Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
MONDAY, JULY 9, <strong>2018</strong> www.punchng.com<br />
Abacha’s repatriated loot: Matters arising<br />
Economic Renaissance by<br />
lesleba@lesleba.com 08052201997<br />
The actual amount stolen from Nigeria’s treasury between<br />
1993 and 1998 by former military dictator, Sani Abacha,<br />
may never be known. Nonetheless, Amnesty International, for<br />
example, has suggested that over $5bn of Abacha’s loot had<br />
been identified, even when speculations still persist that the<br />
audacious ‘shop-lift’ by the late Head-of-State and his associates<br />
is probably close to $10bn. There is no concise record of the<br />
recovered loot, unfortunately. However, Nigeria’s treasury may<br />
have been boosted with the return of well over $3bn since former<br />
President Olusegun Obasanjo initiated the international pursuit<br />
of Abacha’s loot in September 1999.<br />
Notably, Liechtenstein returned $227m in 2014, while<br />
Jersey reportedly released €149m by November 2003, with<br />
another tranche of €315m scheduled for December 2014; The<br />
Luxembourg authorities also announced that $630m was<br />
identified as part of the loot and frozen in eight bank accounts.<br />
Furthermore, the United States’ authorities had in August 2014<br />
also announced the seizure and return of $480m to Nigeria. With<br />
Finance Minister, Kemi Adeosun’s confirmation, in April 11 <strong>2018</strong>,<br />
Switzerland will have fulfilled its pledge to return another $322m,<br />
in addition to the first tranche of $700m already confirmed as<br />
fully repatriated by December 2012.<br />
The Swiss authorities were obviously unhappy with the<br />
‘hazy manner’ the $700m loot, earlier repatriated, was spent.<br />
Consequently, the major pre-condition for drawing down the<br />
second tranche of $322m was that “it will be used to finance<br />
projects that will strengthen social security for the poorest<br />
sections of the Nigerian population”.<br />
Already, there are grumblings that the choice of beneficiaries<br />
of the loot will ultimately be arbitrary, sectional or inequitable.<br />
Besides, the wasteful manner in which such funds were applied,<br />
in the past, to uncoordinated, freewheeling and populist<br />
interventions, will certainly not inspire much hope that the<br />
repatriation of another sum of $322m will have a meaningful<br />
or enduring social impact.<br />
Furthermore, the process of repatriating the latest $322m<br />
Swiss loot may have, in fact, actually commenced in 2014 with<br />
the implicit pre-condition, according to a BBC December 5 2017<br />
report, that “the money will be paid in instalments, specifically<br />
to finance National social safety net projects, which have been<br />
agreed with the Nigerian Government and executed with regular<br />
audits under World Bank supervision.”<br />
According to the Head of the Swiss delegation, Ambassador<br />
Roberto Balzarretti, in the BBC report on the Agreement with<br />
Nigeria said, “If the first instalment is not properly accounted<br />
for, subsequent payments will be halted. This is to prevent the<br />
funds from being stolen again!” This means that, although the<br />
Nigerian Government appears to celebrate the reported return of<br />
the $322m, the modus operandi for disbursement was projected<br />
as payment in instalments. Although in May 2014 the Swiss<br />
authorities actually indicated that a total of N380m would be<br />
returned by <strong>July</strong> <strong>2018</strong>, just over $322m was confirmed as actual<br />
net inflow. The difference of about $60m may have been incurred<br />
as “repatriation and management fees” to both Nigerian and<br />
foreign lawyers and the agents, who supervised the process.<br />
Expression<br />
Federer, Serena<br />
target progress at<br />
Wimbledon<br />
Henry Boyo<br />
However, if the Abacha loot was, conversely and diligently<br />
applied to create critical education, health and transport<br />
infrastructure since 2003, social welfare would probably<br />
have improved. Regrettably, also, the looted funds had been<br />
impounded in foreign custody for possibly more than 20 years<br />
without even a kobo interest payment. Consequently, we may<br />
speculate that the Swiss and other International financial<br />
outfits, which harboured funds<br />
stolen from Nigeria, may have<br />
also circuitously become<br />
Nigeria’s creditors from our<br />
government’s forays into the<br />
International debt market to<br />
finance fiscal deficits.<br />
The question, nonetheless, is<br />
whether or not the application<br />
of the repatriated loot has<br />
any enduring or meaningful<br />
social impact on the challenge<br />
of reducing the number of<br />
87million Nigerians who,<br />
according to a recent report<br />
from the Washington based,<br />
Brookings Institution, live in<br />
abject poverty(See “At last a<br />
world ‘trophy’ for Nigeria!” at<br />
www.betternigerianow.com).<br />
Instructively, if the payments from the $322m Swiss loot have<br />
already been made between 2014 and <strong>2018</strong>, then, once again,<br />
the social impact of such cash injections has clearly not been<br />
noticeable.<br />
In essence, the agreement between the Swiss authorities and<br />
the Nigerian Government appears to have been rather predicated<br />
on the notion that occasional cash hand-outs to the poor would<br />
reduce poverty and provide social safety nets for almost 200<br />
million Nigerians. Arguably, the surest social safety net against<br />
deepening poverty anywhere still remains an opportunity for<br />
gainful employment with a realistic income. Invariably, with<br />
deepening poverty<br />
and a huge army of unemployed citizens, the repatriated<br />
Abacha loot may have failed so far to improve social security.<br />
The failure of public expectation from such ‘charitable’ cash<br />
injections is because, as long as the underlying monetary<br />
indices in the economy remain counterproductive and out of<br />
gear, quantum increases to government expenditure will not<br />
automatically propel economic growth or reduce poverty. For<br />
example, the obtuse model of annually increasing government<br />
spending when inflation is already well above best practice and<br />
rates below three per cent will not reduce poverty. It is equally<br />
implicit that, since it is not rational for anyone to lend money<br />
below the prevailing rate of inflation, the cost of borrowing to local<br />
industrialists and businesses will predictably remain higher than<br />
the inflation rate and therefore, increase the cost of production<br />
and make local output uncompetitive against cheaper imports.<br />
•A trader with a baby strapped on her back struggling to make ends meet in a traffic jam on the Lagos-Ibadan<br />
Expressway ... on Sunday. Photo: Olatunji Obasa<br />
P. 63<br />
Furthermore, higher inflation rates, driven by excess naira<br />
supply, will inevitably reduce consumer demand and compel<br />
industrial and business contraction, with serious consequences<br />
for employment and national income. Regrettably, therefore,<br />
the re-injection of Abacha’s loot and other similar fiscal and<br />
extra budgetary cash interventions to purportedly alleviate<br />
poverty may have ‘also inadvertently’ expanded money supply<br />
to fuel double-digit inflationary rates. Instructively, best practice<br />
implies that you do not quench the fire of inflation by pumping<br />
more money into a market, which the monetary authorities<br />
themselves readily characterise as persistently challenged by a<br />
burden of excess naira supply.<br />
Inexplicably, all administrations since 1999 have consistently<br />
projected annual fiscal deficits, which were usually funded by<br />
additional debt accumulation even when the accommodation<br />
of fortuitous cash interjections, such as the $322m Abacha loot,<br />
would have eliminated or possibly reduced the need to borrow<br />
at such oppressive rates for government debt.<br />
Curiously, however, over the years the approval of the National<br />
Assembly was never sought, as constitutionally mandated, before<br />
such returned loot and indeed, other accruals from the ‘illegal<br />
contraption’ of the “Excess Crude Account” were shared without<br />
regard to reducing the fiscal deficit by the Federal Executive and<br />
state governors.<br />
Nonetheless, it is deducible that the oppressive burden of<br />
surplus naira, spiraling inflation, dysfunctional economy and<br />
deepening mass poverty are clearly instigated by the Central<br />
Bank of Nigeria’s unusual direct substitution of naira allocations<br />
for all forex revenue, including repatriated loot, before sharing<br />
to the three tiers of government. Regrettably, the CBN’s sleight<br />
of hand goes unnoticed when it directly substitutes the naira,<br />
at its own unilaterally determined rate, for all foreign exchange<br />
denominated government income, including proceeds from<br />
crude oil sales.<br />
Here is the crux of the matter; invariably, if the CBN’s creation<br />
of fresh naira values for distributable foreign exchange inevitably<br />
increases the naira liquidity surplus that drives inflation, it<br />
follows, therefore, that the higher the foreign receipts, the higher<br />
will be the challenge of naira surplus liquidity and a serious<br />
abiding inflationary threat.<br />
Now the farcical part of this macabre drama is that the same<br />
CBN would, in response to the liquidity surfeit it created and the<br />
threat of an inflation spiral, step up and pay lenders, primarily<br />
money deposit banks, double-digit interest rates to borrow from<br />
them and sterilise the excess funds in order to reduce the systemic<br />
liquidity surplus and the inflationary threat, not minding that<br />
this will raise the cost of borrowing and domestic production and<br />
also, crowd out the expansion of the real sector.<br />
e-mail:yourviews@punchng.com<br />
Feedback by text? Send SMS of not more than 100<br />
words (not abbreviations, please) to 08055923429<br />
with your full name and address.<br />
Salvo<br />
“It is only through restructuring that we can have<br />
equity and justice. Restructuring is the solution to all<br />
the challenges in this country, including corruption.<br />
Without restructuring, you are wasting time if you<br />
say you are fighting corruption”<br />
– Deputy National Publicity Secretary of Ohanaeze Ndigbo,<br />
Chuks Ibegbu<br />
Ethical Complaints?<br />
•We, Punch Nigeria Limited, do not<br />
demand or accept gifts or gratification to<br />
publish articles or photographs, neither do<br />
our journalists. Therefore, we implore you<br />
not to offer any to our journalists.<br />
In the event that a PUNCH journalist<br />
demands such, please send your complaint(s)<br />
to ethics@punchng.com or 08168214977.<br />
Head Office<br />
Tel: 08116759808<br />
08184737491,<br />
09080655213<br />
Opebi Office<br />
55, Opebi Road, Ikeja,<br />
Lagos.<br />
Tel: 09053631548,<br />
07013433198<br />
Punch Advert lines Every day<br />
Ikoyi Office<br />
38, Awolowo Road,<br />
Ikoyi, Lagos.<br />
Tel: 09053631546,<br />
08066416659,<br />
09053631731,<br />
07013430987<br />
• Federer<br />
Abuja Office<br />
Plot 743, Sani A. Mashi<br />
Crescent, off Mohammed<br />
Namadi Sambo Way,<br />
Cadastral Zone C 16, adjacent<br />
Salini Nigeria Limited, Idu<br />
Industrial Layout, Abuja.<br />
Tel: 09085020332<br />
Printed and Published by: PUNCH (Nig.) Limited 1, Olu Aboderin Street, Onipetesi, Ikeja, Lagos Circulation: 09053631732 Advert: 08065711871; The PUNCH 09086211321; Abuja Office: Plot 743, Sani A. Mashi Crescent, off Mohammed Namadi Sambo Way, Cadastral Zone<br />
C 16, adjacent Salini Nigeria Limited, Idu Industrial Layout, Abuja. Phone: 09085020332, 09053631540; Saturday PUNCH 08038235719; Sunday PUNCH 08039514091; E-mail: punchlagos@punchng.com; advert@punchng.com; Ikoyi Office: 38, Awolowo Road, Ikoyi, Lagos.<br />
Phone: 09053631546;Opebi Office: 55, Opebi Road, Ikeja, Lagos. Phone: 09053631548. A Member of the Newspaper Proprietors’ Association of Nigeria. Editor: Martin Ayankola. All correspondence to P.M.B 21204, Ikeja, Lagos. ISSN 0331-2666