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Movement 103

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Looking for a New England<br />

John Hughes argues that for the ENGLISH national identity is a probtematic idea.<br />

When your heritage is steeped in imperiatism, what positive images are there [eft?<br />

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rather than gaining in our identity. Some<br />

would argue that this is because we've<br />

always had our own government and have<br />

never been ruled from 'abroad'. ln a sense<br />

the problem with the Union was that it was<br />

always clear who was in the driving seat.<br />

Likewise it seems that the supposed British<br />

culture was really mainly an extended<br />

English culture, and so its apparent<br />

dismantling leaves the English with<br />

something of a cultural vacuum. 'English'<br />

identity has been built upon images of the<br />

Queen, Empire and military success, which<br />

mean little to anyone under fifty. Did Major's<br />

more cosy 'cricket, evensong and warm ale'<br />

come any nearer the mark? Can there be a<br />

post-British and post-lmperial Englishness?<br />

Should we even be thinking in terms of<br />

national identities any more?<br />

Some think not. Devolution to them is<br />

the end of the era of warring nation states<br />

each with their own (usually aggressive)<br />

identities. ln this view we are building a<br />

glorious cuddly new world, with shades of<br />

Star Trek, where we all live together and<br />

nobody mentions jokes about stins/ Scots<br />

or the Welsh and sheep. ln fact most of the<br />

supporters of devolution have rallied<br />

enthusiasm by appealing to their history<br />

and the same old kilts, leeks and songs<br />

about thrashing the Sassenachs/ Saeson.<br />

ls this a bad thing? Yes and No. Frankly<br />

I think the Scots and Welsh are right to<br />

affirm some sense of 'who they are', of how<br />

they are different from others. The old fluffy<br />

liberal bollocks about us all being the same<br />

humans underneath really and how everyone<br />

should just forget past differences as we all<br />

grow more alike, is actually just another<br />

form of totalitarianism that tries to suppress<br />

the different and particular and create a<br />

bland, flat sameness. So history(ies) do<br />

have to come into it somewhere - identities<br />

are formed of memories. This seems to me<br />

to be a problemwith the Blairite'New'<br />

Everything: You can't keep trying to forget<br />

the past and start again, without ending up<br />

with a completely superficial identity that<br />

has no depth and so blows in every<br />

direction. Witness the recent Becks-Posh<br />

'Royal Wedding' and the abortive love-tryst<br />

between Britpop and Tony's Boys.<br />

But is the only alternative to Lefty<br />

sameness and newness right-wing<br />

nationalism and war mongering? This is the<br />

Liberal argument against cultural identity:<br />

That it leads to hating the other against<br />

which your identity is defined - result:<br />

Balkanisation. lt certainly looks this way<br />

from England, where, unlike our neighbours,<br />

nationalism is almost entirely confined to<br />

the political right, whether in the form of the<br />

pompous imperialism of High Tory values or<br />

the crass aggression and intolerance of the<br />

football hooligans.<br />

'lt ain't necessarily so!' Contemporary<br />

feel-good English icons need not be banal,<br />

as Austin Powers has shown. Likewise there<br />

is no one account of history, all versions are<br />

loaded with specific agendas, and so we<br />

don't have to take the militarist story of<br />

Empire, conquest, and victory as the only<br />

one. The huge challenge for the young who<br />

find the old images don't<br />

resonate any more is to reappropriate<br />

the past in<br />

ways that are fruitful in the<br />

present (like the feminist<br />

project of 'discovering'<br />

positive models in past<br />

women saints), rather than just abandoning<br />

it to the conservatives. For the English this<br />

might mean developing a sense of our<br />

cultural achievements in terms of our<br />

contributions to literature and technology,<br />

our great saints and social reformers, rather<br />

than on how well we thrashed the frogs/<br />

wogs,/ Hun. For the Scots and Welsh it<br />

means moving beyond a purely reactive<br />

sense of identity defined negatively by their<br />

oppressors, because, however true this is, it<br />

will only leave the English feeling<br />

threatened.<br />

Tradition, as Christians should know, is<br />

not something fixed, unified and certain (as<br />

conservatives treat it), but living, changing<br />

and open-ended. People also never have<br />

simply one identity but are made up of<br />

complex layers of identities: I am British,<br />

English (and part-Welsh), European (?),<br />

Christian, a Student, etc. Early Christian<br />

writers noted this shifting, many-layered<br />

nature of identity and insisted that to avoid<br />

making idolatrous absolutes of any of these<br />

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movement 7<br />

allegiances we should live as pilgrim<br />

nomads amidst them ('Citizens of all<br />

nations they belong properly to none' - the<br />

Epistle to Diognetius, 3rd century). Likewise<br />

Christian identity has striven (not always<br />

successfully!) to resist the temptation to<br />

bolster identity in fundamentalist fortresses<br />

defined by clear boundaries against the<br />

enemies. Most difficult of all, we have this<br />

weird idea that someone truly lives by dying,<br />

that identity is found by being given away<br />

and poured out - an emptying which<br />

paradoxically leaves us more full! ls this too<br />

heavenly for politics?<br />

ldentity is foun<br />

given away -<br />

d by being<br />

is this too<br />

heaventy for potitics?<br />

ls it really so impossible to imagine a<br />

nation rejoicing that it contributes more to<br />

international aid than others and being<br />

proud that its asylum policy is more humane<br />

even though both these things cost it more?<br />

A Wales happy to give its water to Liverpool,<br />

a Scotland happy to give its oil to England<br />

and an England happy to give the wealth of<br />

the South East to support its neighbours?<br />

Given that our physical location means our<br />

identities are inevitably intermeshed with<br />

one another in thousands of ways, this<br />

must surely be so. At their best I think the<br />

SNP and Plaid Cymru have come pretty<br />

close to achieving this bizarre path: A<br />

genuine 'third way' between totalitarian<br />

sameness and militaristic nationalism; a<br />

social vision of positive difference in<br />

harmony. There seems little of it around on<br />

this side of the borders at the moment<br />

though...<br />

John Hughes is co-ordinator of Cambridge<br />

SCM and a member of General Council.<br />

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