to
temptation in the parliament itself. If one
goes into politics in pursuit of fame, he will
burn himself out quickly, for politics suggests
service. You should be confident in
yourself to such an extent that temptations
and challenges could not influence your
way – only in this case you can stand your
ground. People often fail to stand the test
and lose confidence in themselves and in
what they do. Going through this several
times, they demotivate themselves or lose
focus. This is also one of the reasons why
young people have partially blended in. It
is very difficult to keep things in focus,
knowing that nobody may appreciate it or
that you will gain nothing from this.
“As for political parties, you cannot
form parties in parliament, for they
should be formed ‘from the bottom up.’
Believing in success
Photo by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day
cisions horizontally, i.e., when they all
sit at the same table. Now imagine how
difficult it is for a faction to work,
when 25 ambitious figures sit at table,
each of them wants to explain something,
while the faction should make a
joint decision. At first, our faction’s sittings
lasted for seven hours. It takes time
for people to learn to hear each other. For
example, we discussed withdrawal from
the coalition for 14 hours in a row. Very
few were prepared for this.”
● “ONE MORE PROBLEM IS
DEVALUATION OF
PARLIAMENT BY OTHER
INSTITUTIONS. ALL
PRESIDENTS OF UKRAINE
‘SUFFERED’ FROM THIS”
Yuliia DOVHAICHUK, Taras
Shevchenko National University of Kyiv:
“According to various polls, about 80 percent
of people do not trust the Verkhovna
Rada. This raises a question: what is the
progress of the promised parliamentary reform?
For MPs still vote for one another,
the new Rada system does not function, to
say nothing about almost daily violations
A political force must be linked with
people – otherwise it is a bubble, an empty
brand. It is very difficult to form a new
political party first of all because the very
notion of this has devalued. What also
matters very much is the desire of people
to join. The hierarchy of a political force
is horizontal, and this structure must rely
on the personality of leaders, not on
their formal powers.
“I know for sure that Samopomich is
the only political force that makes all deof
parliamentary rules. Why is there no reform?”
“Parliamentary reform boils down to
your and our votes. If people go on electing
representatives of oligarchic groups, the
essence of parliament will not change, no
matter what procedural resolutions we
pass. All depends on the intentions of the
people who sit in the Verkhovna Rada
room. Sometimes journalists ask me why
some MPs play truant. But the vice-speaker
of parliament is not a company manager
– it is the people, not I, who employed the
MPs. The MPs are answerable to society only.
But they escape responsibility because
they are sure of being reelected. Elections
are the only way to control parliament.
“Do voters know what their MP votes
for? How many people ask the MP, when he
visits the constituency: ‘How dared you
vote for this?’ Collective irresponsibility
is a terrible syndrome. If people were asking
MPs why they voted one way or another,
the MPs would take a more serious
approach to voting. Therefore, a true parliamentary
reform means changing the clan
oligarchic system. Another problem is devaluation
of parliament by other institutions.
All presidents of Ukraine ‘suffered’
from this. Particularly, whenever their rating
plummets, they immediately aggravate
relations with parliament – they create
crises, blame MPs for failing to do something,
etc. The current president is not an
exception. If you watched the closure of sessions,
you remember that the Petro
Poroshenko Bloc once walked out when
they refused to vote for new Central Election
Commission members. Politicians
must begin to understand that it is in
everybody’s interests to respect each other,
each institution. Respect increases
public trust in governmental bodies as a
whole.”
Oksana SYROID:
“The form of
government
does not matter.
What matters is
that the entire
executive branch
should be under
parliamentary
control”
● “IN MY VIEW, WE SHOULD
HAVE A PRIME-
MINISTERIAL FORM OF
GOVERNMENT, WHEN THE
PREMIER REPRESENTS A
PARTY OR A COALITION”
Daria CHYZH, Borys Hrinchenko
University of Kyiv: “Ukrainians often
debate on the form of government – in
the years of independence, it has been
Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day
changing from parliamentary-presidential
to presidential-parliamentary.
You favor the parliamentary form of
government. But to what extent is this
possible in the absence of real political
parties?”
“What we have is not a parliamentary-presidential
form of government
because parliament does not wield the
clout it must wield in a democracy, and
the form is in fact presidential-primeministerial.
We have the so-called dual
executive system which has brought
forth collective irresponsibility and cemented
an oligarchic system. The main
functions of the executive branch are to
control the budget, collect and distribute
taxes, decide on the use of force inside
and outside the country. We have
the Cabinet of Ministers, legally the
highest body of executive power. But, on
closer examination, most of the executive
functions in fact belong to the president.
He controls a considerable part of
the budget, the security and defense sector,
and all the so-called independent
regulators. Besides, there is not a single
instrument of the president’s accountability
to parliament and, hence, to so-
ciety. Even the US president reports to
Congress, although the US has a purely
presidential form of government.
“In my opinion, the form of government
does not matter. What really matters
is that the entire executive branch
should be under parliamentary control.
The presidential form of government is
effective in the US today. They formed
this unique model to keep all the states
united. Is this the Ukrainian way, too?
We should strive to have what is really in
line with our historical development and
could be effective. If we suddenly wished
to have the presidential form of government
and a strong leader, this might
pave the way to dictatorship. So, in my
view, we should have a prime-ministerial
form of government, when the premier
represents a party or a coalition. And he
must be personally responsible for the formation
of the Cabinet.”
● “IF THERE IS NO IDEA AND
TEAM, IT IS IRRESPONSIBLE
TO RALLY AROUND
SOMEBODY”
Evelina KOTLIAROVA, Taras
Shevchenko National University of
Kyiv: “What do you expect from the
next elections? There is so much talk
about a single candidate of democratic
forces. Such names as Hrytsenko,
Sadovyi, and Chumak are in the air…
What do you think of a single candidate?
Who can it be?”
“The Ukrainians really want unity
because whenever the presidential elections
are coming up, the number of candidates
increases many times over.
This brings in a lot of caretaker candidates
because it is important for oligarchic
groups to retain power. Yes,
the Ukrainians understand subconsciously
that the oligarchic system
must be destroyed. And there is quite
a wide range of opposition candidates
who could rally together. But this raises
the question of who to rally around.
I am skeptical about rallying around
somebody. If there is no idea and team,
it is irresponsible to rally around somebody.
Suppose this person wins. So
what? Who is going to work? Shall we
call on oligarchs again to help us?
They will immediately place their people
in offices.
“It seems to me we are having a situation,
when some people, who position
themselves as presidential candidates
but have no team or ideas, really want
either to ‘dissolve’ votes or, even if they
win, to become a new face of the old oligarchic
system. Many of these candidates
are dependent. Of course, they
won’t say this publicly, but they know
who stands behind whom. On the other
hand, there are groups of people and
their leaders who are free of this dependency
but full of energy and ideas.
They find it very difficult to believe and
unite with other leaders because there
has been too much deception in our
politics.”
● “I DO NOT RULE OUT THAT
RUSSIA CONCEIVED NORD
STREAM 2 IN ORDER TO
BREAK UP THE EUROPEAN
UNION”
Sofiia POSTOLATII, Sumy State
University: “To what extent has the
question of the annexed Crimea and the
occupied parts of the Donbas been
brought into line with the law at present?”
“All the resolutions we have today
convince me that the leadership is not
going to fight for independence and victory.
We tried to interpret certain
processes in the bill ‘On Temporarily
Occupied Territories’ drafted in mid-
2015. The first question is what is to be
done with the occupied territories.
They are populated by our people but
controlled by the enemy. So how can
they, for example, protect themselves
from the illegal arms traffic? The second
question is how to regain control

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
DAY AFTER DAY No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018 3
over the occupied territories. It is a
wide range of questions – who
should be pardoned, lustrated or
punished? We drew up a bill like
this. Almost all the governmental
bodies, including the Border Guard
Service, the Ministry of Defense, the
General Staff of the Armed Forces,
the Security Service, the Ministry of
Finance, and the National Bank,
supported us. But the president refused
to support this decision. Instead,
he proposed a bill of his own.
But the adopted law ‘On Reintegration’
says nothing about the abovementioned.”
Khrystyna SAVCHUK, Taras
Shevchenko National University
of Kyiv: “You wrote on your Facebook
page about grave consequences
for Ukraine of the construction
of Nord Stream 2. What
or who can stop this process? How
can Ukraine influence?”
“It is not ruled out that Russia
conceived Nord Stream 2 in order
to break up the European Union.
As a matter of fact, Russia and
Germany are building a transit capacity
which, together with Nord
Stream 1, will be enough to pump
gas, bypassing Ukraine. After
building the new branch, Russia
will be free to just shut off the
valve and pump nothing, including
to Ukraine. This is why our gas
transportation system is like another
‘nuclear arsenal.’ After the
failure of the Budapest Memorandum,
its loss will be one more security
guarantee lost.
“What can stop this project?
Only harsh US sanctions. Europe is
so far unable to make a joint decision
against Nord Stream 2.
Ukraine should in turn seek a way
not to fall into the pit which the
construction of Nord Stream 2 is
pushing Europe into.”
● “I HAVE ALSO BEEN
ABROAD, BUT I CAME
BACK BECAUSE IT IS
MUCH MORE
INTERESTING TO DO
SOMETHING IN YOUR
OWN COUNTRY”
Vladyslava SHEVCHENKO,
Kyiv Mohyla Academy: “In the
past few years, young people of
Ukraine have been going abroad
on a mass scale because they do not
believe in their country. How can
this negative tide be stemmed?”
“One must believe in success. It
is logical that young people want to
be ‘cool’ and successful, have a
good job and housing, and be able
to keep a family. But when they see
our politicians devalue the state,
they get disappointed and, as a result,
do not want to identify themselves
with this country. On the
other hand, we harbor an illusion
that it is easier to achieve success
in other countries, but no matter
where you come, you will always
remain an emigrant. Very few take
into account that an unstable country
provides a larger space for
successful enterprise because it
is possible to ‘catch the wave.’ I
have also been abroad, but I came
back because it is much more interesting
to do something in your
own country rather than jump on
someone else’s bandwagon. You
are facing a major challenge, but
you are also standing a chance to
amply realize yourselves in your
country.”
Project Summer School
of Journalism was carried
out with support from
the NATO Information and
Documentation Center in
Ukraine
By Olesia SHUTKEVYCH, The Day,
Vinnytsia
We met Vinnytsia Mayor
Serhii Morhunov in a
working atmosphere,
finding a “slot” in his
tight schedule full of
briefings and routine meetings.
Vinnytsia is often cited as an example
of new dynamism. The city is
building new kindergartens, producing
its own VinWay trams, updating
public transport stops, and has opened
an NGO hub, an IT entrepreneurial
center and original museums. City
residents can communicate online
with the Round the Clock Watch rapid
response center, use the services of
the “mobile” Transparent Office and
follow the electronic traffic schedule.
But is it all that quiet in the “kingdom”?
As Vinnytsia-born people hold
key offices in the state, the city is always
in the focus of attention. You
can’t take your hand off the pulse
even for a minute, Mr. Morhunov
says, for the mayor’s job is not only to
seek the solution of difficult problems,
but also to provide safe and comfortable
conditions for city residents.
What brought about the active
and dynamic development of Vinnytsia:
the previously taken pace or of
the decentralization reform?
“Both things did. When our team
came to power in the city, we began by
improving the quality of the city
council’s performance and restructuring
the system of administration.
When all the units began to work as
one mechanism, we mapped out a comprehensive
strategy of urban development,
‘Vinnytsia 2020,’ which made it
possible to take a more effective approach
to the existing problems. But,
having a clear vision of the problems
and the ways of their solution, we had
no financial resources. For this reason,
when Volodymyr Hroisman was
transferred to the Cabinet of Ministers,
he began to introduce decentralization
which offered [regional bodies]
certain powers and finances and made
it possible to effectively develop the
community, its infrastructure and social
sphere, and improve investment
attractiveness.
“While Vinnytsia’s development
budget was a mere 40 million hryvnias
in 2006, it reached one billion hryvnias
last year. Today we have achieved
a level when one fifth, 20 percent, of
the budget is being spent on the development
– civil construction, reconstruction,
and modernization projects.
This year the development budget
is 857 million hryvnias. On the
whole, compared to the first six
months of the last year, city budget
revenues have gone up by almost
500 million hryvnias, or 25 percent.
It’s a good dynamics, isn’t it?
“Additional financial resources
opened up new opportunities. Previously,
we could not even dream of winterizing
several schools in a year. We
did not even dare take up large-scale
projects. And today, for example, we
have begun to finish the construction
of a 3,000-sq-m emergency hospital.
Incidentally, we’ve received serious
financial support – over 70 million –
from the national budget for this project.
The hospital is supposed to have
an intensive care unit with a shock
room, a resuscitation block, and an
up-to-date urgent surgery block with
laparoscopic equipment. You will find
such a systemic approach to the organization
of medical care nowhere
else in Ukraine so far.
“At the same time, we are carrying
out some spatial development
projects. We noticed after reconstructing
Kosmonavtiv Avenue that
business activity had increased on this
territory. We began to open cafes,
stores, and new offices. This means
creation of new jobs, gentrification of
“It’stimetoshowourstrongsides”
Vinnytsia Mayor Serhii Morhunov on real
capabilities and powers of urban selfgovernment,
implemented and planned
projects, new challenges and provocations
the area, and, what is more, positive
mood of the residents who always relax
near fountains and the Atlant
[sport club].”
Vinnytsia once set a goal to keep
public transport going. The city’s
transport reform is still called the
most successful one, and Swiss-made
trams run like clockwork. Does the
city plan to develop the public transport
network? What advantages will
city residents get from introduction
of the electronic ticket in 2019?
“Public transport now accounts
for 80 percent of passenger carriage,
so it must be of high quality and safe,
and the Vinnytsia Transport Company
is constantly trying to update the
rolling stock. While purchasing new
municipal buses, we also do heavy repairs
and restorative maintenance, if
necessary. And, what is more, we continue,
together with our Swiss partners,
to draw up a delivery schedule
for a new batch of trams that are so far
running down the streets of Zurich.
Vinnytsia is going to receive 70 vehicles
from 2021 on. So it is time to prepare
the infrastructure, tracks, and
overhead wires.
“At the same time, we are working
on introducing the electronic ticket –
it is an effective system, a worldwide
practice, and a call of the time. To carry
out the project, we took a loan at
the European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development, and all the
preparatory work is drawing to a
close. What advantages are Vinnytsia
residents going to get? Firstly, they
will find it convenient to pay fares.
Secondly, the system will make it possible
to effectively use public transport.
Thirdly, it will be clear what resource
the Vinnytsia Transport Company
will gain for the service it provides.
Moreover, the electronic ticket
is the first step towards creating the
comprehensive ‘Vinnytsia resident’s
card.’”
Vinnytsia was named Ukraine’s
most comfortable city for the fourth
consecutive year. But still here is “a
fly in the ointment”: while everything
is OK, as far as the city’s infrastructure,
the humanitarian sphere, and
municipal services are concerned,
this year’s polls show that industrial
development is an obvious downside.
“Frankly speaking, it is the problem
of not only Vinnytsia but of
Ukraine as a whole because this country
is at war. The city is tackling the
problem of attracting investments.
This year we finished the construction
of the first stage of a UBC Group
plant, and the state-run company
Electric System, where there will be
2,500 jobs by the end of this year, has
been working for almost two years. A
memorandum has been signed about
the construction of a HEAD sport gear
factory. Besides, there are about
100 various industrial facilities in
Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day
APRIL 25, 2018. THE OPENING OF DEN’S PHOTO EXHIBIT IN VINNYTSIA. THE
MAYOR HOLDS THE CROWN, OR HERITAGE OF THE RUS’ KINGDOM, A NEW
DEN’S LIBRARY BOOK, WHICH WAS HANDED OVER TO ALL DEPARTMENTS OF
VINNYTSIA PEDAGOGICAL UNIVERSITY AND THE CITY’S 17 LIBRARIES AND
BRANCHES
this city – some of them worked in the
Soviet era and adapted to contemporary
business conditions, and some
have been founded by foreign investors
in the past 10-15 years.
“But to build an enterprise is one
thing and to find working hands is another.
The training of adequate shopfloor
workers at vocational schools is
on the skids, to put it mildly. The
problem we are facing today is that
there’s nobody to work at factories.
For this reason, the question of attracting
investments – both foreign
and domestic – requires a multipronged
approach. It is unrealistic to
solve this problem within the city limits
because there are some points
which only the central authorities can
settle.”
The city council has been paying a
lot of attention to local history lately.
The Center of Vinnytsia History functions,
past events are being reenacted,
films are being made, and monuments
are being unveiled. Is it because
you are a historian by education
or is the answer not so simple?
“As far as historical renaissance
and filling blind spots and pages are
concerned, the newspaper Den is second
to none, for which kudos to its
team and personally editor-in-chief
Larysa Ivshyna. As for the history of
Vinnytsia, its residents have in fact
known nothing about their city’s past
for a long time except for Pirogov and
Hitler’s headquarters because Soviet
ideology hushed everything up. But
Vinnytsia is 655 years old! There were
people in every century, who gave impetus
to the development of our city.
And, not to make mistakes, we must
know our past. Therefore, it is very
important to develop historic locations,
establish museums, and restore
historical justice.
“It’s time to show our strong sides
and learn to position ourselves correctly
so that we can win first – not
second, third, or twentieth – places.
For example, the Vinnytsia Museum of
Transport Models ‘grew’ from the private
collection of a Polytechnic lecturer.
He used to collect vehicle models in
all of his lifetime and can now display
them to people. It is one of Ukraine’s
largest and best museums today.”
Den’s Days came back to Vinnytsia
this year. What are your personal
impressions of the event and to what
extent topical are intellectual projects
of this kind? Are they popular
with Vinnytsia residents?
“Incidentally, I recently came
back from a city, where I saw a splendid
exhibit of celebrity photo portraits
right on the street. I immediately recalled
the Den’s photo exhibit we received
this year. Both adults and children
visited it, and the press and social
media were full of comments. But
it would be a good idea to display this
photo chronicle more widely – in
squares, the river front, and parks. It
is our photo history, and we should
show it to all people – not only to the
conscientious and the interested.
What is more, this exhibit mirrors the
mood of the people of different ages,
occupations, and preferences. It is a
ground of sorts for research and reflections.”
Vinnytsia-born people are holding
key governmental offices now. As
the elections are coming up and spin
masters are on the alert, do you have
any “safety devices” to stabilize the
situation if somebody tries to rock the
boat?
“Frankly speaking, there are
enough provocations even now. There
always are disgruntled people, both on
the central and urban level, who want
to destabilize the moderate climate of
Vinnytsia. But we are repulsing attacks
on all ‘fronts.’ Of course, we
won’t be able to cover all of our backs.
It’s politics! And we are aware that nationwide
events, such as the antismuggling
campaign now underway in
the city on the prime minister’s initiative,
are to be dealt with by our
team. But it is unrealistic to build a
successful Ukraine without overcoming
corruption. Please pay taxes, develop
the economy, create jobs, work
honestly, and nobody will bother you.
The task of Vinnytsia and its residents
is to withstand this political struggle
and further develop.”
Vinnytsia will be marking its
655th anniversary in a few weeks’
time. What do you personally think of
the mood of Vinnytsia residents?
“People are tired of the hybrid war
with Russia which is terrorizing
Ukraine for the fifth consecutive year
and slowing down economic development.
They want reforms to work at
once. But there’s no such thing. Any
kind of development means hard
work. You can take different attitudes
to the leadership, but everything also
depends on people’s actions. We have
a colossal potential and show unfailing
love for the land we live on. We
must work more and speak less. If
everybody works wholeheartedly at
his place, the result will not be slow to
arrive.”

4
No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018
TOPIC OF THE DAY
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
Leonid Kravchuk is now actively working
on a new book. He is going to celebrate
his 85th birthday in early 2019 – a
venerable age indeed. The first President
of Ukraine wants to surprise everybody
with the political details he has never disclosed
before. “I want to show historical and stateformative
stages of Ukrainian political life,”
Mr. Kravchuk says to The Day. “It is very
important that the new generation should have
first-hand information about our recent past,
draw conclusions, and make no mistakes
again.” The work on the publication still
continues, but Mr. Kravchuk has handed over
to The Day, just on the eve of Independence
Day, some extracts from the book about the
decisive events in 1991.
● DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
We decided on holding the Verkhovna Rada’s
extraordinary meeting on August 25, although
we weren’t sure that any resolution
would be passed. After the August Coup [aka
1991 Soviet coup d’etat attempt. – Ed.], the
situation was changing so quickly, there was
no time to make any coordinated decisions.
We had to act fast and do it the right way.
During a meeting of the VR Presidium, we resolved
to work out a document proclaiming
Ukraine’s national independence, although,
on August 24, no one had a clear idea about it.
We didn’t have a draft ready to submit. There
were several groups of MPs working on it, including
Dmytro Pavlychko, Volodymyr Yavorivsky,
and Levko Lukianenko. The latter
worked on his draft alone, although they all
kept in touch with each group and, partially,
with me. Dmytro Pavlychko cooperated with
me especially actively and fruitfully. Viacheslav
Chornovil was also involved, but kept
his distance. Levko Lukianenko submitted his
draft on August 23, on the eve of the [VR extraordinary]
meeting. I read all the drafts
submitted in Dmytro Pavlychko’s presence
and told him: “I think that Levko Lukianenko’s
draft is short and to the point, compared
to the others. Mr. Pavlychko, please
take it and work on it with Levko Lukianenko,
so we can have a bill.”
Later, after the bill had been submitted,
we had to resolve another issue, namely who
would present it in parliament. Dmytro Pavlychko
suggested Levko Lukianenko, considering
that he was author of the draft. I said I
didn’t mind, but what about the audience,
considering the communists’ attitude to Levko
Lukianenko, that there would be jeers and
catcalls once he took the floor. Dmytro Pavlychko
then suggested Volodymyr Yavorivsky
and I said I didn’t mind, but that we should
consult Levko Lukianenko first; also, we both
knew how the communists would respond to
Volodymyr Yavorivsky, what with his [anti-
Soviet] articles.
In the end, I said: “I’ve talked to the leaders
of all regional groups and chairs of committees,
so I guess I should be the one to present
the bill. They won’t respond to me the way
they would to Lukianenko or Yavorivsky.
Most importantly, I’ll speak as Chairman
[Speaker] of the Verkhovna Rada.”
Meanwhile, the group of MPs led by Communist
Stanislav Hurenko were working on
their draft. It read, in part, that Ukraine
must support the August Coup in Moscow,
thus trying to preserve the Soviet Union. In
fact, he said as much, addressing the Verkhovna
Rada. Let me tell you what happened. I
was at the rostrum when I saw Larysa Skoryk
gesture her desire to take the floor. I gestured
back: Be my guest, but then Stanislav
Hurenko, seeing Larysa Skoryk on her way to
the rostrum, followed suit, so in the end there
were three of us in front of the rostrum: Skoryk,
Hurenko, and yours truly. I stepped back
and let them take their turns addressing the
audience.
On August 24, we were ready to pass the
bill, but we weren’t sure how many MPs would
vote for it – there could be 226 or over
300 yeas. This was especially important for
me; I wanted a constitutional majority vote.
To figure out the situation, I met with the
leaders of regional groups [factions] and then
The way independence was gained
Ukraine’s first President Leonid KRAVCHUK shared
some of the chapters of his future book with The Day
Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day
“
It was clear that the Declaration of Independence
would be adopted, but there was another issue to be resolved:
would it be legitimate in the context of the
All-Union Referendum of March 17, 1991?
”
realized that the bill would be passed. After
that I acted confidently and put it to the vote.
There is something else, however. Larysa
Skoryk ran over to me before the vote and
said: “We had a meeting and we’re against
this vote because we don’t want the commies
to offer us our independence on a silver platter.”
And then Deputy Speaker Volodymyr
Hryniov echoed her. It transpired that they
had had a meeting on the third floor and made
their decision: decommunization first and independence
second. And then Dmytro Pavlychko
ran over, enraged, shouting he’d shove
it all up their – you know what I mean.
I saw that he was ready to hit the roof, so
I said, “Take it easy, man, we’ll figure it out.”
But he insisted: “Can’t you see what’s happening?
They’re doing everything to screw up
everything!”
Come to think of it, what would happen if
they tried decommunization in August 1991?
Would their bill be passed, considering that
most MPs (370 out of 450) were communists?
As it was, they had another meeting and finally
decided to vote for the independence
bill. In the end, we had 346 yeas, three abstained,
12 “absent,” and only one nay from
Serhii Tsekov (Crimea). Remarkably, Leonid
Kuchma was among those “absent.” The man
would before long become Prime Minister
and then President of Ukraine. When filling
in the first Verkhovna Rada registration
card, he wrote “Russian” in the nationality
column.
Most importantly, Ukraine’s independence
was supported by the parliamentary majority
– and you should see what happened in
the audience after the vote! People were cheering,
singing and dancing...
I think that most communist MPs voted
for independence simply because they were
scared, especially after Boris Yeltsin’s victory
in Moscow. The leadership of the Communist
Party of Ukraine was aware of what was
happening in Kyiv – they were scared they
would be physically assaulted if they didn’t
vote for it.
● REFERENDUM
It was clear that the Declaration of Independence
would be adopted, but there was another
issue to be resolved: would it be legitimate
in the context of the All-Union Referendum
of March 17, 1991? Ukraine had voted for
the preservation of the Soviet Union: 70.2 percent
yeas, although it was the lowest positive
result compared to those in the other [Soviet]
republics. There was no way to cancel its results,
so another referendum was the only alternative.
I addressed the Verkhovna Rada with
the alternative. Some objected that there was
no such law in the republic, that there was only
the law on an all-Union referendum.
Moscow was quick on the uptake and I received
a phone call from one the secretaries of
the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union. The man said: “I hear that
you’re organizing a referendum, but you have
no legislation for it, so it won’t be legitimate.”
I replied: “We have a revolutionary situation
here and the people want it. Come visit us,
you’ll see what’s happening at the Verkhovna
Rada and in the street. Soviet flags are being replaced
with Ukrainian ones everywhere. It’s a
revolution, do you understand? I must act accordingly.”
I moved to put the referendum on the agenda,
but then our national patriots, led by
Chornovil, stepped in, saying that my initiative
was foolish. They went on to say that Leonid
Kravchuk was a smart alec who wanted a referendum
that was a losing game, instead of rejoicing
in our victory, and that this would surely
make their cause fail. After that I refused to take
the floor and just proposed those who believed in
the vox populi to vote for it. Save for two MPs,
Les Taniuk and Viacheslav Chornovil, all said
yea. Then they [Taniuk and Chornovil. – Ed.]
went to St. Sophia Square and addressed a rally,
saying things [about me] that made my hair
stand on end, but we did it! A republican referendum
was assigned for December 1 that year.
That day, the question “Do You Support the
Declaration of Independence of Ukraine?” was
entered into the secret ballot. The turnout
showed 31,891,742 Ukrainian nationals, or
84.18 percent of the registered voters. A total
of 28,804,071 (90.32 percent) said yea and
7.58 percent said nay.
Hadn’t we made that decision, Ukraine
wouldn’t have been independent now. By the
way, its independence was recognized [internationally]
only after the all-Ukrainian referendum.
Within a month, this recognition was confirmed
by 56 countries, with Poland and Canada
topping the list.
Why did most people support independence?
That period was marked by public unrest, especially
in the Donbas (coal miners would visit the
apartments of ranking apparatchiks, opening
their refrigerators, revealing sausages and other
food and drink [no ordinary citizen could
buy]). Mikhail Gorbachev was said to have engineered
the August Coup, especially after he
started telling tales about finding an old
Grundig radio in the attic and learning about
what was happening in Moscow. Some tales!
People could see what was happening, that the
Soviet Union was falling apart, that Gorbachev
had lost control of the situation, and that independence
was the only option. In fact, I feel sure
that most people in Ukraine shared my view on
the matter at the time. Some might not realize
that the Soviet Union was falling apart, they
wanted more [civil] rights and independence. As
it was, practically all of them voted for it, in
every town and village, even in Sevastopol
57 percent yeas – something few had believed at
the time. That referendum is still legally valid,
and the same is true of the Crimea. The so-called
referendum staged in 2014, at Russia’s gunpoint,
cannot override the results of Ukraine’s
true democratic vox populi of 1991.
Leonid KRAVCHUK, special to The Day

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
TOPIC OF THE DAY No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018 5
By Mariia PROKOPENKO,
photos by Artem SLIPACHUK, The Day
“A
ll my thoughts are now
with Oleh Sentsov, who is
risking his own life for the
sake of all the political
prisoners. We must remember
that freedom is an inalienable
human right, which must be protected by
all possible means and through every
effort. Although Sentsov is in prison, his
ideas are free. And his voice is carried
across all the continents as we pick it up,”
the writer and historian Olena Stiazhkina
said as she read out a letter to Sentsov
sent by the Scottish writer Ian Rankin.
In the afternoon of August 21, activists
brought to the Russian embassy
in Kyiv dozens of letters sent to Sentsov
from around the world. The “Solidarity
with Oleh Sentsov” event became
part of the initiative launched by PEN
International in London (that organization
brings together writers, editors,
and translators from all over the
world and is a powerful human rights
body). The Sentsov letter-writing
marathon began on August 14. Simultaneously
with Kyiv, solidarity events
took place in Sweden, Denmark, the
UK, and the US. Also, Ukraine saw
such events not only in the capital, but
also in Lviv and Vinnytsia.
● “IT IS IMPORTANT THAT
EVERY ONE OF US HEARS
THESE LETTERS AS WELL”
“We received news in recent weeks,
primarily from Sentsov’s lawyer, that
he had stopped receiving letters,” said
Tetiana Teren, executive director of the
Ukrainian PEN, to describe the idea of
the campaign. “The lawyer said that
Sentsov felt himself to be in an information
vacuum and did not know anything
about what was happening in the
world. He had the impression that the
message he wanted to convey to the
world – not about himself, but about all
the political prisoners – had begun to
fade, that the protests had begun to
wind down. Sentsov was very worried
about it. This situation is dangerous,
many political prisoners of the Soviet
era recall that the authorities used the
same technique then, namely to limit a
prisoner’s access to information so that
they find themselves in a psychological
vacuum. We believe that this situation
is not only difficult, but illegal and unfair.
Therefore, this campaign began
first of all as a protest against the fact
that Sentsov did not receive correspondence,
which is his legal right,
recognized all over the world under
international and European law. These
letters have already crossed some
boundaries, probably going beyond
even this campaign as we are now reading
them out. I think it is important
that every one of us, not just Sentsov,
hears these letters as well.”
Letters in various languages were
sent to PEN International’s e-mail
address from all over the world. There
they were translated into Russian in
the last two days, since only letters in
that language may be delivered to the
Labytnangi prison camp where
Sentsov is held.
During the marathon, several hundred
letters were collected. Well-known
people, such as the Nobel Prize winner
Svetlana Alexievich, writer Margaret
Atwood, writer and film director Mike
Leigh also addressed Sentsov, and this
list goes on and on. “Ordinary people
from around the world write to Sentsov
as well,” Teren added. “Often they tell
him something about themselves. Some
letters are touching and poignant, like
one telling about its author living by a
river and describing that river. Someone
wrote that they had seen a sunflower
field. There is a letter from a seven-yearold
girl, and she says she attends such
and such grade, lives in such and such
city, learned about Sentsov from the
news and resolved to write a letter.”
According to Teren, PEN International
will try to do everything in their
power to get the letters to the prisoner.
In particular, they will use the resources
available to his lawyer and human rights
activists.
“I am grateful that you
do not forget me”
August 23 marks the 102nd day of Oleh Sentsov’s hunger strike. Why it is
important to write and read out letters to the “prisoners of the Kremlin”
● GREETINGS FROM SENTSOV
On August 21, a letter from Sentsov,
dated August 14, was posted at
change.org, the website where the petition
calling for saving him and other
“prisoners of the Kremlin” had been
posted.
“Hello everybody! Thank you very
much for the birthday greetings that I received
from various people through the
RosUznik website (the letters’ delivery
was much delayed). Thank you for the
warm words and wishes. I will try to not
let you all down, not surrender and not
die. True, it is likely that out of these
three desires, only a maximum of two
will be fulfilled! :)) Folks, I cannot respond
to everyone, but there is no special
need anyway. Still, I am grateful that
you do not forget me, and support not only
me but all the other Ukrainian political
prisoners in Russia! I wish you all
luck and happiness in this life and in all
the next ones! :)) Yours respectfully, Oleh
Sentsov,” this letter reads.
The petition, published in the first
days of the prisoner’s hunger strike, has
already been signed by almost 203,000
people. Meanwhile, Ambassador of
Ukraine to the US Valerii Chaly used a
press conference held at the Ukrinform
news agency (and dealing with the partnership
between America and Ukraine)
to call on everyone to sign a similar petition
on the White House website
(https://petitions.whitehouse.gov/petition/save-oleg-sentsov).
To receive an
answer from the US administration, we
still need to collect almost 79,000 signatures
out of 100,000 needed by September
8. You can sign a petition in just
a couple of minutes.
● “SUCH EVENTS ARE NOT
ABOUT QUANTITY,
BUT RATHER ABOUT
TAKING A STAND”
The international community has
regularly made appeals in support of
the “prisoners of the Kremlin” (one
made by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(MFA) of Lithuania is a recent example).
At the same time, there have
been such weird moves as Vladimir
Putin being invited to the wedding of
the head of Austria’s MFA.
“Putin, besides attending the wedding,
had a meeting with Angela Merkel
[the German Chancellor. – Ed.] later on.
Thus, activists of the Save Oleh Sentsov
group held a picket just before the venue
where it was held... Putin’s motorcade
was greeted by shouts ‘Murderer!’ and
‘Save Oleh Sentsov!’ All these details
make up the complex picture that we are
creating by ourselves,” believes Oleksandra
Matviichuk, who serves as chairperson
of the board at the Center for Civil
Liberties which became a co-organizer
of the solidarity campaign in Kyiv.
She reminded us that the Save Oleg
Sentsov campaign events had been held
in 45 countries, even though nobody initially
expected such broad coverage.
By the way, almost a hundred people
attended the Kyiv event. It is a pretty
good result, considering that it happened
on a weekday, when many people
were at work. Matviichuk emphasized
that other things are important in these
events. “Firstly, it is about simultaneity.
When such events are held simultaneously
in France, Germany, and Ukraine,
it is noticeable. Secondly, it is about regularity.
People think like that: we attended
one time, then another one, but
someone will replace us on the third occasion.
No one will replace you. And this
is an important feature of these events,”
the human rights activist explained.
Support initiatives for the “prisoners
of the Kremlin” are regularly joined
in by Russians. “We have active colleagues
there who hold very risky events
in Kazan, Moscow, St. Petersburg, and
other cities. During the FIFA World
Cup, all protest activities were banned in
Russia, so they staged one-person pickets,
distributed leaflets, and posted Save
Oleh Sentsov banners on bridges,” Matviichuk
added. “I know about a Russian
who has been arrested at least three
times while staging one-person pickets.
She was alone, but her example is very
important. Therefore, this is not about
quantity. This is about taking a stand.”
● “WE MUST BUILD UP
PRESSURE FOR
A POLITICAL SOLUTION”
A week ago the Kremlin in fact rejected
Liudmyla Sentsova’s plea to pardon
her son. According to Hromadske
Television, the Russian President’s Administration
stated that the convict
himself should make this kind of plea.
“No decision has been made yet. It is
not Putin’s rejection, and all of these refusals
comprise a phrase that the final
decision is to be made by the President
of Russia,” Oleksandra Matviichuk says,
describing the Oleh Sentsov situation.
“This means we must build up pressure
for a political solution. For pardon is just
a way to formalize it.”
In Matviichuk’s view, the Ukrainian
leadership must stay in close contact
with the international partners that
can influence the situation with the
Kremlin’s captives and Donbas prisoners
of war.
Human rights activists know about
70 people imprisoned for political motives
in Russia and the occupied Crimea.
Moreover, these activists are aware that
it is just the tip of the iceberg.
“We are not in a position to examine
the materials of all cases in the occupied
Crimea, so relatives do not need to apply
immediately,” Matviichuk notes. “What
matters here is that there is a tendency.
Russia has launched a campaign against
citizens of Ukraine with the aim to set up
the specter of the enemy in Ukrainians.
That’s why they trump up charges of
spying, sabotage, atrocities against
civilians, etc. As for Crimea, we can foresee
an increase of such cases.”
***
“There are dozens of political prisoners
today, and we know that the
regime is trying to stand to the end. To
ask and entreat it is the same as to expect
mercy from the serial killer who derives
sexual gratification from torturing,”
Mykola RIABCHUK, president of the
Ukrainian PEN club, said at a Kyiv
protest rally. “Public opinion is the only
thing that can have an impact. We are
here for this very purpose – to remind
this regime that we remember and expect
political prisoners to be freed, to say this
to our compatriots who vacation in and
make tours of the occupied Crimea and
earn money in Russia, and to remind this
to our Western partners who dance at
wedding parties with representatives of
this regime and think every six months
about whether or not to continue those
feeble sanctions against this regime.
We must behave more firmly, for only
firmness can exert influence. Only the
prospect of a new Nuremberg or Hague
trial can stop them.”
Please write to Oleh Sentsov and other
“Kremlin’s prisoners” via the RosUznik
website: http:/rosuznik.org, or
the FSIN-Pismo system: https://fsinpismo.ru/client/app/letter/create.

6
No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018
NB!
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
Russia after the Sea of Azov
Russian naval vessels deployed
increasingly, bankrupting seaports
REUTERS photo
By Andrii MURAVSKYI
After finishing the construction
of the Crimean/Kerch Bridge,
Russia proceeded with a proxy
blockade of the Sea of Azov and
its ports. The bridge does not
allow large ships to pass through
anymore. According to June 2018
statistics, over 144 container ships
stopped visiting the seaports of Mariupol
and Berdiansk, unable to pass under the
bridge. There are also raids by Russia’s
FSB and Coast Guard gunboats that stop
ships en route to Ukrainian seaports.
For more than three months, Russia’s
Coast Guard ships have been meticulously
inspecting vessels headed for
Azov seaports or on the way back. One
might say that their inspections were too
meticulous, forcing the ships under inspection
to waste dozens of hours, which
costs shipowners large sums.
Andrii KLYMENKO, Chairman of
the Board, Foreign Affair Maidan Foundation,
said: “First, these ships have to
wait for permission to pass under the
Kerch Bridge and reach the Sea of Azov.
All have to wait to let an Azov-Black Sea
convoy pass [for example]. When on the
Sea of Azov, any vessel en route to a seaport
or on the way back can be stopped
[and inspected] by a [Russian] Coast
Guard gunboat.”
Such inspections are taking increasingly
longer periods. According to
Mr. Klymenko, in July, they averaged
from two to four hours, then increased to
almost 33 hours toward the end of the
month. The worst delay on record is
55 hours. It involved 62 8-15-ton vessels
en route to Azov seaports. The cost of
24 hours of delay is 4-5 thousand USD.
This discourages the shipowners and
they can’t blame the consignor. When
their ships are idle en route, they must absorb
the full costs of untimely deliveries.
Russia explained that all this was
part of their security precautions while
conducting naval exercises. They promised
that this would stop before the fall.
There are other explanations, however,
including the possibility that Russia
is doing this in response to Ukraine arresting
the Russian dredger ship Nord
registered in Crimea (March 25). Ukraine
now has only two seaports, Mariupol
and Berdiansk, on the Sea of Azov, and
the Black Sea ports of Odesa,
Chornomorskyi, Yuzhnyi, Ochakivskyi,
and Skadovskyi, including the ones in
Kherson and Mykolaiv which have access
to the Black Sea through channels.
The problem is that moving shipments
from Azov to the Black Sea means
that you’ll have to add a couple of bucks
per ton of cargo, damaging the manufacturer’s
reputation. However, the costly
option is on the agenda. There is also
the Ilyich Metallurgical Complex of Mariupol
[“Ilyich” – from “Vladimir Ilyich
Lenin.” – Ed.], now part of Metinvest
Holding Co. They had to move cast iron
shipments to Black Sea ports.
Logistics actually remain the same,
considering that the shipowners appear
prepared to bear additional costs, without
increasing freight rates, lest they lose
regular customers, in view of the market
competition. Some also see the sanctions
imposed on Russia as temporary.
They believe that the situation may well
change “for the better” this fall. Even so,
there are no guarantees that this “truce”
will last long, just as there is no telling
what Russia will do next. Business requires
stability and each shipowner must
be sure when it’s profitable to take the
next cargo.
Volodymyr OMELIAN, Minister of
Infrastructure of Ukraine, feels sure
that Russia is trying to rock the boat in
the Azov region: “We’re in contact with
our partners, working out measures to
help impose similar sanctions on the
Black Sea ports that are currently under
Russia’s control.”
The Ukrainian Seaport Oversight
Administration is keeping track of all
ships stopped and inspected by Russia,
and relays the data to the Ministry of Infrastructure
and the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of Ukraine. Official Kyiv has contacted
the OSCE, asking to task the Supervisory
Board with keeping track of
Russia’s wrongdoings on both terra firma
and within Ukraine’s territorial waters.
Costs are being assessed to file
Photo by Alina KOMAROVA
XIX INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION
PHOTO — - 2017
damage claims vs. Russia in international
courts, including damages caused
by the Crimean/Kerch Bridge, considering
its height that bans passage for
larger vessels.
There are certain aspects to Russia’s
Coast Guard gunboats stopping and inspecting
ships. Officials of the State
Border Guard Service of Ukraine say such
inspections are formally possible under
the 2004 Agreement on the Sea of Azov,
considering that the sea is an inland
body of water and that there are no territorial
waters per se. Ukrainian Coast
Guard ships would be within their right
to stop and inspect ships en route to
Russia’s seaports of Azov, Rostov-on-
Don, etc., but they keep their distance,
apparently careful not to aggravate the
situation.
In view of this, the legal status of the
Sea of Azov has to be revised. There is a
bill filed with the Verkhovna Rada, entitled
“On the Denunciation of the Treaty
on Cooperation in the Usage of the Sea of
Azov and Kerch Strait, signed by Ukraine
and the Russian Federation.”
InterLegal’s partner Artur Nitsevych
says ships can’t be stopped and inspected
while in an international strait, that this
is against international law. Kerch Strait
is subject to full freedom of navigation for
civilian ships and warships of Ukraine and
Russia. Foreign warships are allowed entry
only with the knowledge and consent
of the contracting parties. Experts further
recommend that the shipowners keep
their distance from Lotsman-Krym, the
pilot company currently in Russia-annexed
Crimea, formerly a Ukrainian government-run
company, that provides
most piloting services.
Lawsuits will take time, of course.
Meanwhile, efforts should be taken to
upgrade the Ukrainian Navy. Currently,
it is unable to defend Ukraine’s interests
in the Sea of Azov. A time-consuming
process, but time is money and
it is a matter of national security for
Ukraine.
While they were “dancing” in Austria...
Thoughtful Ukrainians are remembering, mourning, and honoring
the memory of the Austrian Archduke Wilhelm von Habsburg (Vasyl Vyshyvany)
By Valentyn TORBA, The Day
Recently, a banner exhibition
dedicated to the Ukrainian
military figure, politician, and
poet Vasyl Vyshyvany was
opened on the second floor of
the Lviv Regional State Administration
building. “This exhibition is evidence
that we remember Vasyl Vyshyvany,
who was tortured to death by the Soviet
regime. This individual has entered the
history of our people for good.
Being the son of an Italian
duchess and an Austrian admiral,
he consciously chose Ukraine and
the Ukrainian identity for
himself, and sacrificed his youth,
titles, and connections in the
aristocratic circles of Europe for
the sake of Ukraine. As an
independent nation, we owe a lot
to this patriot,” public figure
Marko Simkin said at the opening
of the exhibition.
It was 1948. Wilhelm Franz
von Habsburg-Lothringen, who
was a Ukrainian military figure,
a politician, a poet, an
Austrian archduke of the Habsburg
dynasty, and a colonel of
the Legion of the Ukrainian Sich
Riflemen, died in Lukianivska
Prison, it was said “under unknown
circumstances.” These titles
of his are not important for
every Ukrainian. Some of us
have a quite superficial view of
them. However, the very names
of such “political romantics” as
Vyshyvany are already TITLES
that future generations should
aspire to emulate.
He was born on February 10, 1895,
near the city of Pula in Dalmatia, in the
family estate of his father Archduke
Charles Stephen Habsburg. It was this
branch of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine
that gave the world several Austrian
kings and emperors, including
Franz Josef, who was Wilhelm’s uncle
twice removed. At different times, the
Habsburgs ruled Germany, the Netherlands,
Spain, Bohemia, and Hungary.
No pompous events are held to
honor him now. They do not rename
streets after him or observe anniversaries
of his life events. And it is a
shame... It reflects badly on today’s
power holders and public figures. It
must be remembered that he was a
scion of the ancient European dynasties,
the Habsburgs and the Lorraines.
And he was the only one to come to defend
the Ukrainian idea while having
such exalted ancestry. They often talk
about Europeanness and the European
course nowadays. In our case, there is
plenty of evidence that Ukraine in Europe
is not just a geographical concept.
This concept is mental and historical
too.
Unfortunately, Vyshyvany’s last
abode remains unknown to this day.
The most cynical and revealing fact is
that Vladimir Putin came to Austria,
the country where Vyshyvany was
born, to attend the wedding of that nation’s
head of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs precisely in recent days. It
seems that Europe was not only silent,
as Oleksandr Oles put it once... It has
also forgotten. It has forgotten the
bitter lessons of what imperialism is.
Den/The Day newspaper has repeatedly
told the story of this historical
figure in our excursions into “forgotten
matters.”
As Larysa Ivshyna, the editor-inchief
of this newspaper, stressed,
“just as thoughtful Ukrainians are remembering,
mourning, and honoring
the memory of the Austrian Archduke
Wilhelm von Habsburg (Vasyl Vyshyvany),
who was killed in an NKVD torture
chamber, his homeland, namely
the glorious city of Vienna, sees a minister
dancing with a man continuing
the “traditions” of that ominous system.
What has happened to you, Austria?”
● “IT WAS A TRAGIC
MILESTONE FOR UKRAINE”
Tetiana OSTASHKO, Candidate
of Historical Sciences:
“I believe we need to do more to
commemorate the figure of Vasyl
Vyshyvany and, in particular, to observe
the tragic anniversary of his
death. He became a Ukrainian and actively
joined the Ukrainian movement.
In our time, some politicians and
journalists have taken the liberty
of not noticing this fact,
which significantly simplifies
and primitivizes the meaning of
the Ukrainian national liberation
movement. Vyshyvany was
abducted in the British zone of
Vienna and taken to the USSR,
where he eventually died in
Lukianivska Prison. It was a
tragic milestone for Ukraine.
And the fact that this anniversary
came to coincide with what
was effectively a celebration of
Putin in Austria is for us a
straightforward hint that we
have to care about our own fate
better. To count on someone’s
support is not worth it. We must
be strong, we must know our
history well. As for Putin’s arrival
in Austria, it can only be
seen as a shameful occasion for
that European country. I believe
that we must study the historical
aspects of our relations with
European countries in a most
thorough manner. They have always
thought of their interests first.
And if we do not articulate our position,
then others will do it for us and
distort our history in the process.
For this very reason, such historical
figures as Vyshyvany offer telling
and inspirational examples for us as
we are shaping our national and state
positions. All these stories improve
our standing, including in the international
arena, where we must become
a compelling presence. When
we do not know it or ignore this
knowledge, the enemy is the only one
to benefit by exploiting our gaps in
historical memory. Nor should we
forget that this is not just about Russia.
Poland has also played a major
role in exerting political and ideological
pressure on Ukraine. Therefore,
I repeat: we need to shape our own
historical position.”

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
CULT URE No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018 7
By Dmytro DESIATERYK, The Day,
Odesa – Kyiv
The appointment of a new
director of the Odesa Art
Museum was one of the biggest
artistic scandals this year. As is
well known, a competitive
selection was held for the position,
and the famous Odesa-born artist
Oleksandr Roitburd won it by one
vote last December. His rivals were
former director of the museum Vitalii
Abramov and his deputy Serhii
Siedykh.
Nobody has challenged the result’s
fairness. However, some murky
machinations started as the date of the
final approval came closer. At first,
the culture commission of the Odesa
Regional Council came forward to oppose
the appointment. In parallel, a
negative public relations campaign
against Roitburd as an individual
was launched in the media and on the
Internet. They attributed to the artist
other people’s paintings and brought
in unknown experts to confirm it. It
ultimately resulted in a failed vote in
the regional council. Leaders of the
notorious Opposition Bloc, in particular,
the famous supporter of the
“Russian World” Vitalii Sautionkov,
were most active in the fight against
the appointment, having marched a
loyal crowd to a location outside the
council building. Their arguments
were worthy of the Soviet era, as the
would-be director was being accused
of creating immoral paintings.
At the same time, around 50 cultural
figures, journalists, and leading
museum workers signed letters in
support of the artist. Eventually,
everything ended with a victory of
common sense: head of the Odesa Regional
State Administration Maksym
Stepanov appointed Roitburd as the
director of the museum. The contract
is valid for five years.
The Odesa Art Museum is located
in the center of the city, housed in the
Potocki Palace, a monument of the
early 19th century architecture (it was
built in 1827). It was opened on November
6, 1899 through the efforts of
the Odesa Society of Fine Arts. The
museum collection’s first items were
paintings donated by Petersburg
Academy of Arts. Currently, the museum’s
exposition occupies 26 rooms.
The collection includes works by foreign
and Ukrainian artists, such as
Valentin Serov, Mikhail Vrubel,
Nicholas Roerich, Boris Kustodiev,
Alexandre Benois, Konstantin Somov,
Wassily Kandinsky, as well as
Volodymyr Borovykovsky, Amvrosii
Zhdakha, Kostiantyn Trutovsky,
Mykola Pymonenko, Serhii Vasylkivsky,
Oleksandr Murashko, Petro
Levchenko, Maria Prymachenko,
Mykhailo Derehus, Adalbert Erdeli,
Fedir Manailo, Yosyp Bokshai, Andrii
Kotska, and Taras Shevchenko.
We talked to Roitburd in a public
garden in front of the museum’s facade.
I will ask it frankly and at once:
what led you to take this unenviable
job?
“I had volunteers who supported
the museum – some of them are now
part of our team – visiting me and asking
to persuade some people in Odesa
or Kyiv to occupy this position. Meanwhile,
a power crisis was continuing
at the museum. It was unclear if the
then director, Abramov, would be
able to continue to carry out his duties,
no constructive candidates could
be found, and it ended with no one getting
persuaded, so I decided to go for
it myself. Another motive was that I
realized that I had no right to criticize
Odesa if I myself rejected an opportunity
to change the situation in a certain
area at least and get a serious
project working that would improve
both the image and the life of the
city.”
What is your personal history
with the museum?
“I have known it from childhood.
Even back then, I was capable of holding
an imagined tour of it with my
eyes closed at home and could say
where which picture hung. However,
“Ever since my childhood, I have been
capable of holding a tour of the
exposition with my eyes closed...”
The newly appointed director of the Odesa Art Museum
Oleksandr Roitburd spoke of poverty, intrigues, and hopes
this is absolutely destructive. The
future belongs to countries with a
vision of that future, with a rational
economic concept of development and
a progressive cultural policy. Moreover,
the latter includes not only art,
but also the positioning of the country
in the world, education, health care,
etc. For now, however, we have not yet
cut the umbilical cord linking us to the
Soviet system, nor even finally cut one
linking us to Russia.”
As to the past: in what condition
did you find the museum?
“First of all, I found a labor conflict
there. Most employees feared
the arrival of a new leadership.”
So, how did they react to you?
“I expected this least of all, but
these grannies and veterans of the museum
became my supporters. I have a
very friendly relationship with the
chief custodian of the collection, who
has miraculously preserved it intact.
She has worked in the museum for
50 years, and there have been no losswhen
I came there again at an older
age, I did not really like the fact that
some items hung in the same locations
for 40 years. And in some places, the
exposition was even worse than it
had been in the Soviet days. The impression
was that life was over and it
seemed to be a cemetery. It was so although
the museum can become not
only a center, but even a flagship of
cultural modernization, which
Ukraine direly needs. Determining
after three or four centuries who was
right and who was wrong, what was a
betrayal and what was a victory –
es on her watch. Also, all of them have
the understanding that something
needs to be changed.”
What should be changed?
“The main problem is the limited
resources. I have just fantasized with
architects how to increase the exhibition
spaces. This is extremely important.
If the museum expands threefold,
it will become 30 times more interesting.
We have many art periods
concealed in storerooms, and nobody
sees them.”
Continued on page 8 ➤
THE ODESA ART MUSEUM IS LOCATED IN THE CENTER OF THE CITY, HOUSED IN THE POTOCKI PALACE, A MONUMENT
OF THE EARLY 19th CENTURY ARCHITECTURE (BUILT IN 1827). IT WAS OPENED ON NOVEMBER 6, 1899 THROUGH THE
EFFORTS OF THE ODESA SOCIETY OF FINE ARTS
By Vadym RYZHKOV, The Day,
Dnipro,
Olha KHARCHENKO, The Day
Book Space
festival
Den to launch its new
book AVE in Lviv and
Dnipro. Make
reservations before
it’s too late!
DNIPRO – Book Space is the
name of a new international book
festival that will take place here,
September 28-30.
Says Viktoria NARIZHNA,
art director of the festival: “We
titled it Book Space because
‘space’ is a slightly ironical re f-
e rence to Dnipro [former Dnipro -
petrovsk. – Ed.] as Ukraine’s
space and rocket/missile develop -
ment center [under the Soviets],
currently a progressive innova -
ting city.”
The festival will be held within
the framework of Mayor Borys
Filatov’s Project Cultural Capital,
also with support from Valentyn
Riznychenko, head of the
Regional State Admini stra tion
(RSA), and with Den/The Day as
the festival’s general information
partner.
There will be a large scale
book fair involving over 50 Uk -
rai nian and foreign publishing
companies, meetings with dome -
s tic and foreign authors, laun ches
of new publications, wri ters’
read ing soirees, concerts, etc.
The book fair will be located in
downtown Dnipro, on the square
facing the RSA building, with
space rockets on display, along
with the Children’s Lite rature
Pavilion in the Heroes Alley,
near the Children’s R&R Park.
Book Space envisages programs
to be carried out simultaneously
on several sites, including five on
the RSA premi ses, a Poetry Cafe,
Children’s Stage and Music Stage
in the Ukrainian Art Museum’s
garden, and a small town called
Space Hub. These programs will
include the central one, known as
“Transformations” and others
meant for children, history, edu
cation, and music. The latter
will be a jazz event, with a concert
marking the end of each day
of the festival, involving several
rock bands, including DZ’OB,
Quarpa, and Mariana Savka’s
“In the Orchard.”
Dnipro is expected to play
host to a total of 6,500 guests and
festival participants, among them
over 30 Ukrainian and foreign authors.
Serhii Plokhii (USA), Martin
Schaeuble (Ger many), Andre
Roche (France), Jacek Dehnel
(Poland), Glenn Ringtved (Denmark),
Ulrike Almut Sandig (Germany),
Maria Galina (Ukrai ne/
Russia), Arka dy Shtypel (Ukrai-
ne/Russia), Oksana Zabuzhko,
Irena Karpa, Irene Rozdobudko,
Yurii Maka rov, Mariana Savka,
Yan Valie tov, Andrii Bondar,
Ruslan Ho ro vyi, Hryhorii Semenchuk,
Halyna Kruk, Svitlana
Pova liaie va, Andrey Orlov (Orlusha),
etc., have confirmed their
parti ci pa tion.
Serhii Plokhii is a Ukrainian
American historian and author
specializing in the history of
Ukraine, Eastern Europe and
Cold War. He is a professor of
Ukrainian history at Harvard
University where he also serves
as the director of the Harvard
Ukrainian Research Institute,
and winner of the Taras Shev -
chenko Prize (2018). During the
festival, he is expected to take
part in a public discussion with
Yurii Makarov, journalist and
writer, based on Mr. Plokhii’s
books Tsars and Cos sacks: A
Study in Icono gra phy; Chernobyl:
History of a Tragedy; The Last
Empire: The Final Days of the Soviet
Union, etc. There will be
launches of the books How the
Cossacks Defen ded Ukraine (with
historian Yurii Mytsyk) and National
Communism in Soviet
Ukraine (with Oksana Zabuzhko).
Marci Shore, US historian and
scholar, wife of Yale history professor
Timothy Snyder, is expected
to present a Ukrainian
version of her book The Ukrainian
Night: An Intimate History of
Revo lu tion (re Maidan).
History will be on top of the
Book Space agenda in Dnipro.
There will be launched Den’s new
book AVE commemorating Hetman
Skoropadsky’s centennial
of birth and having a lot to do
with Ukraine’s future. Initiated
by Editor-in-Chief Larysa Ivshyna,
this book includes articles
writ ten by professional historians
and journalists, and is likely
to attract interest and cause debate,
considering that its aim is
both to learn more about the Skoro
pad sky epoch (still a gap in
Ukrai nian history [apart from
Soviet propaganda stuff]) and
clarify the kind of politics
Ukrainian society has been practicing,
will practice, and why.
This book will premiere at
the traditional Publishers’ Forum
in Lviv (September 21,
12:00, Hall of Mirrors, Potocki
Palace). The Editors will inform
you about the date and time of its
launch in Dnipro.
➤ IMPORTANT: Bonus orders
for AVE will expire on Septem
ber 1. You can still order a
copy for only 170 hryvnias on
https:// day.kyiv.ua/uk/library/books/ave-do-100-littyagetma
natu-pavla-skoropa ds -
kogo, or by calling the edito rial
office ((044) 303 96 23).

8
No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018
“Ever since my childhood, I have been
capable of holding a tour of the
exposition with my eyes closed...”
Continued from page 7 ➤
Have you managed to locate some
special treasures?
“There are so many first-class
paintings in the storerooms that the
very idea of the level of this collection
can change dramatically. There are
dozens of landowners’ portraits taken
from their estates, naive city portraits,
many great paintings by Russian
Academic style painters, which
are not known even in Russia itself. For
example, a meter-long picture by Ilya
Repin which we have pulled out of the
storeroom, and nobody knew that Repin
had painted one. Or Vasily Perov’s
A Shepherd Boy, which has uncharacteristic
features for a work of his.
Under the influence of the Peredvizhniki,
he depicted hard life of the masses,
but here we see such an idyll: an Italian
boy sits amid southern plants under
the blue sky, he is clean and happy,
playing a flute, wearing a European
dress – it is all absolutely atypical. It
lay in the storerooms, and nobody
knew about it. And how many works of
the Mir Iskusstva Art Association we
have! Experts are just exhilarated
when they learn the number.”
What prevents you from exhibiting
it all?
“We lack space. We cannot adequately
display Socialist Realism
works – while monstrous, this style has
already become interesting – or fully
present our collection of Soviet underground,
also known as the ‘severe
style,’ which we also have in storage.
We cannot start collecting contemporary
art, because there is no room for
it. We cannot turn the museum into a
true cultural hub, because there is no
place suitable for a lecturer. We need
to do major repairs, because I have seen
a map where five large cracks, both
horizontal and vertical, are visible in
the building. After all, it was built
from coquina in 1827. Since then, it
has not been repaired other than cosmetically.
We fear that beams between
floors will not hold human masses.
Just outside exhibition rooms, we
have a fire reservoir, which is decommissioned,
defunct, but still full of water,
and it brings excessive humidity to
three rooms and our holdings. And at
the back of the museum, there is a wild
thicket, full of homeless, drug addicts
who leave drug caches there, and broken
glass that makes it impassable.
Still, we have been unable to reach the
city’s leadership and ask them to donate
this plot to us for expansion, because
it belonged to the museum back
in the 1970s, but was then transferred
to the city’s ownership to save on janitors’
salaries.”
It seems to be an insurmountable
mountain of problems... What have
you achieved in such circumstances?
“Firstly, we have increased the
attendance level of the museum manyfold.
Secondly, we have done a partial
rotation of the exposition. Also, we
have been demanding that bureaucratic
bodies compile design and estimate
for the repair of historic lights,
but still have not received the final approval
to begin repairs.”
And what has prevented the major
repairs from being started?
“The government had allocated
money for it once, but the firm that had
got it went bankrupt, its owner is now
on the wanted list, the remainder has
been redistributed to other places, and
no more funding is provided, because
it has already been provided.”
Everyone remembers in what atmosphere
the decision about your appointment
was made. Do you encounter
direct resistance?
“They oppose us through bureaucratic
bodies, which do not sign anything
if they can help it. This is the passive
option. As for the active one,
those councilors who staged scandals
back during my appointment hearings
are still attacking me. Their, so to
speak, leader Vitalii Sautionkov dominates
these efforts.”
Do you have a specific strategy
aimed at overcoming all this?
“No strategy can be formulated,
because it changes on the move, depending
on where the next pitfall appears,
and where we get new allies or
opponents at the given moment. Sometimes
it looks almost like guerrilla
warfare.”
Where do you find strength for it?
“If there is a stimulus, then I am interested
in working. The most valuable
part of this job for me is being a visionary.”
Do you find time to create paintings
of your own?
“I do. However, they accused me of
replacing paintings from the museum
with fakes (while keeping a completely
impassive face). I am now actively
engaged in this, I am making a new series
to replace the museum paintings.
This morning, I had time to finish
one, I will add some yellow color, take
a picture and post it on Facebook.
Yesterday, I replaced the portrait of
Serov with the portrait of Savva Mamontov
painted by Serov, and today I
will replace a painting by Nikolai Ge,
which is quite natural. And as they
have already said, I will then sell all the
originals to Maryna Poroshenko or
the banker Vadym Morokhovskyi –
these are two competing versions.”
Finally, I should ask you about
hope. Where is hope for you and the
museum?
“I hope that instead of an archaic
Soviet institution, we will build a modern
museum, which will change the perception
of Odesa as well as what a museum
is in Ukraine. After all, the potential
of such an institution as a museum
is enormous. It is just that people
do not understand it in this country.”
■ THE DAY’S REFERENCE
Oleksandr Roitburd (born in
Odesa in 1961) is a Ukrainian artist.
He graduated from the art and
graphics faculty of Odesa Pedagogical
Institute in 1983. Since 1993, the
painter has been a founding member
of the Nove Mystetstvo Association
(Odesa). In 1993-99, he served as art
director and in 1999-2001 as president
of this association. In 1997-99,
Roitburd served as chairman of the
board at the Soros Center for Contemporary
Art (Odesa), in 2001-02 –
as regional coordinator of the Cultural
Heroes Festival (Odesa), while
in 2002, he served as director of the
Gelman Gallery in Kyiv. The artist
has taken part in over 100 exhibitions
and art projects.
By Dmytro DESIATERYK,
The Day, Odesa – Kyiv
TIMEO U T
By Dmytro PLAKHTA, The Day, Lviv
Photos courtesy of Marianna DUSHAR
Tasting Galician dishes, you are
sure to feel not only an original
blend of local foodstuffs’ flavors,
but also the touch of other cultures.
It is easy to trace the Italian
motif in Leopolitan lazanki (a type of
pasta). You can’t help feeling influence
of Jewish traditions in the vorschmack
(a dish made of salty minced fish or
meat). And the nutritious parzyborda
(savoy cabbage soup) is an aromatic
repercussion of the culture of Lvivbased
Armenians.
The phenomenon of Galician cuisine
is being actively studied now. Particularly,
it is Marianna DUSHAR, a
Leopolitan researcher of Galician cuisine,
who has achieved great successes
in this historical-culinary field. But it
would be fairer to speak about the legendary
Ms. Stefa who is always glad to
give advice to Galician housewives.
Marianna created this image of a Galician
woman for her blog, combining in
Ms. Stefa the images of her grandmothers
who cooked superbly and handed
down the love for cooking to their
granddaughter. In her blog panistefa.com
and on her Facebook page,
Dushar gathers old local recipes.
Ms. Stefa, as an idea and a figure, is
more than 10 years old. In this time
span, she has shared hundreds of
recipes of Galician dishes and still continues
to popularize local cuisine.
Ms. Stefa is the best-known Galician
housewife. Dushar herself notes
that she is neither a culinary blogger
nor a cook but, first of all, a researcher,
the blog and cooking being just separate
aspects of studying Galician cuisine.
“I am trying to read as much as possible,
look for old recipes and just information
on this matter,” Dushar
says. “I don’t post everything in the
blog because not all of this will be of interest
to the reader. I’ve noticed that
once you write a bit more serious piece
of culinary research, there will be fewer
comments. A long mind-bending
text is often not interesting to the average
reader. They are interested in a
recipe that can be used at home. But
some, on the contrary, find it interesting
to dig deeper and read about the
history of a dish. So, I am trying to post
from time to time various culinary-historical
essays in my blog.”
Den/The Day decided to “dig deeper”
not only into the history of Galician
cuisine, but also into the very essence
of cuisine as a thing that can knit people
together. Marianna Dushar helped
us do so, and our “tasty” talk lasted for
several interesting hours.
● “GALICIAN CUISINE IS
A MUTUAL PENETRATION,
DIFFUSION OF DIFFERENT
CULTURES”
“Above all, you should know the
conditions in which Galician cuisine was
formed. It is rather simple and complex
at the same time, for Galicia had always
been in interesting political situations.
It was always at the intersection of trade
roads. This is especially true of Lviv.
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
“Foodisalittleuniversalanchor
and a way of identification”
A “tasty” story of Ms. Stefa’s Galician cuisine
“Galician cuisine is a mutual penetration,
a diffusion of different cultures.
The Galician, particularly Leopolitan,
traditions formed under the influence
of the ethnoses that populated the
region and current circumstances. It is
interesting to see today the way Galicia
was building ‘culinary bridges’ with
the Greeks, Poles, Armenians, Italians,
Germans, Austrians, Frenchmen, et al.”
● LAYING “GASTRONOMIC
BRIDGES”
“For example, there was quite a
large Greek community in Lviv. The
name of the Greek Konstanty Korniakt
added a glorious page to the city’s history.
The influence of him and other
Greeks on the history of Lviv is indisputable.
“‘The Greeks came and brought
lemons’ is the example researcher of
Leopolitan cuisine Ihor Lilio often
cites. Lemons were not characteristic
for Galicia, but Greeks brought this
fruit here. An expensive item, it was
consumed by a certain stratum of the
population. Then it served as a basis of
some dishes.
“The gastronomic tastes of city
dwellers were by no means banal at
that time. Take, for example, the lemon
soup. It was cooked in thick veal brine,
with rice, lemon juice, and all this was
eventually seasoned with a sour cream
and yolk dressing. You can find this
soup in old cookbooks that date back to
the late 19th century. But what does this
record mean? It means that lemons and
rice were in common use. But, most interestingly,
Greek national cuisine includes
the soup ‘avgolemono’ which is
99 percent identical with our lemon
soup. The only difference is that we cook
it with veal, while they use poultry.
“There are stories of this kind for
many foodstuffs and dishes. It is very
interesting to find out how these ‘gastronomic
bridges’ were laid. Sometimes
it is facts which we can prove on
the basis of archival or anecdotal evidence,
and sometimes it is a ‘plausible
assumption.’ Anyway, it is always a
very interesting entertainment.”
● ON URBAN AND RURAL
GALICIAN CUISINE
“Galician cuisine is quite clearly divided
into urban and rural.
“Urban cuisine – more ingenious and
rich – was based on what could be
bought. The abovementioned cultural exchange
is particularly apparent in urban
cooking. For example, if some Germans
or Italians came to build roads, they surely
brought something of their own. Or if
the city hall organizes a ball in honor of
a foreign ambassador, they use some ‘insider
info’ about what he may like – it is
an impetus, progress, isn’t it?
“And Leopolitan lazanka and Italian
lasagna? This is a story with a clearly noticeable
Italian flavor. It is widely believed
that it all began with Bona Sforza,
the daughter of a Milanese duke, who
married King Sigismund I the Old of
Poland in 1518. She brought in not only
a large retinue, including cooks, but
also some hitherto unknown foodstuffs
and dishes. It is the new vegetables,
fruits, and herbs brought from Bona’s
homeland that caused many interesting
dishes to appear in our country.
“I say half-jokingly that all this cultural
exchange is still going on – only
methods have changed. For example,
Parmesan, which is mentioned in old
recipes, is still being brought here, as it
was before. As housewives once borrowed
and ‘Galicianized’ recipes, so they
are still doing so. And while trade in delicacies
used to seethe on Market Place,
now the same and other delicacies are sold
in such shops as ‘Goods from Italy.’
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