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6 No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018 NB! WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA Russia after the Sea of Azov Russian naval vessels deployed increasingly, bankrupting seaports REUTERS photo By Andrii MURAVSKYI After finishing the construction of the Crimean/Kerch Bridge, Russia proceeded with a proxy blockade of the Sea of Azov and its ports. The bridge does not allow large ships to pass through anymore. According to June 2018 statistics, over 144 container ships stopped visiting the seaports of Mariupol and Berdiansk, unable to pass under the bridge. There are also raids by Russia’s FSB and Coast Guard gunboats that stop ships en route to Ukrainian seaports. For more than three months, Russia’s Coast Guard ships have been meticulously inspecting vessels headed for Azov seaports or on the way back. One might say that their inspections were too meticulous, forcing the ships under inspection to waste dozens of hours, which costs shipowners large sums. Andrii KLYMENKO, Chairman of the Board, Foreign Affair Maidan Foundation, said: “First, these ships have to wait for permission to pass under the Kerch Bridge and reach the Sea of Azov. All have to wait to let an Azov-Black Sea convoy pass [for example]. When on the Sea of Azov, any vessel en route to a seaport or on the way back can be stopped [and inspected] by a [Russian] Coast Guard gunboat.” Such inspections are taking increasingly longer periods. According to Mr. Klymenko, in July, they averaged from two to four hours, then increased to almost 33 hours toward the end of the month. The worst delay on record is 55 hours. It involved 62 8-15-ton vessels en route to Azov seaports. The cost of 24 hours of delay is 4-5 thousand USD. This discourages the shipowners and they can’t blame the consignor. When their ships are idle en route, they must absorb the full costs of untimely deliveries. Russia explained that all this was part of their security precautions while conducting naval exercises. They promised that this would stop before the fall. There are other explanations, however, including the possibility that Russia is doing this in response to Ukraine arresting the Russian dredger ship Nord registered in Crimea (March 25). Ukraine now has only two seaports, Mariupol and Berdiansk, on the Sea of Azov, and the Black Sea ports of Odesa, Chornomorskyi, Yuzhnyi, Ochakivskyi, and Skadovskyi, including the ones in Kherson and Mykolaiv which have access to the Black Sea through channels. The problem is that moving shipments from Azov to the Black Sea means that you’ll have to add a couple of bucks per ton of cargo, damaging the manufacturer’s reputation. However, the costly option is on the agenda. There is also the Ilyich Metallurgical Complex of Mariupol [“Ilyich” – from “Vladimir Ilyich Lenin.” – Ed.], now part of Metinvest Holding Co. They had to move cast iron shipments to Black Sea ports. Logistics actually remain the same, considering that the shipowners appear prepared to bear additional costs, without increasing freight rates, lest they lose regular customers, in view of the market competition. Some also see the sanctions imposed on Russia as temporary. They believe that the situation may well change “for the better” this fall. Even so, there are no guarantees that this “truce” will last long, just as there is no telling what Russia will do next. Business requires stability and each shipowner must be sure when it’s profitable to take the next cargo. Volodymyr OMELIAN, Minister of Infrastructure of Ukraine, feels sure that Russia is trying to rock the boat in the Azov region: “We’re in contact with our partners, working out measures to help impose similar sanctions on the Black Sea ports that are currently under Russia’s control.” The Ukrainian Seaport Oversight Administration is keeping track of all ships stopped and inspected by Russia, and relays the data to the Ministry of Infrastructure and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. Official Kyiv has contacted the OSCE, asking to task the Supervisory Board with keeping track of Russia’s wrongdoings on both terra firma and within Ukraine’s territorial waters. Costs are being assessed to file Photo by Alina KOMAROVA XIX INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION PHOTO — - 2017 damage claims vs. Russia in international courts, including damages caused by the Crimean/Kerch Bridge, considering its height that bans passage for larger vessels. There are certain aspects to Russia’s Coast Guard gunboats stopping and inspecting ships. Officials of the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine say such inspections are formally possible under the 2004 Agreement on the Sea of Azov, considering that the sea is an inland body of water and that there are no territorial waters per se. Ukrainian Coast Guard ships would be within their right to stop and inspect ships en route to Russia’s seaports of Azov, Rostov-on- Don, etc., but they keep their distance, apparently careful not to aggravate the situation. In view of this, the legal status of the Sea of Azov has to be revised. There is a bill filed with the Verkhovna Rada, entitled “On the Denunciation of the Treaty on Cooperation in the Usage of the Sea of Azov and Kerch Strait, signed by Ukraine and the Russian Federation.” InterLegal’s partner Artur Nitsevych says ships can’t be stopped and inspected while in an international strait, that this is against international law. Kerch Strait is subject to full freedom of navigation for civilian ships and warships of Ukraine and Russia. Foreign warships are allowed entry only with the knowledge and consent of the contracting parties. Experts further recommend that the shipowners keep their distance from Lotsman-Krym, the pilot company currently in Russia-annexed Crimea, formerly a Ukrainian government-run company, that provides most piloting services. Lawsuits will take time, of course. Meanwhile, efforts should be taken to upgrade the Ukrainian Navy. Currently, it is unable to defend Ukraine’s interests in the Sea of Azov. A time-consuming process, but time is money and it is a matter of national security for Ukraine. While they were “dancing” in Austria... Thoughtful Ukrainians are remembering, mourning, and honoring the memory of the Austrian Archduke Wilhelm von Habsburg (Vasyl Vyshyvany) By Valentyn TORBA, The Day Recently, a banner exhibition dedicated to the Ukrainian military figure, politician, and poet Vasyl Vyshyvany was opened on the second floor of the Lviv Regional State Administration building. “This exhibition is evidence that we remember Vasyl Vyshyvany, who was tortured to death by the Soviet regime. This individual has entered the history of our people for good. Being the son of an Italian duchess and an Austrian admiral, he consciously chose Ukraine and the Ukrainian identity for himself, and sacrificed his youth, titles, and connections in the aristocratic circles of Europe for the sake of Ukraine. As an independent nation, we owe a lot to this patriot,” public figure Marko Simkin said at the opening of the exhibition. It was 1948. Wilhelm Franz von Habsburg-Lothringen, who was a Ukrainian military figure, a politician, a poet, an Austrian archduke of the Habsburg dynasty, and a colonel of the Legion of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, died in Lukianivska Prison, it was said “under unknown circumstances.” These titles of his are not important for every Ukrainian. Some of us have a quite superficial view of them. However, the very names of such “political romantics” as Vyshyvany are already TITLES that future generations should aspire to emulate. He was born on February 10, 1895, near the city of Pula in Dalmatia, in the family estate of his father Archduke Charles Stephen Habsburg. It was this branch of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine that gave the world several Austrian kings and emperors, including Franz Josef, who was Wilhelm’s uncle twice removed. At different times, the Habsburgs ruled Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Bohemia, and Hungary. No pompous events are held to honor him now. They do not rename streets after him or observe anniversaries of his life events. And it is a shame... It reflects badly on today’s power holders and public figures. It must be remembered that he was a scion of the ancient European dynasties, the Habsburgs and the Lorraines. And he was the only one to come to defend the Ukrainian idea while having such exalted ancestry. They often talk about Europeanness and the European course nowadays. In our case, there is plenty of evidence that Ukraine in Europe is not just a geographical concept. This concept is mental and historical too. Unfortunately, Vyshyvany’s last abode remains unknown to this day. The most cynical and revealing fact is that Vladimir Putin came to Austria, the country where Vyshyvany was born, to attend the wedding of that nation’s head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs precisely in recent days. It seems that Europe was not only silent, as Oleksandr Oles put it once... It has also forgotten. It has forgotten the bitter lessons of what imperialism is. Den/The Day newspaper has repeatedly told the story of this historical figure in our excursions into “forgotten matters.” As Larysa Ivshyna, the editor-inchief of this newspaper, stressed, “just as thoughtful Ukrainians are remembering, mourning, and honoring the memory of the Austrian Archduke Wilhelm von Habsburg (Vasyl Vyshyvany), who was killed in an NKVD torture chamber, his homeland, namely the glorious city of Vienna, sees a minister dancing with a man continuing the “traditions” of that ominous system. What has happened to you, Austria?” ● “IT WAS A TRAGIC MILESTONE FOR UKRAINE” Tetiana OSTASHKO, Candidate of Historical Sciences: “I believe we need to do more to commemorate the figure of Vasyl Vyshyvany and, in particular, to observe the tragic anniversary of his death. He became a Ukrainian and actively joined the Ukrainian movement. In our time, some politicians and journalists have taken the liberty of not noticing this fact, which significantly simplifies and primitivizes the meaning of the Ukrainian national liberation movement. Vyshyvany was abducted in the British zone of Vienna and taken to the USSR, where he eventually died in Lukianivska Prison. It was a tragic milestone for Ukraine. And the fact that this anniversary came to coincide with what was effectively a celebration of Putin in Austria is for us a straightforward hint that we have to care about our own fate better. To count on someone’s support is not worth it. We must be strong, we must know our history well. As for Putin’s arrival in Austria, it can only be seen as a shameful occasion for that European country. I believe that we must study the historical aspects of our relations with European countries in a most thorough manner. They have always thought of their interests first. And if we do not articulate our position, then others will do it for us and distort our history in the process. For this very reason, such historical figures as Vyshyvany offer telling and inspirational examples for us as we are shaping our national and state positions. All these stories improve our standing, including in the international arena, where we must become a compelling presence. When we do not know it or ignore this knowledge, the enemy is the only one to benefit by exploiting our gaps in historical memory. Nor should we forget that this is not just about Russia. Poland has also played a major role in exerting political and ideological pressure on Ukraine. Therefore, I repeat: we need to shape our own historical position.”
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA CULT URE No.43 AUGUST 23, 2018 7 By Dmytro DESIATERYK, The Day, Odesa – Kyiv The appointment of a new director of the Odesa Art Museum was one of the biggest artistic scandals this year. As is well known, a competitive selection was held for the position, and the famous Odesa-born artist Oleksandr Roitburd won it by one vote last December. His rivals were former director of the museum Vitalii Abramov and his deputy Serhii Siedykh. Nobody has challenged the result’s fairness. However, some murky machinations started as the date of the final approval came closer. At first, the culture commission of the Odesa Regional Council came forward to oppose the appointment. In parallel, a negative public relations campaign against Roitburd as an individual was launched in the media and on the Internet. They attributed to the artist other people’s paintings and brought in unknown experts to confirm it. It ultimately resulted in a failed vote in the regional council. Leaders of the notorious Opposition Bloc, in particular, the famous supporter of the “Russian World” Vitalii Sautionkov, were most active in the fight against the appointment, having marched a loyal crowd to a location outside the council building. Their arguments were worthy of the Soviet era, as the would-be director was being accused of creating immoral paintings. At the same time, around 50 cultural figures, journalists, and leading museum workers signed letters in support of the artist. Eventually, everything ended with a victory of common sense: head of the Odesa Regional State Administration Maksym Stepanov appointed Roitburd as the director of the museum. The contract is valid for five years. The Odesa Art Museum is located in the center of the city, housed in the Potocki Palace, a monument of the early 19th century architecture (it was built in 1827). It was opened on November 6, 1899 through the efforts of the Odesa Society of Fine Arts. The museum collection’s first items were paintings donated by Petersburg Academy of Arts. Currently, the museum’s exposition occupies 26 rooms. The collection includes works by foreign and Ukrainian artists, such as Valentin Serov, Mikhail Vrubel, Nicholas Roerich, Boris Kustodiev, Alexandre Benois, Konstantin Somov, Wassily Kandinsky, as well as Volodymyr Borovykovsky, Amvrosii Zhdakha, Kostiantyn Trutovsky, Mykola Pymonenko, Serhii Vasylkivsky, Oleksandr Murashko, Petro Levchenko, Maria Prymachenko, Mykhailo Derehus, Adalbert Erdeli, Fedir Manailo, Yosyp Bokshai, Andrii Kotska, and Taras Shevchenko. We talked to Roitburd in a public garden in front of the museum’s facade. I will ask it frankly and at once: what led you to take this unenviable job? “I had volunteers who supported the museum – some of them are now part of our team – visiting me and asking to persuade some people in Odesa or Kyiv to occupy this position. Meanwhile, a power crisis was continuing at the museum. It was unclear if the then director, Abramov, would be able to continue to carry out his duties, no constructive candidates could be found, and it ended with no one getting persuaded, so I decided to go for it myself. Another motive was that I realized that I had no right to criticize Odesa if I myself rejected an opportunity to change the situation in a certain area at least and get a serious project working that would improve both the image and the life of the city.” What is your personal history with the museum? “I have known it from childhood. Even back then, I was capable of holding an imagined tour of it with my eyes closed at home and could say where which picture hung. However, “Ever since my childhood, I have been capable of holding a tour of the exposition with my eyes closed...” The newly appointed director of the Odesa Art Museum Oleksandr Roitburd spoke of poverty, intrigues, and hopes this is absolutely destructive. The future belongs to countries with a vision of that future, with a rational economic concept of development and a progressive cultural policy. Moreover, the latter includes not only art, but also the positioning of the country in the world, education, health care, etc. For now, however, we have not yet cut the umbilical cord linking us to the Soviet system, nor even finally cut one linking us to Russia.” As to the past: in what condition did you find the museum? “First of all, I found a labor conflict there. Most employees feared the arrival of a new leadership.” So, how did they react to you? “I expected this least of all, but these grannies and veterans of the museum became my supporters. I have a very friendly relationship with the chief custodian of the collection, who has miraculously preserved it intact. She has worked in the museum for 50 years, and there have been no losswhen I came there again at an older age, I did not really like the fact that some items hung in the same locations for 40 years. And in some places, the exposition was even worse than it had been in the Soviet days. The impression was that life was over and it seemed to be a cemetery. It was so although the museum can become not only a center, but even a flagship of cultural modernization, which Ukraine direly needs. Determining after three or four centuries who was right and who was wrong, what was a betrayal and what was a victory – es on her watch. Also, all of them have the understanding that something needs to be changed.” What should be changed? “The main problem is the limited resources. I have just fantasized with architects how to increase the exhibition spaces. This is extremely important. If the museum expands threefold, it will become 30 times more interesting. We have many art periods concealed in storerooms, and nobody sees them.” Continued on page 8 ➤ THE ODESA ART MUSEUM IS LOCATED IN THE CENTER OF THE CITY, HOUSED IN THE POTOCKI PALACE, A MONUMENT OF THE EARLY 19th CENTURY ARCHITECTURE (BUILT IN 1827). IT WAS OPENED ON NOVEMBER 6, 1899 THROUGH THE EFFORTS OF THE ODESA SOCIETY OF FINE ARTS By Vadym RYZHKOV, The Day, Dnipro, Olha KHARCHENKO, The Day Book Space festival Den to launch its new book AVE in Lviv and Dnipro. Make reservations before it’s too late! DNIPRO – Book Space is the name of a new international book festival that will take place here, September 28-30. Says Viktoria NARIZHNA, art director of the festival: “We titled it Book Space because ‘space’ is a slightly ironical re f- e rence to Dnipro [former Dnipro - petrovsk. – Ed.] as Ukraine’s space and rocket/missile develop - ment center [under the Soviets], currently a progressive innova - ting city.” The festival will be held within the framework of Mayor Borys Filatov’s Project Cultural Capital, also with support from Valentyn Riznychenko, head of the Regional State Admini stra tion (RSA), and with Den/The Day as the festival’s general information partner. There will be a large scale book fair involving over 50 Uk - rai nian and foreign publishing companies, meetings with dome - s tic and foreign authors, laun ches of new publications, wri ters’ read ing soirees, concerts, etc. The book fair will be located in downtown Dnipro, on the square facing the RSA building, with space rockets on display, along with the Children’s Lite rature Pavilion in the Heroes Alley, near the Children’s R&R Park. Book Space envisages programs to be carried out simultaneously on several sites, including five on the RSA premi ses, a Poetry Cafe, Children’s Stage and Music Stage in the Ukrainian Art Museum’s garden, and a small town called Space Hub. These programs will include the central one, known as “Transformations” and others meant for children, history, edu cation, and music. The latter will be a jazz event, with a concert marking the end of each day of the festival, involving several rock bands, including DZ’OB, Quarpa, and Mariana Savka’s “In the Orchard.” Dnipro is expected to play host to a total of 6,500 guests and festival participants, among them over 30 Ukrainian and foreign authors. Serhii Plokhii (USA), Martin Schaeuble (Ger many), Andre Roche (France), Jacek Dehnel (Poland), Glenn Ringtved (Denmark), Ulrike Almut Sandig (Germany), Maria Galina (Ukrai ne/ Russia), Arka dy Shtypel (Ukrai- ne/Russia), Oksana Zabuzhko, Irena Karpa, Irene Rozdobudko, Yurii Maka rov, Mariana Savka, Yan Valie tov, Andrii Bondar, Ruslan Ho ro vyi, Hryhorii Semenchuk, Halyna Kruk, Svitlana Pova liaie va, Andrey Orlov (Orlusha), etc., have confirmed their parti ci pa tion. Serhii Plokhii is a Ukrainian American historian and author specializing in the history of Ukraine, Eastern Europe and Cold War. He is a professor of Ukrainian history at Harvard University where he also serves as the director of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, and winner of the Taras Shev - chenko Prize (2018). During the festival, he is expected to take part in a public discussion with Yurii Makarov, journalist and writer, based on Mr. Plokhii’s books Tsars and Cos sacks: A Study in Icono gra phy; Chernobyl: History of a Tragedy; The Last Empire: The Final Days of the Soviet Union, etc. There will be launches of the books How the Cossacks Defen ded Ukraine (with historian Yurii Mytsyk) and National Communism in Soviet Ukraine (with Oksana Zabuzhko). Marci Shore, US historian and scholar, wife of Yale history professor Timothy Snyder, is expected to present a Ukrainian version of her book The Ukrainian Night: An Intimate History of Revo lu tion (re Maidan). History will be on top of the Book Space agenda in Dnipro. There will be launched Den’s new book AVE commemorating Hetman Skoropadsky’s centennial of birth and having a lot to do with Ukraine’s future. Initiated by Editor-in-Chief Larysa Ivshyna, this book includes articles writ ten by professional historians and journalists, and is likely to attract interest and cause debate, considering that its aim is both to learn more about the Skoro pad sky epoch (still a gap in Ukrai nian history [apart from Soviet propaganda stuff]) and clarify the kind of politics Ukrainian society has been practicing, will practice, and why. This book will premiere at the traditional Publishers’ Forum in Lviv (September 21, 12:00, Hall of Mirrors, Potocki Palace). The Editors will inform you about the date and time of its launch in Dnipro. ➤ IMPORTANT: Bonus orders for AVE will expire on Septem ber 1. You can still order a copy for only 170 hryvnias on https:// day.kyiv.ua/uk/library/books/ave-do-100-littyagetma natu-pavla-skoropa ds - kogo, or by calling the edito rial office ((044) 303 96 23).
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