#39_1-8

JUNE 21, 2018 ISSUE No. 39 (1171) 

Tel.: +38(044) 303-96-19, 

fax: +38(044) 303-94-20 

е-mail: time@day.kiev.ua; 

http://www.day.kiev.ua 

By Ivan KAPSAMUN, The Day 

While the world is watching the World 

Cup in Russia, Ukrainian political 

prisoners are still on a hunger strike 

in its brutal prisons. The New York 

Times wrote in a recent editorial that 

the Ukrainian film director Oleh Sentsov deserved 

the full support of the international community. 

“In the midst of hosting the World Cup 

soccer extravaganza, the last thing Vladimir 

Putin wants to be reminded of is human rights, 

Crimea or Ukraine. That is a good reason to raise 

the case of Oleh Sentsov, a Ukrainian filmmaker 

who has been on a hunger strike for 

more than a month in a remote Siberian penal 

colony, to remind the Russian president that his 

costly sport show does not wipe away his government’s 

crimes. Following in the best tradition 

of the Soviet era, Mr. Sentsov was sentenced 

to 20 years in prison on evidence given by him 

and witnesses under torture,” the article reads. 

“The Kremlin, as always, denies everything... 

Kremlin-allied media have claimed that 

Western protests are a ploy to undermine Russia’s 

World Cup tournament,” the publication 

says. “No, no and no. Mr. Putin’s regime alone 

is responsible for the assaults on Ukraine, for 

Mr. Sentsov’s torture and phony trial. 

Mr. Sentsov is risking his life to draw attention 

to Russia’s actions. He and the truth he proclaims 

deserve the full support of the West, no 

matter what is going on in Russia’s stadiums.” 

A Soviet-era political prisoner who now serves 

as an MP, one of the leaders of the Crimean 

Tatar people Mustafa Dzhemilev emphasizes that 

“holding some international olympiads, festivals, 

championships, and international conferences 

on the territory of that country are not steps 

in the right direction.” At the same time, he says 

that the current sanctions against Russia would 

still lead to a “large-scale disruption of its economy.” 

The details can be found in Dzhemilev’s interview 

for The Day newspaper. 

Now four Ukrainian political prisoners are already 

on a hunger strike in Russian prisons, and 

about 70 of our people are held in the dungeons 

of the Kremlin in total, half of them Crimean 

Tatars. As a Soviet-era political prisoner who was 

on a hunger strike for 303 days, longer than anyone 

else, what would you advise our prisoners today? 

And in general, how effective is the hunger 

strike as a method, can it influence the current 

political regime in Russia? In your opinion, 

what can change the situation? 

“Prisoner hunger strikes often occur in countries 

whose regimes do not differ much from the 

Soviet one. That is, in those countries where human 

rights are brazenly violated. In prisons, 

hunger strikes are declared primarily to protest 

against manifestly unlawful sentences, but are often 

declared as well to protest against gross violations 

of internal regulations. These include 

warders abusing prisoners, disgusting and inedible 

food, excessively cold cells, bath being delayed 

for a long time, etc. The hunger strike is believed 

to be a measure of last resort to protect one’s 

rights, but demonstrative vein cutting is frequent 

as well. During my time behind the bars, there 

were even cases of prisoners cutting their throat 

or cutting open their stomach, that is, some kind 

of prison hara-kiri. 

“But political hunger strikes, that is, ones 

launched to achieve some goals not for themselves, 

but for the country, the community, one’s co-religionists 

or like-minded people, belong to a special 

category. As for the likelihood of hungerstrikers’ 

demands being met, there is no definite 

answer to that question. It is demands that have 

to do with living conditions that are sometimes 

met, not political ones. However, people who go 

on political hunger strikes do not expect to get 

their demands met, they just want to contribute 

to the common cause. And in this regard, they certainly 

achieve their goal. To advise hunger-strikers 

to stop their protest on the grounds that it undermines 

their health and threatens their lives is 

useless, since they know this very well. Those enjoying 

freedom would do better to take some kind 

of energetic action in support of prisoners’ demands 

and call for their immediate release. People 

usually stop a hunger strike when they see that 

they have achieved something with their protest.” 

Sketch by Viktor BOGORAD 

To check 

the aggressor 

Mustafa DZHEMILEV: 

“Russia’s disregard of the international rules 

of conduct will still lead to the consequences 

similar to those suffered by the former USSR”

2 

No.39 JUNE 21, 2018 

Refugee today –citizen tomorrow? 

Vinnytsia is part of the 

Intercultural Cities network, 

which requires the city to engage 

in cooperation with 

members of ethnic communities 

and displaced persons. 

The program supports cities in 

developing governance and 

policy mechanisms that will 

enable representatives of ethnic 

minorities, displaced persons, 

and migrants to become 

a resource for the local community. 

Mayors of other Ukrainian 

cities have also joined this 

initiative. Members of the network 

made a joint statement 

on the World Refugee Day, 

which is observed on June 20. 

DAY AFTER DAY 

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA 

AhottimeinNorthern 

Macedonia 

Against the background of protests, the 

parties signed an agreement to change the 

name of the former Yugoslav republic 

There is a voice which is rarely 

heard in the deeply divisive 

debate about refugee 

policies – the voice of cities. 

Listening to cities can not 

only make the debate more 

constructive, it can also help shape 

policies which reconcile solidarity 

and societal cohesion. 

Most asylum-seekers and 

refugees live in cities: in neighborhoods, 

parks, enterprises, hospitals 

and schools they are not an abstract 

political issue – they are human beings 

with needs, responsibilities and 

aspirations. 

Mayors care about people living 

in their cities. They care both 

about the welfare of newcomers and 

the prosperity and well-being of the 

entire community. Therefore, we 

have to find a way to secure both. 

We cannot afford to engage in shortterm 

political struggles and neglect 

the long-term perspective. 

We must pave the way for today’s 

refugees to become the citizens 

of tomorrow. If they cannot work, 

study, create enterprises and even 

volunteer because of legal or administrative 

obstacles, or because 

they have no affordable opportunities 

to learn our language, we still 

need to find a way to avoid lives and 

talents being wasted. We can achieve 

this if we manage to convince fellow 

citizens that migrants are not a 

threat, but an opportunity to build 

more inclusive, open, creative, and 

dynamic cities for everyone. 

We call for a political vision in 

our societies which takes integration 

seriously, as our attitudes determine 

whether migration will be a 

blessing or a curse. 

Successful integration cannot be 

based on rejection and fear. It can only 

work if there is mutual respect and 

a shared pluralistic community identity. 

We can only help newcomers embrace 

the values of equality, human 

rights and democracy, which are the 

pillars of our societies, if we are able 

to demonstrate that we live by these 

values ourselves. We need to lead by 

example, building relentlessly open, 

just, and inclusive democracies. 

In order to make our mission a 

success, we work together with other 

cities in networks such as the Intercultural 

cities network supported 

by the Council of Europe. We design 

together innovative approaches 

to making schools, neighborhoods 

and community institutions more diverse, 

prevent discrimination, fight 

against violent extremism and hatred, 

and foster trust through interaction 

between all members of the 

community. We strive to create conditions 

for everyone to have a say in 

local affairs and realize their aspirations 

around a common vision, 

whether they are officially citizens, 

or not. For us, all those who feel they 

belong to the city are citizens. 

The experience and knowledge 

that cities have regarding what 

works for integration can help make 

national policies more effective. It is 

time to listen to the voice of cities. 

■ Signatories 

•Mr. Antonio DECARO, Mayor of 

Bari (Italy) 

•Mr. Erlend HORN, Deputy Mayor of 

Bergen (Norway) 

•Mr. Juan Maria ABURTO, Mayor of 

Bilbao (Spain) 

•Mr. Ricardo RIO, Mayor of Braga 

(Portugal) 

•Ms. Ana Belen CASTEJON HER- 

NANDEZ, Mayor of Cartagena 

(Spain) 

•Ms. Amparo MARCO GUAL, Mayor 

of Castello (Spain) 

•Dr. Florian JANIK, Mayor of Erlangen 

(Germany) 

•Dr. Elisabeth PREUSS, Deputy 

Mayor, Erlangen (Germany) 

•Ms. Susanne LENDER-CASSENS, 

Deputy Mayor, Erlangen (Germany) 

•Mr. Francisco Javier AYALA OR- 

TEGA, Mayor of Fuenlabrada 

(Spain) 

•Mr. Imanol LANDA JAUREGI, 

Mayor of Getxo (Spain) 

•Mr. Yasutomo SUZUKI, Mayor of 

Hamamatsu (Japan) 

•Mr. Damien EGAN, Mayor of the 

London Borough of Lewisham 

(United Kingdom) 

•Mr. Nicos NICOLAIDES, Mayor of 

Limassol (Cyprus) 

•Mr. Fernando MEDINA, Mayor of 

Lisbon (Portugal) 

•Mr. Bernardino SOARES, Mayor 

of Loures (Portugal) 

•Mr. Hryhoriy PUSTOVIT, Acting 

Mayor of Lutsk (Ukraine) 

•Cr Bob TURNER, Mayor of Melton 

(Australia) 

•Ms. Cecilia Soto, Federal Chairwoman 

of the Standing Committee 

on the City of Mexico, LXIII Legislature 

of Mexican Federal Congress 

(Mexico) 

•Mr. Isaltino MORAIS, Mayor of 

Oeiras (Portugal) 

•Mr. Anatoliy VERSHINA, Mayor of 

Pavlohrad (Ukraine) 

•Mr. Luca VECCHI, Mayor of Reggio 

Emilia (Italy) 

•Mr. Ardell Fr. BREDE, Mayor of 

City of Rochester, Minnesota (USA) 

•Mr. Jordi VINAS, Mayor of Salt 

(Spain) 

•Mr. Eneko GOIA, Mayor of San 

Sebastian/Donostia (Spain) 

•Mr. Maurizio MANGIALARDI, 

Mayor of Senigallia (Italy) 

•Mr. Roland RIES, Mayor of Strasbourg 

(France) 

•Mr. Carlos Enrique ALONSO RO- 

DRIGUEZ, President of the Cabildo 

of Tenerife (Spain) 

•Ms. Chiara APPENDINO, Mayor of 

Torino (Italy) 

•Mr. Sergiy MORGUNOV, Mayor of 

Vinnytsia (Ukraine) 

•Mr. Pedro SANTISTEVE ROCHE, 

Mayor of Zaragoza (Spain) 

www.coe.int/interculturalcities 

By Natalia ISHCHENKO 

Seven police officers were 

injured, and 25 demonstrators 

were detained. These are the 

results of yet another protest 

wave in Macedonia which 

provide an illustration of sorts to the 

historic agreement regarding the 

renaming of the country, which was 

signed on June 17. 

On that day, foreign ministers of 

Macedonia and Greece, Nikola Dimitrov 

and Nikos Kotzias, signed an 

agreement to change the name of the 

former Yugoslav republic, which, after 

the completion of all the procedures, 

will be called the Republic of Northern 

Macedonia. “Macedonia” without qualifiers 

will remain an informal name of 

the whole region, which includes not 

only the former Yugoslav republic of 

the same name (for the time being), but 

also the Greek province with the same 

historic name. 

The solemn signing of the Greek- 

Macedonian agreement took place on 

the shores of a lake in the picturesque 

Greek region of Prespes, on the border 

with Macedonia. The ceremony was 

attended by Greek Prime Minister 

Alexis Tsipras, his Macedonian counterpart 

Zoran Zaev, UN negotiations 

mediator Matthew Nimetz, EU diplomacy 

head Federica Mogherini, and EU 

Commissioner for Enlargement Johannes 

Hahn. 

After years of nervous negotiations, 

which eventually ended in a successful 

agreement, things were almost euphoric 

in the pavilion near the lake. Prime 

ministers of Macedonia and Greece set 

the tone, smiling and delivering vigorous, 

optimistic speeches. 

Zaev seemed especially happy. He 

confidently talked about the immediate 

future of Macedonia in the EU and NA- 

TO, and at the end of the event, grew so 

relaxed that he decided to present his 

festive red tie to his Greek counterpart. 

(Tsipras, probably because the ceremony 

was being held on a Sunday, decided 

not to wear this accessory for 

some reason). 

The cheerful mood of the Macedonian 

prime minister is understandable: 

he managed, frankly speaking, 

to win by putting the squeeze on 

the Greeks and reach a fundamental 

solution to the problem, to find a way 

out of the deadlock, in which the former 

Yugoslav republic had been stagnating 

since the beginning of the 

1990s, or for 27 years. 

Now Macedonia has every chance to 

begin the process of joining the EU and 

NATO, which was blocked by Greece because 

of the “unacceptable” name of the 

neighboring country. 

Macedonian officials hope that 

with the agreement reached, they will 

be able to begin accession negotiations 

with the EU at a summit to be held in 

late June, and receive an invitation to 

join NATO by mid-July. 

The European Commission has already 

recommended the start of negotiations 

on the accession of Macedonia 

to the EU. The European Council, according 

to Mogherini, may decide on it 

in two weeks. 

It should be noted that the representatives 

of the EU also radiated joy 

at the signing of the Greek-Macedonian 

agreement. Mogherini, it seems, 

even put on a bright red jacket, specially 

to enhance the effect. Next 

year, she will need to sum up the results 

of her work in that position, 

and therefore such a large-scale positive 

event will certainly be of use in 

her store of breakthroughs. 

REUTERS photo 

As for NATO, the Alliance was 

ready to invite Macedonia as early as 

10 years ago, but this issue was blocked 

by Greece at the Bucharest Summit in 

2008. At that time, NATO countries 

agreed that Macedonia would receive an 

invitation after the resolution of the 

naming dispute with Greece. 

However, euphoria is all well and 

good, but there is still a brutal reality 

to deal with. Now the treaty has yet to 

be approved by the parliament of Macedonia 

and confirmed at an all-Macedonian 

referendum, after which the 

document has to be ratified by the 

Greek legislators. 

The present governments, both 

Macedonian and Greek, have slim majorities 

in the parliaments of their countries. 

Moreover, it is unlikely that most 

Macedonians will decide to vote against 

joining NATO and the EU by blocking 

the name change. But one can safely predict 

that the situation in both countries 

will be gravely destabilized during the 

consideration of these issues. 

Protests in Greece against the 

preservation of the word “Macedonia” in 

the name of the neighboring country 

were more than just massive – they 

gathered hundreds of thousands (!). 

Greeks rallied on the agreement’s signing 

day as well. Several hundred protesters 

gathered around the Greek village 

within 25 kilometers of which a 

solemn ceremony saw the treaty on the 

new name for the former Yugoslav republic 

being signed. 

Flying the Greek flags, the demonstrators 

tried to march to the lake 

shore. However, the police blocked all 

roads, and therefore the protesters 

could not get to the event itself, but still 

tried to break through by throwing 

stones at law-enforcement personnel. 

The police had to use tear gas and stun 

grenades. According to the protesters, 

at least eight people were injured 

as a result of the clashes. 

The protests in Macedonia were 

even more intense. 

On the evening of June 17, a protest 

took place in the capital city of Skopje. 

Several hundred protesters opposed to 

renaming the nation tried to break into 

the parliament building. The protesters 

threw firecrackers, bottles, and 

stones at the police who guarded the 

building, and tried to dismantle the 

fence. Law-enforcement personnel responded 

with stun grenades and tear 

gas, which, as the Macedonian Ministry 

of the Interior said in a statement, was 

aimed “to prevent escalation of the situation” 

and seizure of the parliament 

building. As already mentioned above, 

7 police officers were injured, and 

25 demonstrators were detained. 

Protests were also held in some 

other cities of Macedonia, in particular, 

in the small city of Bitola near the border 

with Greece, 50 kilometers away 

from the place where the agreement 

was signed. The protesters told journalists 

that they wanted to be Macedonians, 

and not “northern Macedonians,” 

and would not change their 

stance. 

The referendum on changing the 

name of the country is scheduled for 

September in Macedonia. One could 

write that this fall would be a hot season 

in the Balkans, but it is always hot 

there, due to the peculiarities of the local 

climate.


DAY AFTER DAY No.39 JUNE 21, 2018 3 

By Natalia PUSHKARUK, The Day 

OnJune 18-19, Sofia hosted 

the international scholarly 

conference “Bulgaria and Ukraine 

in the History of Europe”ontheoccasionofthe100th 

anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic 

relations between the UNR and 

Bulgaria. 

Julian REVALSKI, President of the 

Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, who took 

part in the opening ceremony, emphasized 

that the institution he heads is proud 

of cooperating with Ukrainian academics 

and civic activists, the website of the General 

Directorate for Servicing Foreign 

Representatives reports. Meanwhile, 

Mykola BALTAZHY, Ambassador Extraordinary 

and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine 

to Bulgaria, who also participated in the 

ceremony, welcomed the Ukrainian “special 

academic mission” and noted: “It is 

very important that the best academics 

from various countries are working on the 

1917-24 events.” Daniel VACHKOV, Director 

of the Institute of Historical Studies 

of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 

pointed out that “although Ukraine and 

Bulgaria maintain very active relations, 

they need to be further developed, which 

requires fresh historical research.” 

Besides, as the conference was being 

opened, the Ukrainian Institute of History 

and the Bulgarian Institute of Historical 

Studies signed an agreement on scholarly 

research. 

Here follows the text of The Day’s interview 

with Ambassador Baltazhy. 

● “THE EVENT AROUSED KEEN 

INTEREST AMONG 

SCIENTIFIC CIRCLES AND 

THE PUBLIC” 

Mr. Ambassador, how did the idea of 

this conference come up? 

“This conference is part of the comprehensive 

program of academic events 

within the framework of the project ‘Day of 

Ukraine in Europe’ on the occasion of an anniversary 

of the establishment of diplomatic 

relations between Ukraine and Bulgaria, Romania, 

and Greece, and the centenary of the 

Ukrainian diplomatic service. The conference 

had long been in the making on the initiative 

of the Academic Society for the 

History of Diplomacy and International Relations 

with support from and in partnership 

with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 

Ukraine’s Embassy in Bulgaria, the General 

Directorate for Servicing Foreign Representations,anumberof 

regional authorities, 

Ukrainian universities, and archives. The 

main Bulgarian partner is the Institute of 

Historical Studies of the Bulgarian Academy 

of Sciences, and the sponsor is the Ministry 

of Education and Science. 

“The event aroused keen interest 

among academic circles and the public. Suffice 

it to say that the President of the Bulgarian 

Academy of Sciences, Julian Revalski, 

welcomed the participants. The event 

is interesting by both the theme and the list 

of participants which includes 20 Ukrainian 

high-ranking academics and former 

diplomats. 

“The first day saw welcoming speeches, 

plenary reports, and stormy panel discussions. 

The conference is also receiving 

Bulgarian media coverage. 

“Besides, this conference is part of the 

embassy’s package of events on the occasion 

of the centenary of the establishment 

of diplomatic relations between the 

UNR and the Kingdom of Bulgaria. In particular, 

a similar conference was held in 

February at Bulgaria’s Ministry of Foreign 

Affairs. And this debate attracted a wide 

circle of academics and experts. It is deeply 

symbolic that it coincided in time with the 

Bulgarian vote in the EU Council, which 

clearly reflects its name and European 

context. I think the conference is an important 

event which should be viewed 

through the prism of friendly Ukrainian- 

Bulgarian relations.” 

● “IT WAS AGREED TO FORM A 

UKRAINIAN-BULGARIAN 

COMMISSION ON 

HISTORICAL RESEARCH” 

To what extent is it important to 

spotlight the themes of Ukrainian history 

in Bulgaria and Bulgarian history in 

Ukraine? 

Ukraine’s“specialacademic 

mission” in Sofia 

Ukrainian Ambassador to Bulgaria Mykola 

BALTAZHY: “We should not only study each 

other’s history, but also exchange experience” 

“There are a lot of maxims, such as 

‘whoever does not know his past does not 

deserve a future’ and ‘whoever does not 

know his history will have to re-live it 

again,’ and they are all still topical. But this 

conference is very important, as far as finding 

the truth about little-known events of 

those years is concerned, for there are 

very many attempts to falsify historical 

events and facts. Against the backdrop of 

a hybrid war on the part of Russia, the research 

of history without dogmas and 

stereotypes, an independent analysis and 

expert examination are the main instruments 

of defense from propaganda and manipulations 

that pose a real threat to 

democracy and security. 

“Among those who stood at the origins 

of Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations in the early 

20th century were such figures as Professor 

Oleksandr Shulhin, the UNR’s first 

Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador 

to the Kingdom of Bulgaria, and Professor 

Ivan Shishmanov, a well-known 

representative of the then Bulgarian intellectual 

elite, the son-in-law of Mykhailo 

Drahomanov. These prominent diplomats 

and civic activists enjoyed high prestige 

in their countries which maintained 

high-level bilateral relations. 

“The conference made an in-depth 

analysis of historical documents. The 

Ukrainian academics cited unique archival 

documents in their reports. They also 

staged a superb exhibition about the stormy 

events of the 1917-21 Ukrainian Revolution 

in the Grand Hall of the Bulgarian 

Academy of Sciences. What also aroused 

keen interest was a documentary film on 

signing the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty, 

which in fact meant international recognition 

of the UNR’s independence. 

“Even after the UNR had ceased to exist, 

Ukraine had very good relations with 

Bulgaria in all fields. Besides, it is of 

paramount importance that the two friendly 

countries established relations not in 

1918 – they date back to the olden times of 

Kyivan Rus’ and the First Bulgarian Kingdom 

or even to the period when the ancient 

Ruthenian and ancient Bulgarian ethnicities 

were being formed. 

On the danger of provocations... 

Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day 

KYIV. JUNE 19, 2018 

By Ivan KAPSAMUN, 

Valentyn TORBA, The Day 

While the parliament was 

considering a number of 

issues on its agenda on 

June 19, tumultuous events 

took place near the central 

entrance of the Verkhovna Rada building. 

That location hosted protests by miners, 

Chornobyl victims, and veterans of the 

Soviet war in Afghanistan. The protest 

would have most likely stayed littlenoticed 

had its participants not broken 

through and reached the walls of the 

building in Konstytutsii Square. There 

was a clash between protesters and lawenforcement 

personnel. According to 

Andrii Kryshchenko, the Kyiv head of the 

National Police, three law-enforcement 

officers had suffered light injuries at the 

hands of the protesters. He also said that 

the police had detained a protester who 

attacked a law-enforcement officer. 

“We did not know almost till the 

last moment that Chornobyl victims and 

anti-terrorist operation (ATO) veterans 

would join the protest as well. It was the 

police who informed us about it, as 

they tried to prevent any incidents,” 

chairman of the Confederation of Free 

Trade Unions of Ukraine Mykhailo 

Volynets commented for The Day. “To 

make our speeches heard, we took turns 

using the Afghanistan veterans’ sound 

equipment. The ATO veterans, like the 

Afghanistan veterans, demanded reinstatement 

of their benefits they had had 

unfairly taken away. Secondly, they demanded 

fairly calculated pensions. The 

government has been promising it for 

a long time. In turn, the miners have 

wage arrears going back to 2015. This 

problem could have been solved had the 

parliament voted to include on the 

agenda Mykhailo Bondar’s bill on the allocation 

of funds for wages, technical 

equipment and capital investment in 

the coal industry. We need it because at 

this time, a huge amount of coal is 

purchased abroad. The tempo of coal 

imports is increasing. Last year, our 

foreign coal purchases stood at 52 billion 

hryvnias.” 

“There was also an exchange of opinions 

about the current stage of bilateral 

Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations. We can 

see a fruitful development of the political 

dialog, sectoral and interregional cooperation, 

and city twinning. From the very 

outset, Bulgaria has been supporting territorial 

integrity of Ukraine, sanctions 

against Russia, systemic reforms, the European 

and Euro-Atlantic integration of 

our state. It made strenuous efforts to 

grant Ukraine a visa waiver. We cooperate 

very well within the framework of international 

organizations. This was also the 

object of a two-day discussion. Therefore, 

it is beyond any doubt that the conference 

is of not only purely academic, but also of 

practical importance. 

“In addition, in the course of the conference, 

the Ukrainian Institute of History 

and the Bulgarian Institute of Historical 

Studies signed an agreement on cooperation 

and resolved to form a Ukrainian-Bulgarian 

commission for historical research.” 

“Any demands, including those of purely 

social nature, become a priori political at 

this juncture,” an MP asserted 

● “KYIVAN RUS’ AND THE 

FIRST BULGARIAN 

KINGDOM WERE BOOSTING 

THEIR MIGHT ALMOST 

SIMULTANEOUSLY IN THE 

9TH-10TH CENTURIES” 

The newspaper Den also took part in 

researching Ukraine’s relations with her 

“southern Orthodox and Slavic sister” 

Bulgaria in the publication My Sister 

Sofia. Den’s editor-in-chief Larysa Ivshyna 

notes in the preface to this book that 

“the history of Ukraine and Bulgaria is like 

a history of two sisters separated in early 

childhood.” And what similarities in the 

two countries’ history do you see? 

“Ukrainians and Bulgarians are very 

close peoples. If you make a comparative 

analysis our states’ historical development, 

you will see, for example, that Kyivan 

Rus’ and the First Bulgarian Kingdom 

were boosting their might almost simultaneously 

in the 9th-10th centuries. But, 

undoubtedly, two great events played a special 

role in the interrelations between the 

two peoples – the creation of the Slavic 

script and the adoption of Christianity. 

“Later, Ukraine lost its statehood 

for several centuries, while Bulgaria was 

part of the Ottoman Empire for almost 

five centuries. We should also take into 

account that our peoples have always 

helped each other – the most illustrious 

example of this was participation of 

Ukrainian volunteers, medics, in the liberation 

of Bulgaria from the Ottoman 

yoke. There are also many examples of 

Bulgarians helping the Ukrainian people 

in their liberation struggle – even in the 

era of Zaporozhian Sich.” 

“When people began marching to the 

parliament building, head of the State Security 

Department Valerii Heletei approached 

me and said that his people 

would fight to the death in case of an assault 

on the building,” Volynets continued. 

“I explained that nobody was going 

to carry out an assault. If we wanted just 

to enter the parliament building, it would 

be no problem at all. The scuffles took 

place only after the riot police appeared. 

Then Iryna Herashchenko, the first vicespeaker 

of parliament, emerged from the 

building, and she obviously did not understand 

the miners’ issues. She said she 

would visit affected regions and figure out 

why there were arrears. I think that she 

ought to be more prepared.” 

Herashchenko, meanwhile, explained 

to the media that she had invited an initiative 

group selected by the protesters to 

enter negotiations. She added that following 

a meeting between members of the 

initiative group and leaders of the largest 

parliamentary factions and individual 

MPs, their demands would be discussed at 

a meeting of the Verkhovna Rada’s Committee 

on Veterans, Combatants, ATO 

Soldiers, and People with Disabilities. 

“We have to work out a plan outlining 

what can be done right now, what can be 

included into the budget for 2019, and 

what cannot be done, and we must honestly 

say that,” Herashchenko stated as 

quoted by ukrinform.ua. 

“I have a lot of acquaintances among 

the organizations that joined these 

protests,” MP Viktor Chumak commented 

for The Day. “They sent me 

their demands, and these demands have 

nothing to do whatsoever with the powers 

of the Verkhovna Rada. They all belong 

to the cabinet’s responsibilities: benefits, 

monetization, and so on. Their demands 

are addressed primarily to leaders 

of the nation. Who are these national 

leaders? What do they have to do with 

the parliament? Therefore, all this 

protest, which took place outside the 

Verkhovna Rada building, had no direct 

relation to it. Social benefits are set by 

the Cabinet of Ministers. I have not 

found out who was the main driver of 

this event, but it seems to me that it was 

directed against serving Prime Minister 

Volodymyr Hroisman. This is a warning 

to him, even though it was made public 

not outside the cabinet offices, but 

rather outside the parliament building. 

With whom is Hroisman now in conflict? 

One person only, and his name is Petro 

Poroshenko. Hroisman is friends with 

numerous parties and factions, as well 

as MPs elected in single-member constituencies. 

Meanwhile, Poroshenko is 

greatly dissatisfied with Hroisman’s 

work. Therefore, it seems to me that the 

source of the protests should be sought 

in Bankova Street [where the Presidential 

Administration is housed. – Ed.]. 

Any demands, including those of purely 

social nature, are a priori political at 

this juncture.” 

Any Ukrainian citizen enjoys the 

right to protest and to defend their social 

rights. It is another matter under 

what conditions all this is happening. 

Firstly, we must not forget that we 

have a war to deal with, although 

this is not a valid reason for the government 

to engage in speculations 

and ignore problems. Secondly, with 

the presidential election approaching, 

any social or economic issues can 

be used by politicians to their own 

ends. Therefore, citizens need to be 

particularly attentive and responsible 

given this reality.

4 

No.39 JUNE 21, 2018 

TOPIC OF THE DAY 


By Alla DUBROVYK-ROKHOVA, The Day 

The Trans-Anatolian Natural 

Gas Pipeline (TANAP), which 

will transport gas from 

Azerbaijan to Turkey and then 

to Europe, was opened at a 

ceremony in the Turkish province of 

Eskisehir. 

“Today is an historic day. The 

TANAP project is an outcome of multilateral 

cooperation as well as of political 

will. It is especially gratifying 

that we are launching it ahead of 

schedule. It will be Europe’s largest 

gas pipeline. We are planning to make 

the first delivery of gas through this 

pipeline to Greece in June 2019,” 

Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan 

said, commenting on the opening 

of TANAP. 

In addition to Erdogan, President 

Petro Poroshenko of Ukraine, 

President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan, 

President Aleksandar Vucic of Serbia, 

leader of the Turkish Republic of 

Northern Cyprus Mustafa Akinci, 

energy ministers of several countries, 

and top executives of energy 

companies, also attended the ceremony. 

Incidentally, Maros Sefcovic, 

Vice President of the Commission for 

the Energy Union, was conspicuous 

for his absence, although TANAP is 

part of the Southern Gas Corridor 

whose main objective is to strengthen 

the European Union’s energy security 

and reduce dependence on gas 

supplies from Russia. 

“It is energy security, also for 

our state, as well as competitiveness 

and diversification of gas supplies 

to Ukraine,” President Poroshenko 

tweeted. He emphasized that Ukraine 

hopes to receive TANAP gas through 

Bulgaria and Romania. 

It will be recalled that Azerbaijan 

and Turkey made a deal to build this 

gas pipeline in June 2012, after which 

Ukraine expressed a desire to take 

part in the construction, but Azerbaijan 

announced soon after that it 

was not interested in this. 

The Day spoke with Mykhailo 

HONCHAR, president of the Strategy 

XXI Center for Global Studies, 

about TANAP’s prospects and role in 

the energy security of Ukraine. 

“Although ‘a red ribbon was cut’ 

yesterday in the Turkish province of 

Eskisehir, the prospects of this natural 

gas supply corridor are rather 

bleak and remote. 

“The point is there is a marked difference 

between the concept and the 

present-day shape of TANAP and the 

Southern Gas Corridor as a whole. 

“Firstly, it will be impossible to 

reach the rated capacity immediately. 

Moreover, the current negotiations 

show that TANAP can ensure gas 

supplies to Turkey only. Europe is out 

of the question so far, for this requires 

the construction of the Trans-Adriatic 

Gas Pipeline, on which Azerbaijanis 

are working now. But it will carry 

Azerbaijani gas to southern Italy. 

“The total rated capacity of 

TANAP is 31 billion cubic meters of 

natural gas. They are going to start 

building its first stage with a capacity 

of 16 billion cubic meters, with 

6 billion going to the Turkish market 

and 10 billion to southern Italy, but – 

let me say it again – after 2020, when 

the Trans-Adriatic Gas Pipeline is 

built. 

“Besides, the Azerbaijani State- 

Run Oil Company, the main project 

implementer, aims to supply about one 

billion cubic meters of natural gas to 

Bulgaria.” 

What is the place of Ukraine in 

these plans? 

“We are not present at this stage. 

And not only we.” 

Then what was the subject of 

Poroshenko-Aliyev negotiations? 

“A bomb went off in 

Brussels,butnobody 

noticed it” 

Mykhailo HONCHAR on why he thinks that 

the prospects of the Southern Gas Corridor, which is intended 

to strengthen the European Union’s energy security, are bleak 

“They discussed prospects. Remote 

prospects. Ideally, if things go 

as planned, Ukraine will use this corridor 

of Azerbaijani gas supplies after 

2025 – on condition that Azerbaijan 

increases gas production. It is 

another important moment.” 

No less important is the Russian 

factor – to be more exact, the Kremlin’s 

opposition to non-Gazprom gas 

pipelines. To what extent is it likely 

that Russia may hinder carrying out 

the Southern Gas Corridor project? 

“The total supplies of Azerbaijani 

gas to southern Italy will be a 

meager – by the European market’s 

yardstick – 10 billion cubic meters. 

This pales in comparison with the 

450 billion cubic meters the European 

market consumes annually. But while 

TANAP is still in its infancy, Russia 

is already saying there should be 

Russian gas from the Turkish stream 

in the Trans-Adriatic Gas Pipeline in 

accordance with the EU’s Third Energy 

Package. What is the Jesuitical 

essence of Russia’s move? It torpedoes 

the Third Energy Package by all 

means, but in this case it is trying to 

push its gas into the Azerbaijani gas 

pipeline, taking advantage of the European 

law. 

“And I am not sure at all that the 

10 billion cubic meters of natural 

gas, which are supposed to reach 

southern Italy, will be of Azerbaijani 

origin from the Shah Deniz gas field. 

Most likely, Russia will pressure 

Azerbaijan, and there will be a 50-50 

ratio in the pipeline. 

“Russia is doing its best to minimize 

the supplies of non-Russian gas 

to the European Union. It is being assisted 

in this matter by such countries 

as Germany, Austria, and 

France, which, ‘for some reason,’ 

pay no attention to non-Russian gas 

supplies. Take, for example, Azerbaijani 

gas. They knew it would come! 

They even drew up the Nabucco project 

for this purpose on the initiative 

of an Austrian company. But, ‘for 

some reason,’ Nabucco ‘died,’ giving 

way to a Turkish project. But, ‘for 

some reason’ again, neither the Austrians 

nor the Germans are saying, as 

our President Poroshenko is, that 

they would be glad to receive Azerbaijani 

gas. They are not saying that 

it is necessary to build a system of 

convectors or even a new pipeline, as 

part of the TANAP project, so that 

this gas could run not to the ‘blind alley’ 

called southern Italy, an agrarian 

region without any major industrial 

consumption, but to Baumgarten 

in the center of Europe [Baumgarten 

has one of Europe’s three 

largest gas distribution centers and 

is an international gas trade hub. – 

Ed.]. In this way, this gas could also 

reach Germany. But both the Germans 

and the Austrians remain tightlipped 

about this option.” 

In other words, you are saying 

TANAP could be an alternative to 

Nord Stream 2? 

“Quite right, although it would be 

more exact to say: the Southern Gas 

Corridor, which is a project and a top 

priority of the European Union, is an 

alternative to both the Turkish Stream 

and Nord Stream 2, while TANAP is 

its basic part – 31 billion cubic meters. 

“The total capacity of the Southern 

Gas Corridor is 60 billion cubic meters. 

But it will only be worthwhile to 

reflect on the possibility of this when 

the project of transporting Turkmenian 

gas across the Caspian Sea 

gathers momentum. 

“This is part of the original idea. 

The Turks also want TANAP to transport 

Turkmenian gas. 

“But Russia strongly opposes 

this, and Azerbaijan is not exactly interested, 

frankly speaking, in having 

a rival in the shape of Turkmenian 

gas. The reason is clear: Turkmenistan 

is the world’s fourth 

largest depository of natural gas after 

Iran, Russia, and Qatar.” 

What did you mean when you 

said “for some reason” three times, 

when explaining why the leading EU 

countries do not support the gas 

pipeline projects initiated by the EU? 

“Gazprom has managed to corrupt 

the European Commission. The 

ample proof of this is discontinuation 

of the inquiry into Gazprom’s abuses 

on the European market, which 

was launched in 2011. We know that 

Gazprom came through unscathed on 

May 25. 

“I said as far back as 2015: a bomb 

went off in Brussels, but nobody noticed 

it. This abortive inquiry caused 

a scandal. 

“It is a victory of Russian gas 

corruption in Brussels and of corruption 

in the capitals of major EU 

member states which have miraculously 

forgotten about European priorities, 

including Nabucco which has 

Photo by Mykola LAZARENKO 

“ANKARA AND BAKU ARE WRITING THE ENERGY HISTORY OF THE 21st CENTURY,” AZERBAIJAN’S PRESIDENT ILHAM 

ALIYEV SAID AT THE TANAP OPENING CEREMONY IN TURKEY 

even been officially closed, but enthuse 

over the Russian-backed South 

Stream and Nord Stream 2. Hungary 

is actively examining the possibility 

of supporting the second stage of the 

Turkish Gas Pipeline. The same applies 

to Bulgaria, whose president 

and premier suddenly paid official visits 

to Moscow in the course of one 

week to meet Putin. Following this, 

Putin condescendingly told the Bulgarians 

that the second stage of the 

Turkish Gas Pipeline will be called 

Bulgarian Gas Pipeline. 

“In principle, there is nothing 

strange about Bulgaria, for, out of all 

the EU countries, it may be called the 

one most affected by post-Soviet corruption. 

Unfortunately, it has not 

yet pulled out of that quagmire. 

“Hungary is also, in principle, 

a phenomenon of post-Soviet corruption. 

“But the countries that are trying 

to teach us how to live – Germany, 

Austria, and France, – three 

refined countries of Western Europe, 

are forgetting their European 

priorities. Well, if you love Russian 

gas streams so much, why don’t you 

recall the option of supplying Turkmenian 

gas to Europe through Russia, 

using the Ukrainian gas transportation 

system? I think the only 

answer is corruption.” 

As you regard gas and its supply 

routes as a geopolitical security factor 

rather than an economic category 

(a marketable product), I cannot 

help asking you about your personal 

opinion of Angela Merkel’s position 

on the impossibility of Russia’s 

reinstatement in the G8 elite 

club. Why does Germany behave so 

contradictorily: the “green light” to 

Nord Stream 2 and the “red light” to 

Putin in the G8? 

“The answer will sound rude and 

perhaps even vulgar. Germany was 

paid for supporting Nord Stream 2 but 

not for Russia’s reinstatement in the 

G8. As the Americans say, ‘it’s nothing 

personal, just business.’ 

“I don’t mean the chancellor personally. 

But we know very well that 

in such countries as Germany the position 

of the topmost leader is of 

paramount importance, even though, 

on the whole, the policy of Germany 

is the sum of the influences of various 

actors. Those who are now running 

the show there are oriented to 

Russia in terms of not only business, 

but also political relations. 

“We are going to see Russia activate 

behind-the-scenes contacts with 

G7 leaders in order to gain support not 

only from Italy and the US for the return 

of Putin to the negotiating table. 

“The Kremlin needs support from 

European heavyweights in this matter. 

Bu it is either France or Germany, 

or, still better, both of them. That’s 

why the Russians activate their 

Moscow-Paris and Moscow-Berlin 

lines. The arguments are predictable: 

‘You in Berlin and Paris have always 

favored dialog, even in the difficult 

times of the Cold War, and dialog is 

the format of the Group of Eight.’ 

“Frankly speaking, G7 decisions 

are absolutely ‘impotent.’ We already 

felt it last year, when a communique 

on increasing sanctions against Russia 

was announced. So what? Only the 

US and the UK expanded the list of 

sanctions. What is more, Britain did 

so only after the Skripals were poisoned. 

The rest of the countries were, 

on the contrary, speaking of easing the 

sanctions in spite of what Russia was 

doing. Putin deserves being brought 

to the Hague-based International 

Criminal Court for war crimes and 

crimes against humanity for the 2016 

Aleppo bombing alone. 

“I am sure the Russians will be 

mocking at the G7. For Putin said 

clearly: we did not quit, we were not 

let in.”

By Oleksandra KLIOSOVA 

Photos by the author 

and Natalia MYDLIAK 


This year, national-level centennial 

celebrations for the 1917- 

21 Ukrainian Revolution are 

continuing in Ukraine. Let us 

remind our readers that 

Den/The Day declared 2018 to be the 

Centennial Year of Hetman Pavlo 

Skoropadsky. Active citizens have 

held various events aimed at reviving 

the memory of the Hetman, such as a 

solemn prayer service honoring the 

centennial of Skoropadsky’s proclamation 

as Hetman and a march dedicated 

to the 100th anniversary of the 

Ukrainian State in Kharkiv. Meanwhile, 

history students enabled residents 

and guests of the capital to feel 

themselves transported to revolutionary 

Kyiv during the last weekend. 

On June 15 and 16, students 

from the faculty of history, Taras 

Shevchenko National University of 

Kyiv conducted dramatized Skoropadsky-themed 

tours, named 

“Night at St. Sophia. Hetmanate. 

1918” and hosted by the National 

Sanctuary “Sophia of Kyiv,” with the 

support of the Cultural Heritage 

Protection Department of Ukraine’s 

Ministry of Culture. 

“Conducting Skoropadsky-themed 

tours was a dream of my life! When 

competing in the All-Ukrainian Historians’ 

Tournament as a ninth-grader, 

I had to answer a question about 

the hetman, so I started taking interest 

in his biography. He is superficially 

studied at school, but when 

you delve deeper into this topic, you 

understand the true scale of this figure, 

the concept of the Ukrainian 

Revolution. You are fascinated and 

because of it start to get involved in 

this process more and more,” we were 

told by Oleksii Rudenko, who leads the 

Night at the University Creative Association 

of Faculty of History Students 

at Taras Shevchenko National 

University of Kyiv. 

Rudenko created the Night at 

the University Creative Association 

in 2016, and it has become known due 

to its volunteer project of holding 

dramatized tours of various structures 

in Kyiv. This project is growing 

in popularity and attracting more and 

more spectators every time. Young 

historians have succeeded in moving 

beyond their alma mater, unlike most 

similar university associations, and 

they are confidently marching ahead 

as they vary the subject and scope of 

the events they hold. In the less than 

two years since the association’s establishment, 

the students have conducted 

a series of tours, in particular, 

presented the “NATO Night” project 

with the support of the NATO Information 

and Documentation Centre 

in Ukraine (Let us recall that The Day 

covered it in its No. 28 of May 8, 

2018). 

“We will travel today exactly 

100 years back in time. From now on, 

the only reality is that of the Ukrainian 

State of Hetman Skoropadsky!” the 

tour guide began. Although it is wrong 

to call this lad a tour guide, he is 

rather a guide into the world of Skoropadsky, 

a graduate of the Faculty of 

History and Philosophy of the University 

of St. Volodymyr and an ensign 

of the 1st Serdiuk Guard Regiment of 

the Ukrainian State Army. 

The events unfold quickly, actors 

unexpectedly pop out of the crowd, locations 

change, and red-faced visitors 

with enthusiastic looks run as they 

follow the guide in order to have time 

to see more. It seemed as if Bishop 

Nykodym had just blessed Skoropadsky 

in Sofiiska Square, but a moment 

later, people find themselves in the 

sanctuary. All of a sudden, everybody 

looks up at the belfry, from 

TOPIC OF THE DAY No.39 JUNE 21, 2018 5 

Night at St. Sophia.Hetmanate. 1918 

KYIV TARAS SHEVCHENKO UNIVERSITY’S HISTORY STUDENTS IN THE ROLES OF DIRECTORY LEADERS (LEFT TO RIGHT): VOLODYMYR VYNNYCHENKO, FEDIR 

SHVETS, SYMON PETLIURA 

PAVLO SKOROPADSKY AND SOFIA RUSOVA, A DEPARTMENT CHIEF AT THE 

HETMANATE’S MINISTRY OF EDUCATION, PLAYED BY KYIV TARAS 

SHEVCHENKO UNIVERSITY’S HISTORY STUDENTS 

where young men read out the Letter 

of the Illustrious Lord Hetman of All 

Ukraine to the Ukrainian People. 

There was also time for interactive 

experiences involving the visitors. 

All the present were recruited into the 

army and underwent a formation drill 

session led by a captain. In addition, 

anyone could hold a rifle for a time and 

try their hand in a saber fight. At the 

end of the training session, the captain 

named those selected for the army, and 

advised everyone else to work for the 

benefit of the Ukrainian State and the 

Illustrious Lord Hetman as civilians. 

Then the time travelers, that is, 

the visitors, went to Zvirynetsky Fort, 

where weapons and ammunition were 

stored during Skoropadsky’s reign. It 

was located on the territory of the present-day 

Hryshko Botanical Garden 

and took its name from one of the capital’s 

neighborhoods, called Zvirynets. 

The guide told them that on June 6, 

1918, the military depot in Zvirynets, 

holding 2 million shells, exploded and 

covered with debris Pecherskyi District, 

while the University of 

How 

creative 

history 

students 

from Kyiv 

have 

“revived” 

the past 

St. Volodymyr had even had its windows 

shattered by the force of the 

blast. Approximately 1,500 people 

became casualties, and 900 homes 

were destroyed. Panic started throughout 

the city, and Kyivites began to 

leave Kyiv in droves, thinking that the 

Bolsheviks had shelled it. Skoropadsky 

reacted instantly to this tragic event 

and set up a committee to assist the 

victims of the explosion. In addition, 

the residents of Kyiv actively participated 

in the collection of funds for the 

needs of the victims. 

“But not all people living in Kyiv 

were really worried about that matter. 

After all, speaking about the Hetmanate’s 

time, it is also important to 

understand that those people who did 

not imagine their life under new, revolutionary 

conditions were extremely 

pleased with this type of government. 

For them, the one-man government 

was much more understandable,” 

concluded the guide. 

A great deal of attention was also 

paid to the issue of autocephaly, which 

is now just as relevant as 100 years ago. 

The tour team explained to visitors that 

the All-Ukrainian Church Council, 

held in May 1918, elected Antonii, a 

man of outright Ukrainophobic views, 

as Metropolitan of Kyiv. At the same 

time, the All-Ukrainian Orthodox Assembly 

of Churches called for the convening 

of another council, which would 

consider the possibility of autocephaly. 

Autocephaly (that is, independence 

from the Moscow Patriarchate) enjoyed 

particular support from Skoropadsky 

and President of the Ukrainian 

State’s Council of Ministers Fedir 

Lyzohub. In July 1918, it was precisely 

St. Sophia that hosted the All-Ukrainian 

Church Council, which confirmed 

the election of Antonii as the new 

metropolitan, but most of the government, 

that is, everyone apart from 

Lyzohub, was not in favor of autocephaly 

or even mere autonomy of the 

Ukrainian church. 

The event turned out to be incredibly 

interesting and informative 

for adults as well as young members 

of the group, who may start wanting 

to become historians some day as 

well. Thanks to the creative students 

of the Night at the University Creative 

Association, visitors were able 

to “see” many of the famous figures 

of the time: Skoropadsky, his wife 

Oleksandra Skoropadska, Symon 

Petliura, Volodymyr Vynnychenko, 

Fedir Shvets, anarchist Marusia Nikiforova, 

actress Maria Zankovetska; 

join the military of the Ukrainian 

state; become “witnesses” of several 

murders and one of the attempts on 

the Hetman’ life, and ultimately, to 

touch history in person.

6 

No.39 JUNE 21, 2018 

CLOSE UP 


By Maria PROKOPENKO, photos by 

Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day 

“When we were making this film 

and, in general, watching the story of 

Oleh and Oleksandr, we decided to 

calculate the distances they ‘traveled’ 

on the expanses of Russia. It came to 

a total 20,000 kilometers for both of 

them, a half of Earth’s circumference 

at the equator,” Angelina KARIAK- 

INA, coauthor of the film Across 

Half the World at Gunpoint: the Story 

of Sentsov’s and Kolchenko’s Imprisonment, 

said during the film’s 

premiere at the Zhovten movie theater. 

In addition to Angelina, Natalia 

Humeniuk, Anna Tsyhyma, and Natalia 

Kaplan, Oleh Sentsov’s first 

cousin, worked on the film, which is 

a Hromadske TV (Community Television) 

project. 

“It is not just entertaining mathematics. 

This confirms once more 

that, like, in principle, all the 

‘Crimean cases,’ the Sentsov and 

Kolchenko case is extremely important 

to Russia,” Angelina continues. 

“They wanted to punish these 

people cruelly for all to see. For deporting 

an individual beyond the 

Arctic Circle, where only a few days 

are sunny and warm, to the town you 

can only reach from Salekhard, if you 

are lucky enough, in the winter 

across the frozen river or, otherwise, 

on helicopters or motor boats, 

is a torture.” 

● WHO HELPS “THE KREMLIN’S 

CAPTIVES” IN RUSSIA 

Oleh and Sashko were arrested in 

Crimea in May 2014. They were tortured 

and then taken to Moscow’s 

Lefortovo pretrial jail. Then there 

were trials in Rostov-on-Don and 

conviction for terrorism – 20 years in 

a high security prison camp for Oleh 

and 10 years for Sashko. They were 

transported to their destinations. 

Sashko is serving his sentence in the 

Kopeysk prison camp near Chelyabinsk 

– not exactly a health resort. Besides, 

inmates had been cruelly brutalized 

in this camp until recently. 

They even staged a peaceful protest 

in 2012, after which the prison administration 

was changed and the 

regime was eased. Oleh was first deported 

to Yakutia and then it was decided 

to isolate him still more tightly. 

Since the fall of 2017, Sentsov has 

been serving his term at the “Polar 

Bear” prison camp in Labytnangi, Yamalo-Nenets 

Autonomous District 

of Russia. Oleh drew attention to 

himself and the rest of “the Kremlin’s 

captives” when he went on a 

hunger strike on May 14. He demands 

that all the Ukrainian political 

prisoners in Russia and Crimea 

(there are 70 of them, according to 

human rights activists) be freed. 

Kolchenko also went on a hunger 

strike on May 31 but discontinued it 

recently due to poor health. 

“I went to the Urals only, but 

even this struck me. We were more or 

less aware of where we were going. 

Besides, we had been to Russia before 

– we covered the trial in Rostov. 

So we expected nothing extraordinary. 

But it is a different thing when 

you know all the logistics of communicating 

with a political prisoner. 

Suffice to mention parcels, letters, 

visits….” Kariakina says. “We could 

not speak directly with Sashko 

Kolchenko. We came to the town, 

where the prison camp was located, 

approached and photographed it. 

Then Sashko’s lawyer came out to 

meet us. We received the letter he 

had just written. This struck me in 

purely human terms.” 

Both Kolchenko and Sentsov have 

non-public lawyers who bring and 

take letters, tackle certain procedural 

problems. “The cases of Ukrainian 

political prisoners may cost these 

people a career, so they are trying to 

“CONCERN OVER THE DESTINY OF OLEH, SASHKO, AND OTHER POLITICAL PRISONERS, THIS SUPPORT, MAKES US 

HOPE THIS HELL WILL END POSITIVELY,” OLEH SENTSOV’S COUSIN NATALIA KAPLAN SAYS 

“Across half the world at gunpoint” 

From Crimea to Yamal: Kyiv saw a film on the 

imprisonment of Sentsov and Kolchenko 

do this without too much publicity,” 

Angelina explains. Besides, the public 

regularly receives information 

about Kolchenko from human rights 

activists Tatiana and Nikolai Shchur. 

Earlier, when they were part of the 

Civic Supervisory Commission, they 

could even see Sashko. But the 

Shchurs were expelled from this commission 

in 2016, and they have to 

work through a lawyer now. 

● “IT IS IMPORTANT THAT 

THERE ARE TRUE 

EMOTIONS HERE” 

A lot of the powers-that-be, including 

Foreign Minister Pavlo 

Klimkin; Vadym Chernysh, Minister 

for Temporarily Occupied Territories 

and Domestically Displaced Persons; 

and Hugue Mingarelli, Head of the 

EU Delegation to Ukraine, came to 

see the film. 

“The film, the idea, is super. It is 

important that there are true emotions 

here. Whenever you work on 

this kind of subject, involve others, 

trying to explain to our friends what 

it is all about, you will never explain 

it rationally. And this film is an 

emotion,” Klimkin said after the 

preview. “We have agreed that, after 

the film is dubbed into English, we 

will try to ‘plug’ it not only among 

politicians, but also where it is in 

principle possible.” Incidentally, you 

can already watch the film Across 

Half the World at Gunpoint on Hromadske 

TV’s YouTube channel.” 

“It is very difficult to free 

Sentsov. But why only Oleh? I am always 

saying we should not decide on 

who is more important. Oleh is a 

unique personality. Whenever I address 

any audiences, I just quote a 

fragment from this letter – why he 

went on a hunger strike. When everybody 

hears that, in reality, he is 

starving not for himself but for the 

release of all the political prisoners 

and hostages, this creates an altogether 

different impression,” the 

foreign minister added. 

Liudmyla Denysova, the Verkhovna 

Rada Human Rights Ombudsperson, 

told journalists recently 

that she is planning to visit Ukrainian 

political prisoners in Russia and 

Crimea – first of all, Oleh Sentsov, 

Oleksandr Kolchenko, Stanislav 

Klykh, Mykola Karpiuk, Roman 

Sushchenko, and Resul Veliliaiev. 

“The fact that we managed to get 

permission for Ms. Denysova to visit 

our political prisoners gives us an opportunity 

to see our guys’ physical and 

psychological condition and support 

them in some way,” Klimkin noted. “I 

was trying many times to reach Oleh 

by phone. Once, on his birthday, there 

was a hope, but they canceled the call 

in ten minutes. In other words, such 

contacts are very limited – his cousin 

Natalia, his lawyer… But we must increase 

pressure on the eve of the FIFA 

World Cup – any pressure, be it political, 

media-related, human, or on the 

part of civil society. Russia is not indifferent 

to whether or not the championship 

will be a success. It is all too 

clear why Oleh chose the very moment, 

and we should take advantage of this 

moment.” 

● “I WILL ONLY FEEL 

PROGRESS WHEN MY SON 

IS AT HOME” 

Petro Vyhivskyi, the father of 

Valentyn Vyhivskyi who was absurdly 

sentenced in Russia to 

11 years in prison for espionage, 

liked the film Across Half the World 

at Gunpoint. He believes such films 

should be made about all “the Kremlin’s 

captives.” “The whole world 

knows about Sentsov and Kolchenko, 

but there are almost 70 more people 

about whom very few know. And 

their relatives cannot fight for them 

because they have no access to either 

the media or our governmental bodies,” 

Petro explains. 

“Valentyn is serving his sentence 

in Kirov Oblast, Russia. Relatives 

have been out of touch with him 

since February this year, when he was 

detained in what is known as ‘all-purpose 

cell.’ Petro Vyhivskyi does not 

know what for. “The Ukrainian consul 

visited Valentyn a little more 

than a month ago. My son and I were 

supposed to have a long meeting, 

but there are restrictions on visits in 

such cells. There are no restrictions 

on correspondence, but his letters are 

held up in the prison. The consul says 

he receives some of our letters, but we 

get none from him,” Petro says. “We 

will get permission for a new visit 

somewhere in the fall if the son does 

not have his stay in the ‘all-purpose 

cell’ extended. But this punishment 

is also likely to be extended for up to 

a year. The son used to be kept in a 

solitary confinement cell without 

restrictions, and now he is in a smaller 

one-man cell with all restrictions. 

He cannot phone home, has no TV, radio, 

or newspapers. Four walls, 

meals, sometimes a walk – and that’s 

all. We used to send books, but he was 

given none of them. He can only 

take some from the prison library.” 

Asked if he feels any progress in 

the question of political prisoners’ release, 

for there have been several 

international meetings on this matter 

since Sentsov went on a hunger 

strike, Vyhivskyi says: “I will feel it 

when my son is at home.” In conclusion, 

Petro called on Ukrainians not 

to go the FIFA World Cup in Russia. 

*** 

One of the most dramatic moments 

in the film is when Natalia Kaplan 

is standing behind the fence 

near the prison camp in Labytnangi. 

Sentsov’s cousin muses that it is impossible 

to pull him from captivity, 

although he is just a few hundred meters 

away. And it does not matter 

what distance separates them – 

10,000 kilometers or these meters. 

“This makes it clear what captivity, 

especially undeserved one, really is,” 

Kariakina says. 

Incidentally, funds were being 

raised during the Zhovten preview for 

the families of Ukrainian political 

prisoners. About 19,000 hryvnias 

were collected – almost as many as the 

kilometers Sentsov and Kolchenko 

“traveled” at gunpoint. You can also 

support the relatives of “the Kremlin’s 

captives” by remitting funds in 

line with the following details: 

EDRPOU (Unified State Register 

of Enterprises and Organizations of 

Ukraine) code: 41757119 

Recipient: charitable foundation 

“Relatives of the Kremlin’s Political 

Prisoners” 

Settlement account: 26006300032429 

MFO (sort code) of bank: 322669


CULT URE No.39 JUNE 21, 2018 7 

By Dmytro DESIATERYK, The Day 

We hope that this text by 

Dmytro Desiateryk will 

launch a thorough discussion 

about what exactly can 

be considered a product of 

Ukrainian culture. For example, is the 

“Ukrainianness” of a cultural product 

influenced by the language in which it was 

created? After all, there is still no 

consensus on this matter, just like before. 

Even if the answer is available, it is a 

multi-layered one... We call on you, dear 

readers, to join the conversation. 

It is unrealized, since a question that 

should not have arisen anymore is appearing 

again. 

● THE QUESTION 

So, it surfaces time and again, even if, 

fortunately, not as often as before: is Muratova 

a Ukrainian filmmaker? 

Overall, if the creator lives on the 

territory of Ukraine, shoots films at the expense 

of the Ukrainian budget with Ukrainian 

actors, there is nothing left to discuss. 

But, apparently, this is not enough to 

satisfy some of the most enthusiastic 

guards of the national culture’s purity. 

For example, Muratova is blamed for 

making Russian-language films. 

Oh well. 

When I go to a market near my house, 

I pass by an agitation tent of the National 

Corps. I have never heard from the 

youths standing there (there is a whole 

brigade of them) and distributing newspapers 

of that organization as much as 

one word in Ukrainian. 

Language is a means of communication. 

A tool. A form. With it, one can get 

completely different results, do entirely 

different things. 

One can, for example, praise the 

Russian Empire, promote the Kremlin order, 

and lie on the TV. 

One can also give combat orders in the 

same language as one is fighting separatists 

in the Donbas. 

Viktor Yanukovych spoke fluent 

Ukrainian, and it is no less fluent when 

coming from supporters of the approach 

“things are not so clearcut” and “stop the 

fratricidal war in eastern Ukraine” (yes, 

yes, they do exist, and there are not as few 

of them as we would like). 

Is Myroslav Slaboshpytskyi’s multiple-award-winning 

film The Tribe less 

Ukrainian because its characters communicate 

in a sign language alone? Why 

is Oleksandr Dovzhenko’s silent film trilogy 

Zvenigora – Arsenal – Earth called 

“Ukrainian”? Should the Russian-language 

film Donbass by Serhii Loznytsia, 

which voluminously and meticulously 

shows how the “Russian World” cripples 

the occupied territories, be removed from 

our cinema tradition? Does Lars von Trier 

stop being a Danish director, and Wim 

Wenders a German one, because they 

both regularly film in English? 

For everyone but civil servants, it is 

not the language of communication that is 

important, but what people say in that language 

and with what consequences. 

● AN ANALYTICAL 

DIGRESSION 

Muratova’s penultimate film, 

Melody for a Street Organ (2009), is an 

ideal example of Ukrainian content of her 

films. Thus, it is worthwhile to cover it 

in more detail. 

After the death of their mother, Olenka 

(Olena Kostiuk) and Mykyta (Roman 

Burlaka) set out on Christmas Eve to find 

their parents. Evicted and robbed everywhere, 

frozen and hungry, they pass 

through all levels of urban chaos, from the 

railway station through a casino, an auction 

house and entrances of apartment 

buildings to a supermarket with its festive 

atmosphere, only to finally lose each other: 

Olenka is detained for stealing bread, 

while Mykyta freezes to death in the attic 

of a house which is being rebuilt. 

Let us start, actually, with the language. 

Among other components of the 

polyphony of the film, one of the most interesting 

is the unprecedented, for Muratova, 

emphasis on Ukrainian. At first, 

World after Kira: 

by 18 films better 

Now, when Kira Muratova is gone, one 

starts sensing the true scale of this 

figure, which seems to be still unrealized 

the children observe a mummers’ procession 

on a suburban train, with its participants 

carrying an octagonal star and 

singing Christmas carol “Good Evening to 

You.” Then, a station bum (Nina Ruslanova), 

just as rejected and persecuted as 

Olenka and Mykyta, explodes with a long 

monolog: “Our Bethlehem is full of poor, 

barefoot people in tattered clothes! Where 

are the Magi? They are carrying gold to the 

rich...” The foreman of the builders who 

found the body of Mykyta had berated his 

employer who did not give him a well-deserved 

leave and failed to pay the wages on 

time, and he tells his story in Ukrainian, 

but reproduces replies of the absent miser 

in a high disgusting voice speaking Russian. 

Finally, after a terrible discovery in the 

attic, the credits are accompanied by New 

Year carol “The Little Swallow.” 

A closer examination reveals that besides 

Ukrainian speakers, the film features 

Russian speakers of the same class, 

and there is neither social nor characteristic 

difference between the two groups: 

the ornately-speaking madman in a knitted 

cap, who watches on as Olenka and 

Mykyta are robbed by homeless in a railway 

hangar, a veteran who strives to get 

into the high comfort room as if he was assaulting 

the Reichstag, elderly Zoia, 

standing on the snow-covered stairs in the 

city at night, who loves “apples, cherries, 

sweet cherries, strawberries, grapes,” 

and others. All of them sing songs on the 

roadsides of a Babylon formed by mixing 

Odesa and Kyiv, making up the general 

polyphony of the poor who will eventually 

enter the promised Kingdom. 

There is, however, another element of 

Ukrainianness that will help us understand 

the structure of the film. 

The procession in the train is a simplified 

version of the vertep, the folk puppet 

theater. In today’s Ukraine, companies 

with stars, in simply decorated costumes, 

with a minimal repertoire of songs 

perform predominantly to earn money 

and foodstuffs for celebration (the vagrant 

played by Ruslanova complains, 

among other things, that “they even do 

not let me join a vertep company”). But 

now we are talking about a much older 

genre, namely the vertep drama. 

It necessarily includes two planes of 

the narrative: the biblical story of the 

birth of Christ and semi-improvised scenes 

featuring recognizable types: the Gypsy 

Man and Gypsy Woman, the Zaporozhian 

Cossack, the Pole, the Muscovite, and the 

Jew. Herod, who seeks to kill the newborn 

Christ, is the key antihero, but Death 

eventually takes away the wicked king. The 

architecture of the vertep chest recreated 

this duality of sacred and earthly. The secular 

life unfolded in the lower part; meanwhile, 

the upper level, depicting the Bethlehem 

Cave, hosted only canon plots, including 

the Adoration of the Shepherds and 

the Gifts of the Magi. 

The puppets and theatrical performance, 

sufferings of children, religious rituals, 

and social inequality – all of these 

long-standing motifs of Muratova’s cinema 

oeuvre – are linked into a single whole 

by the vertep. Here all the key elements of 

the vertep performance are observed: the 

earthy bustle at the bottom, social plane; 

characters change in the string of tragicomic 

scenes; the large number of characters 

also does not contradict the paradigm 

of the vertep, which shows primarily 

figures of the viewer’s own period; numerous 

songs, monologs, sermons; there is 

also a superior (literally top) part where the 

child calms down on the bed; builders, acting 

as shepherds, come to him and freeze 

in a mise en scene which resembles the 

iconography of adoration because of its 

static nature and poses of the participants; 

there are even fully matching characters: 

the Gypsies at the station (they refuse 

to tell Mykyta’s fortune, only saying 

“Oh, poor lad!”), the beggars (the vertep’s 

Savochka the Beggar), the supermarket 

guards, persecutors of children, who push 

Mykyta out, to be tormented by underage 

criminals, and arrest Olenka. All this suggests 

that the procession in the beginning 

of the film marks the notional border, on 

crossing which Olenka and Mykyta find 

themselves, in a sense, inside the vertep, 

and bring it into action. At the same time, 

the canon scenes are immediately introduced 

by a traveling seller of holiday 

cards: the Magi and Shepherds, the Holy 

Family, and King Herod’s Soldiers Massacring 

the Infants. It is the last card that 

is picked up by Mykyta, as he chooses his 

own story and fate. 

Having introduced the vertep structure, 

Muratova subjects it to deconstruction 

with the same determination as 

the linear plot of her anti-fairy-tale. The 

lower boundaries of the puppet house 

have greatly expanded. Instead of a chorus, 

we listen to a collective aphasia of mobile-equipped 

banterers at the station. The 

sacred part is reduced to verses and inappropriate 

sermons. There are “shepherds,” 

but they have no words of respect, 

only swearing at the miserly employer and 

nervously hiccupping in the attic. The 

heavens are empty. The upper level is involved 

only in the final, where the place 

of the living infant Christ is taken by the 

dead – in essence, killed – little kid, also 

the son of a carpenter. Herod is removed 

from the frame (to the auditorium?), as 

the massacre of the young and defenseless 

will happen just fine without him. God is 

absent, but Christmas preparations continue. 

What should have become the beginning 

of history becomes the end. 

The Christian space is timeless, simultaneous: 

he who lies in the Bethlehem 

Cave, is immediately crucified. The one 

who froze to death in the attic is an innocent 

victim just as much. This also reflects 

the logic of the vertep, which, according to 

the observation of the Russian scholar 

Olga Freidenberg, is genetically linked to 

the temple box, which was a copy of the 

tomb and the temple alike: in both cases, 

the dead man and the (puppet-like) godhead 

were always placed atop of it and/or on a 

special raised platform. 

Thus, redefining the vertep drama, 

Muratova does not “steal Christmas” – she 

just reproduces its other side, diametrically 

opposed to the festive pathos. Thus, she recovers 

its initial tragic nature. 

● EUROPE 

In view of the above, it seems that the 

question of the territorial affiliation of 

Muratova’s directing legacy comes from 

a wrong context. First one should ask: 

what is Ukraine? 

The answer has been obvious for the 

last four years: Ukraine is Europe. 

This answer has been bought with 

blood. Vladimir Putin did not forgive us 

this answer, and took revenge by occupying 

20 percent of our territory. To oppose 

it means to endanger our own future. 

So, again: Ukraine is Europe. But 

Muratova really was a European director. 

On the one hand, the Ukrainianness 

means joy of life and seeking delight in the 

transient (the classic example is the poem 

“A Cherry Orchard by the House”). On the 

other hand, it also means rejecting any 

leaders and having constant doubts in authorities 

and authoritative ideas. Love 

for a heated discussion (famously described 

as “three hetmans out of two 

Ukrainians”). Anarchy as a principle of solidarity 

and protest. Indestructible sense of 

humor. In aesthetics, it includes the rejection 

of imperial literature-centrism in 

favor of visual richness and looking at the 

world with wide-open eyes (it was not for 

nothing that in the autonomous Ukraine of 

the 17th and 18th centuries, not yet completely 

subjugated by Russia, it was the 

fine arts that flourished: painting, architecture, 

theater). 

And all these are characteristic properties 

of Muratova’s cinema oeuvre. Her 

films are appropriately witty at every degree 

of dramatic tension. Her characters 

always hold fast to their beliefs. Even 

episodic and secondary characters have 

colorful, sometimes to the point of eccentricity, 

tempers, whether it is a station 

employee or a rich criminal; conflicts 

and quarrels between them are always 

brilliant mini-performances with almost 

musical rhythm (Two in One even takes 

place in a theater). She did not stage her 

performances, because she masterly organized 

them in the frame. The frame itself 

is always saturated with movement 

and at the same time features mass of details, 

which seem to have no direct relation 

to the plot, but constitute the atmosphere 

of what is happening – this is 

always a perfect multilevel Baroque composition; 

and the Baroque, in turn, is the 

basic constant of the Ukrainian cultural 

universe. 

The main thing, however, is that Muratova 

had that skeptical, sober, Cartesian 

mind, but it was not cold; no director of her 

time exhibited such a deep sympathy for 

the weakest and most vulnerable. Moreover, 

there is no trace of nagging moralization, 

inherent in even the best Soviet or 

Russian cinema works. This wonderful 

skepticism also colored her personal communication, 

and, of course, her films. 

So, I will repeat: she made European 

cinema here long before Ukraine began to 

realize itself as Europe. As often happens 

with great artists, Muratova came too early. 

Only now we are catching up with her. 

So, Ukraine has to do its share of the 

work. We have not published a thorough 

study of Muratova’s oeuvre, despite the 

fact that Russians published two monographs 

in her lifetime. This is only the 

first step: to publish such a book, well 

written and illustrated, which would be 

obligatory addition to the bookshelf of 

any cultured person. In the future, we also 

need to publish her collected works. A 

museum doubling as an artistic center. 

Possibly a festival named after her. It is 

necessary to start now. 

Muratova made our world by 18 films 

better. We are indebted to her.

8 

No.39 JUNE 21, 2018 

TIMEO U T 


By Natalia ISHCHENKO 

Photos by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day 

War is nearby 

Twenty silhouettes of bullet-ridden 

people on Kyiv’s streets: 

about Oles KROMPLIAS’s project 

Itwas mid-June 2014. Ukrainian 

troops, with volunteer battalions in 

the vanguard, were liberating Ukrainian 

cities from pro-Russian and 

Russian militants. Mariupol, Shchastia... 

It seemed that we had to wait just a 

little before we liberate Donetsk and 

Luhansk, and recover the entire Donbas... 

Then, four years ago, a dedicated and 

determined volunteer named Oles Kromplias 

was in the thick of events. It was his 

unit that liberated Mariupol. Kromplias 

recorded all the events on a unique film 

camera and wrote artistic reports... for the 

glamorous men’s magazine Esquire, which 

then appeared in Ukrainian as well. 

A successful marketing communications 

specialist, he became an activist of 

the Euromaidan who participated in all significant 

events and photographed everything. 

His pictures were included in the 

symbolic collection called The 50 Best 

Photos of the Revolution of Dignity. 

Then Kromplias tried to help defend 

Ukrainian Crimea, and he went to the 

peninsula at the very beginning of Russian 

occupation with several activists and 

journalists. They were captured, and 

Kromplias and his friends were tortured 

and mistreated for a few days. Ukraine was 

able to get their group released then. Upon 

his return, the former marketer and 

protester volunteered for the front. 

It was the latter half of June 2014. In 

Mariupol, Ukrainian flags were already flying, 

and our boys were getting ready to go 

further... Kromplias recorded moments 

from the lives of his brothers-in-arms. 

Here they are shown cooking a lunch, 

there they are sunbathing, while another 

photo shows them anxiously standing 

watch... The pictures show soldiers of the 

Azov Regiment, the Sea of Azov, the sun, 

and the expectation that the war would end 

in a few days, and all the boys would return 

to their peaceful occupations. 

The atmosphere of the summer of 

2014 seems to have been conveyed best precisely 

in Kromplias’s works. He has managed 

to capture the mood of fighters who 

are preparing for something unknown, 

perhaps difficult and terrible, but that 

which will last for a very short time and 

surely end with our victory. 

Kromplias’s photos show combat 

episodes as well – separatists taken prisoner, 

a killed Ukrainian soldier’s body 

being carried on a stretcher covered 

with a Ukrainian flag... But it is not 

June and Mariupol, but rather the beginning 

of August and the early stage of 

the Battle for Ilovaisk. 

In this cycle, the most striking picture 

is one showing our boys just lying on the 

grass before yet another forced march. It 

is impossible to restrain tears when you 

clearly realize that they all were still alive 

in those days. It was before that direct attack 

of Russian regular troops, before the 

bloody “green corridor,” and before hundreds 

of our boys were treacherously shot 

dead by a ‘fraternal people.’ 

But four years is a long time. When 

visiting Kromplias’s photo exhibition 

“Front Line,” held within the framework 

of the “War Is Nearby” project in 

June 2018, all these images are perceived 

quite differently than in the fall of 

2014, when the author first printed them 

out on returning to Kyiv after suffering 

a concussion. Today, the war has become 

part of our lives. And, although the project 

is called “War Is Nearby,” we feel that 

the war is already within ourselves. 

Still, there are probably other people 

for whom the reality in which Russian aggression 

is being unleashed on Ukraine has 

been too heavy to recognize. It is for them, 

in fact, that the project “War Is Nearby” 

has been launched. The photo exhibition 

“Front Line” and installations on the 

streets of Kyiv are elements of it. 

Kromplias considers the “War Is 

Nearby” project to be part of an information 

warfare campaign. This is the 

case, but no less important is another aspect 

– not only an outwardly directed anti-aggressor 

message, but also a call directed 

inside us, which should awaken a 

“sense of war” within us. 

A total of 20 silhouettes of people 

shot through with bullets – both soldiers 

and civilians, and even children – 

are located on the streets of the capital in 

places where, according to Kromplias, 

people are not ready to see them. It will remind 

Kyivites and guests of the city 

about the Donbas, about the fighting, 

about those who died at the hands of the 

aggressor, and new names are added to 

the list with every passing day... 

But if you, having looked at this 

part of the project, will then visit the photo 

exhibition, which is displayed at the 

Transformer Center in Velyka Zhytomyrska 

Street in downtown Kyiv, you 

will be surprised, for you will not be 

scared there. It only diplomatically reminds 

the visitor that the front is close, 

much closer than it seems to you. 

Kromplias’s pictures show the war’s 

light version, a war that is not shocking. 

It seems almost like peaceful life. The only 

difference is that there, at the front, 

people die more frequently, but they always 

die as heroes. 

The exhibition can safely be visited 

by people who are very far from the 

front reality. They will be able to read interesting 

stories under each photo, view 

beautiful, high-quality pictures, and go 

away, for example, to the nearest popular 

and fashionable bar. 

It is a paradox, but Kromplias’s works 

do not conflict with the glamour of peaceful 

life. They complement the glamorous 

reality with their own war zone truth. They 

say: “See, these guys have chosen to be heroes. 

And you can go on to keep living your 

own, non-heroic lives. However, you should 

understand that if you are not heroes 

yourselves, you have to support heroes as 

much as possible. Because the war is nearby. 

Much closer than it seems to you.” 

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