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Brown Undergraduate Law Review -- Vol. 2, No. 1 (Fall 2020)

We are proud to present the Brown Undergraduate Law Review's Fall 2020 issue. We hope you will all find our authors' works fascinating and thought-provoking.

We are proud to present the Brown Undergraduate Law Review's Fall 2020 issue. We hope you will all find our authors' works fascinating and thought-provoking.

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The Kosovo War: Wartime Sexual Violence Jurisprudence and State Action Toward Recovery

Right to a Remedy and Reparation for flagrant violations

of international humanitarian and human rights law, which

include five forms of reparation: restitution, compensation,

post-war governmental regimes, and international and

domestic non-governmental organizations. The Rome

Statute of 1998 was monumental in its codification of

rehabilitation, satisfaction, and guarantees of sexual violence and creation of the International Criminal

non-repetition. Only recently has the government begun to

contribute to these reparative measures through the

pension program and the recognition of survivors?status

under law. However, Serbia has yet to accept survivors?

allegations or contribute monetarily to victims of wartime

rape. In fact, Amnesty International writes scathingly that

?Serbia has overwhelmingly failed in its responsibility to

bring Serbian police, paramilitaries and members of the

Yugoslav Army to justice, despite the undeniable body of

evidence for their criminal responsibility.? 52

The Kosovo War thus demonstrates how sexual violence

can be systematically implemented as a weapon of war, as

well as how its damaging ramifications can be felt long

after war ends. It also illustrates how the framing of rape as

a weapon of war can reshape conceptions of women?s

human rights. While wrongs were committed on both sides

during the conflict, Milo?evi??s Serbia is responsible for

the rapes of 20,000 Albanian Kosovars but has yet to

accept responsibility for these crimes. Although Kosovo?s

Court, and gleanings from the Kosovo War were

instrumental in the statute?s creation. However, the

problem of sexual violence as a weapon of war extends far

beyond Kosovo. In the second half of the 20th century

alone, infamous conflicts throughout the Balkans, Rwanda,

the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Colombia, and

elsewhere were also characterized by the pernicious use of

rape. Moreover, despite international human rights

jurisprudence, rape is used as a highly effective weapon of

war and genocide even today. In the ongoing Rohingya

genocide in Myanmar, rape is utilized strategically to

subjugate the Rohingya population and drive it out of the

Rakhine State. 53 Similarly, Muslim Uyghur women have

been specifically targeted in the Chinese government?s

campaign of ethnic cleansing: they are forcibly sterilized,

raped, and separated from their children, all of which

constitute crimes against humanity. 54

As the Kosovo case demonstrates, a state?s process of

recovery from horrific wartime violence is long, arduous,

survivors continue to be plagued by cultural stigma and and uncertain. President Jahjaga?s empathetic,

physical and psychological trauma, President Jahjaga?s compassion-driven efforts toward implementing

administration ushered in a new era of support and

compensation for victims. However, key groups of other

survivors of sexual and other wartime violence have yet to

be validated in their quest to receive support and

reparations.

It is imperative that weaponized rape receives the

multifaceted recognition and handling that the Kosovo

case highlights? from the international legal system,

therapeutic healing infrastructure, distributing reparations,

and pursuing justice for survivors have yielded promising

results, allowing survivors to feel seen and heard.

Shortcomings aside, her administration?s targeted approach

to addressing the ramifications of weaponized sexual

violence should serve as a compassionate and just model to

other nations whose survivors continue to struggle in the

wake of war. Moreover, as Serbia continues to evade

52. Amnesty International, 28.

53. Thalisma Begum, ?Opinion: Rape Is Not a by-Product of War in Myanmar ? It Is a Strategy of It,? The Independent, December 9, 2019,

www.independent.co.uk/voices/war-myanmar-burma-rohingya-muslims-a9239521.html.

54. Elizabeth M. Lynch, ?China?s attacks on Uighur women are crimes against humanity,? The Washington Post, October 21, 2019,

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/10/21/chinas-attacks-uighur-women-are-crimes-against-humanity/.

Brown Undergraduate Law Review

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