Man's World Issue 1

and that thanks to him the war ended. But this popularity has nothing to do with the
imperial institution. Although I do not share the ideas of Takāki Yoshimoto in any way, I
have read his essay Theory of Collective Illusions [Kyōdo gesō ron] with interest and he is
truly right when he claims that the emperor is the god of grains. And that the notion of the
emperor as an individual is a secondary matter; everything must return to the Great
Goddess Amaterasu. The reigning sovereign now will always be the reigning sovereign of
the moment. It does not matter that the son of the former emperor becomes the new
sovereign because, at the time of the daijōe ceremony, everything goes back directly to the
Great Goddess. What Shinzō Koizumi has done has been to destroy the absolute dimension
of the imperial figure. His has been the most colossal mistake in the construction of the
postwar imperial system. I think we are facing the greatest disaster that the Japanese
imperial institution has known. My conception of the imperial system is far from what you
consider an absolutist monarchical system used by different political forces. Koizumi has
shattered my image of the sovereign imperator.
DON’T FALL INTO THE CLAWS OF THE ENEMY
Well, I don’t quite get it right. I have carefully read your essay In Defense of Culture [Bunka bōei ron]. In it you
refer to an emperor who represents the defense of culture. But it happens that when this finally occurs, the
inevitable transformation of the emperor into a political element takes place. Have you not noticed yourself?
Regarding the ideas in the essay I just mentioned, Bunzō Hashikawa criticized you for precisely this; and I can’t
help but agree with him. The same can happen with your Shield Society. You affirm that it is a private
paramilitary association made up of a hundred student volunteers and in which you have invested eight million
yen. You also say that they are a group of exemplary young people from your particular point of view, arguing
that you are outraged by the degeneration of today’s youth. Now, if your intention is to train exemplary young
people in this private militia, will they not end up prepared to exercise true militarism? Will the mere existence
of this squad not be seen as propaganda in favor of compulsory military conscription in Japan? Although none
of these possibilities are within your intentions, surely there will be many people willing to take advantage of the
situation.
I know all of that, Mr. Furubayashi. Give me a little time and you will understand that none
of that is going to happen.
No, no; if I just told you that the problem is not in your intentions. It is, rather, the objective aspect …
There is absolutely no risk of someone using me. Although, well, if it refers to this specific
moment and in some extreme case, yes, there could be someone who took advantage of
the situation. Well, I do grant that there are now individuals who think I am worth using.
However, look a little further, please: you will understand that I am not the kind of person
to be manipulated.
It is not about your individual intention. What worries me is the abuse that the political and ideological
movements around them can do. I admit that I have a strong fear that they may take advantage of both the
Shield Society and their ideas about the imperial institution.
Your concern is very understandable. But I assure you that I will not be easily caught by the
clutches of the enemy. And speaking of enemies, enemies, what are called enemies are the
government, the Liberal Democratic Party and the entire postwar political system. So are
the Socialist and Communist Parties. Yes, because for me this party, the Communist, and
the Liberal Democrat are the same thing. Yes, they are exactly the same: the symbol of
hypocrisy. I will never fall into the clutches of that gang. Wait and see what I do. [Laughs.]
MAN'S WORLD