The Greek Revolution, A Critical Dictionary, Paschalis M. Kitromilides, Constantinos Tsoukalas, March 25, 2021

the greek revolution 22
which had been communicated to Rus sia after 1772, to support the aspiration
of autonomy and of a native prince.
Now, to return to the sequence of events. In January, Vladimirescu seized
the opportunity of the death of the Prince of Wallachia, Alexander Soutsos, to
immediately put his plan into action. Soutzo’s death had also opened up the
disputes around the vacant throne of Wallachia (Pippidi 1980). While a regency
council was settled as a result, Tudor’s army took the form of a great assembly,
quite similar to the demo cratic constitution adopted in Serbia under Karageorge,
and proceeded toward Bucharest like a national pro cession. Among
the demands of the discontented men who continued to flock to Bucharest were
the reduction or suspension of taxes, the abolition of the general system of appointment
on the basis of favoritism or bribes, freedom of commercial activity
and the creation of a tax- exempt military corps; above all these demands was
to be the confirmation of Tudor as “chieftain and ruler.” The whole month of
February passed before Tudor’s arrival in Bucharest. Moreover, in the proclamation,
which announced the arrival on March 16, there was not a word about
Ypsilantis, who was also on his way to Bucharest.
The Etairists assembled in Bessarabia had crossed the border at the river
Pruth on February 22, in full agreement with Michael Soutzo, still the prince
of Moldavia. The proclamations from Jassy which, in the usual revolutionary
style, promised to deliver the Hellenic fatherland (including Serbia and Bulgaria)
were addressed to Greek patriots in Moldavia and Wallachia. They called
upon the ancient Greek heroes, but how could Epaminondas and Thrasyboulos
have any effect on the Romanians? In Jassy, the local population could not fraternize
with the Etairists’ men because it witnessed requisitions, recruitment of
people who were unreliable as soldiers and highly dubious figures in commanding
places; plunder and devastation became the daily rule of occupation
from the end of March until it was succeeded in June by the Turkish troops
(Drăghici 2017, 215–216).
After having spent only a week in Moldavia, Ypsilantis left with two thousand
armed men and, on his way to Bucharest, when learning of the Rus sian
disapproval, he invited “the Dacians” to join the descendants of the ancient Hellenes.
He and Vladimirescu were arriving at about the same time in Wallachia
and prepared their meeting by a mutual explanation of their intentions. Tudor
intended to win to his cause the three estates— clergy, boyars, and what we may
call bourgeoisie (artisans and tradesmen)— but he addressed his call especially to
the common people. On March 20 Tudor declared that he was inspired by an
optimistic faith that he could reconcile antagonisms. He used the term neam
(nation) in order to fasten the ties among those social groups, united by love of
the fatherland as a debt to their ancestors. Turning to the administrators of