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foire: acquis et problèmes. Actes du congrès de la<br />

société des professeurs d'Histofre ancienne, Lyon-<br />

Chambéry, 21-23 mai 1993 (Lyon 1998) 93-100, esp.<br />

98-99.<br />

14. See the examples noted by A. D. Rizakis,<br />

"Anthroponymie et société. Les noms romains dans<br />

les provinces hellénophones de l'Empire", in:<br />

Roman onomastics, 23 et n. 48-49.<br />

15. With regard for example to use of the Greek and<br />

Latin languages, the ethnic origin of individuals, the<br />

geographical and chronological classification of certain<br />

names, the onomastic customs and practices of<br />

various social groups (women, upper classes, freedmen,<br />

slaves), the local character of certain nomina<br />

and cognomina, etc.; cf. G. Alföldy, Die<br />

Personnamen in der römischen Provinz Dalmatia<br />

(Heidelberg 1969).<br />

16. See Cl. Nicolet, "L'onomastique des groupes<br />

dirigeants sous la République", in: L'onomastique<br />

latine, 46.<br />

17. Cf. Y. Burnand, "Epigraphie et anthroponymie",<br />

in: Akten des IV. internationalen Kongresses für<br />

griechische und lateinische Epigraphik, Wien 17. bis<br />

22. September 1962 (Vienna 1964) 59; J. Sasel,<br />

loc.cit., 353-354 and no. 8 with bibliography.<br />

18. On this subject, see the keen observations of R.<br />

Sailer, "The family and society", in: J. Bodel (ed.),<br />

Epigraphie evidence. Ancient history from inscriptions<br />

(London-New York 2001) 95-117, esp. 96-97.<br />

19. On the usefulness of statistics derived from nomina<br />

and the necessity of a systematic classification<br />

case by case in order to avoid confusion, see R.<br />

Etienne, in: Acta of the fifth international congress<br />

of Greek and Latin epigraphy, Cambridge 1967<br />

(Oxford 1971) 229-234.<br />

20. The Romans used the enticement of citizenship,<br />

at least after the first civil war, as a means of encouraging<br />

better and swifter assimilation of primarily the<br />

urban elites into the Roman political and social system.<br />

With the exception of the imposition of the<br />

name Aurelius at the beginning of the third century<br />

A.D., Roman names acquired through citizenship<br />

grants do not conform to political, social, economic<br />

or religious conventions imposed by the state (see<br />

A.D. Rizakis, in: Roman onomastics, 27 n. 71 with<br />

bibliography). The reasons why citizenship was<br />

granted to all the empire's free subjects remain very<br />

controversial among specialists: for a recent view,<br />

see K. Buraselis, ΘΕΙΑ ΔΩΡΕΑ. Studies on the policy<br />

of the Severans and the Constitutio Antoniniana<br />

ROMAN PELOPONNESE I<br />

(Athens 1989; in Greek with English summary).<br />

21. A better understanding of this phenomenon continues<br />

to be a desideratum for studies on the eastern<br />

Roman provinces: in general, see R. Sailer, in: J.<br />

Bodel (ed.), Epigraphie evidence. Ancient history<br />

from inscriptions (London-New York 2001) 113-<br />

115.<br />

22. Cf. A.D. Rizakis, in: Roman onomastics, 15 n.10<br />

with relevant bibliography.<br />

23. See recently O. Salomies, "Names and identities.<br />

Onomastics and prosopography", in J. Bodel (ed.),<br />

Epigraphie evidence. Ancient history from inscriptions<br />

(London-New York 2001) 73-94 on the relationship<br />

between prosopography and onomastics.<br />

24. Inscriptions very often record the praenomina,<br />

nomina, filiation, tribe and cognomina of persons<br />

known only by their nomen and cognomen in the literary<br />

sources. Some two thirds of the epigraphie<br />

monuments known from the West (170,000-190,000<br />

out of a total of 250, 000) are funerary; cf. R. Sailer<br />

and B. Shaw, "Tombstones and Roman family relations<br />

in the principate: civilians, soldiers and slaves",<br />

JRS 74, 1984, 124-56. In the East, funerary monuments<br />

represent somewhat less than fifty percent:<br />

see M. Guarducci, Epigrafia greca I (Rome 1967) 8-<br />

11. On this subject in general, see G. Pfohl and C.<br />

Pietri, "Grabinschrift I (griechisch)" [Pfohl] and<br />

"Grabinschrift II (lateinisch)" [Pietri], Reallexicon<br />

für Antike und Christentum 12 (Stuttgart 1983) 467-<br />

514,514-590.<br />

25. Studies of this phenomenon have not yielded satisfactory<br />

results, see especially, for the West, S.<br />

Mrozek, "A propos de la répartition chronologique<br />

des inscriptions latines dans le Haut Empire",<br />

Epigraphica 35, 1973, 113-118; id., Epigraphica 50,<br />

1988,61-64; R. MacMullen, "The epigraphie habit in<br />

the Roman empire", AJP 103, 1982, 233-246. On<br />

the same subject, see more recently the study of E.A.<br />

Meyer, "Explaining the epigraphie habit in the<br />

Roman empire. The evidence of epitaphs", JRS 80,<br />

1990, 74-96, esp. 83 with relevant bibliography.<br />

26. J. Bodel, "Epigraphy and the ancient historian",<br />

in: J. Bodel (ed.), Epigraphie evidence. Ancient history<br />

from inscriptions (London-New York 2001) 6-13.<br />

27. The benefits offered by epigraphical material<br />

for all types of research involved with personal<br />

names is clearly presented by O. Salomies, op. cit.,<br />

(η. 28), 79-81 and 84.<br />

28. Cf. A.D. Rizakis, "La constitution des élites<br />

municipales dans les colonies romaines de la

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