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16 — Vanguard, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 21, 2021<br />
Orkar’s coup and agenda, a prophecy?<br />
I<br />
T was a Sunday morning as I came<br />
awake shortly after 6.00 am. As usual,<br />
I switched on my radio. In those days, it<br />
was Radio Nigeria AM and FM channels<br />
you were likely to tune to, or BBC Africa.<br />
I was just less than four months old as a<br />
resident of Lagos, having transferred my<br />
services from Minna, Niger State to The<br />
Sunday Magazine, TSM, published by<br />
Chris Anyanwu and edited by the late Ely<br />
Obasi.<br />
The sound of martial music met my ears.<br />
Radio Nigeria played classical music a<br />
lot. So, when you heard that sort of music<br />
you needed to listen for a little while to be<br />
sure it was classical music, not martial<br />
music, which Nigerian coup plotters<br />
delighted in using to announce the change<br />
of government. It was not long before the<br />
voice of Major Gideon Orkar came on. As<br />
a young reporter, I quickly dressed,<br />
jumped into the next available yellow bus<br />
(molue) and headed for Obalende to cover<br />
the coup live! Obviously, few of the<br />
commuters knew what was going on.<br />
At that time, Lagos was still the capital<br />
of Nigeria. General Ibrahim Babangida’s<br />
Federal Military Government was based<br />
in Dodan Barracks which is next door to<br />
Radio Nigeria and the defunct Federal<br />
Secretariat in Ikoyi. What interests me<br />
most here is the message that the coup<br />
plotters broadcast through Orkar. In<br />
terms of objective, it was mostly gibberish,<br />
obviously hurriedly cobbled. Three<br />
portions of that coup speech are of<br />
historical interest because they are very<br />
vividly playing out today. According to<br />
Orkar: “Another reason for the change is<br />
the need to stop intrigues, domination and<br />
internal colonisation of the Nigerian state<br />
by the so-called chosen few. This, in our<br />
view, has been and is still responsible for<br />
90 per cent of the problems of Nigerians”.<br />
“…In recognition of the negativeness<br />
(sic) of the aforementioned aristocratic<br />
factor, the overall progress of the Nigerian<br />
state, a temporary decision to excise the<br />
following states, namely: Sokoto, Borno,<br />
Katsina, Kano and Bauchi from the<br />
Federal Republic of Nigeria comes into<br />
effect immediately until the following<br />
conditions are met… This clique (what we<br />
now call cabal) has an unabated penchant<br />
for domination and unrivalled fostering<br />
of mediocrity and outright detest (sic) for<br />
accountability…”<br />
For the sake of the “millennials”, Sokoto<br />
State still had Kebbi and Zamfara in it.<br />
Yobe had not been split from Borno State.<br />
Jigawa was still part of Kano State, while<br />
Gombe had not been carved out of Bauchi<br />
State. Instructively, these were 10 of the<br />
12 states that unconstitutionally<br />
embraced full sharia law after Governor<br />
Ahmed Yerima of Zamfara State launched<br />
it in September 1999. This is the core of<br />
the Muslim North, Arewa- the territorial<br />
theatre of the problematic Sokoto<br />
Caliphate.<br />
The coup was not popular because you<br />
cannot just dissolve a country like Nigeria<br />
at that time with a mere radio broadcast.<br />
The students and the masses that Orkar<br />
called to come out in their support did not<br />
respond. Nigerians were complaining<br />
about Northern domination, but they were<br />
not ready to do more than that. Had the<br />
coup plotters succeeded in toppling<br />
Babangida and taking over, the chances<br />
were that internal disagreements alone<br />
(based on the analysis of Orkar’s<br />
indecisive speech) would have undermined<br />
them.<br />
Certainly, the excised states would have<br />
fiercely responded. In fact, the military<br />
governor of the defunct Northern Region,<br />
retired Major General Usman Katsina,<br />
was reported to have stormed a military<br />
facility in Kaduna and comically<br />
demanded the key to an armoured car.<br />
The coup was not popular<br />
because you cannot just<br />
dissolve a country like Nigeria<br />
at that time with a mere radio<br />
broadcast<br />
Whether this happened or not, there would<br />
have been serious bloodshed. It is 30 years<br />
since this speech was broadcast. What has<br />
changed? Was any lesson learned? Haven’t<br />
things not gone from bad to worse? Have<br />
the germs cultivated by those being<br />
accused by Orkar and his comrades not<br />
morphed into the monsters that are now<br />
destroying the “excised” part of the<br />
country from inside? Is Nigeria not on the<br />
brink of collapse, as acknowledged by even<br />
Buhari’s Minister of Defence, Bashir<br />
Magashi?<br />
Orkar hadn’t even seen anything,<br />
because now we are no longer just talking<br />
about Northern domination, we are now<br />
talking about Islamisation and<br />
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Fulanisation of Nigeria. The sad thing is<br />
that a large chunk of the indigenous<br />
people being Islamised and Fulanised are<br />
still not ready to stand up and defend their<br />
lives, property and ancestral patrimonies.<br />
Armed strangers have seized their<br />
farmlands and forests. Rather than join in<br />
the efforts to get rid of these terrorist<br />
vermin, they are forming laughable<br />
security outfits to fight those who are<br />
fighting for them.<br />
As confused as Orkar and his colleagues<br />
appeared, they (for the first time in<br />
Nigeria’s history) dared to draw a map<br />
that vividly existed in the minds of all<br />
informed Nigerians but which most of us<br />
were too cowardly to admit. Nigeria was<br />
divided into the Muslim/Sharia North and<br />
the rest: the “Middle Belt and South”.<br />
That was long before the formation of the<br />
Northern Elders Forum and Arewa<br />
Consultative Forum, both of which<br />
champion the cause of the old Sokoto<br />
Caliphate with pan-Fulani interests at the<br />
core of it.<br />
On the other hand, we now have the<br />
Southern and Middle Belt Leadership<br />
Forum, SMBLF, which now shares<br />
common views about the present and<br />
future of Nigeria, particularly the<br />
“restructuring” agitation. The North and<br />
South have continued to drift apart,<br />
particularly now that some Northern<br />
elements have gone beyond domination<br />
and are now claiming to “own” Nigeria<br />
as Kano State governor, Abdullahi<br />
Ganduje recently told Igbo and Yoruba<br />
people.<br />
Northerners are claiming ownership of<br />
the resources belonging to the South,<br />
including their ancestral lands. When your<br />
land and resources now belong to<br />
imperialists masquerading as your fellow<br />
countrymen, it simply means you are now<br />
also their property – slaves!<br />
How much more insults are we willing<br />
to swallow? Aisha Buhari once asked:<br />
“Where are the men?” Good question!<br />
Censorship and freedom of speech: The Nigerian labour conundrum<br />
By CLARIUS UGWUOHA<br />
IT was the late Ugandan<br />
despot, Idi Amin, who was<br />
credited with the immortal but<br />
infamous dictum: “You have<br />
freedom of speech. But freedom<br />
thereafter, that I cannot<br />
guarantee.” This appears to be<br />
the guiding principle in Nigeria<br />
and most other African<br />
countries. The history of the<br />
Nigeria Labour Congress,<br />
NLC, as a trade union with<br />
capability to sway labour laws<br />
in the country and advance the<br />
interest of workers, has been<br />
heavily vitiated by graft,<br />
intimidation and compromise.<br />
The current Nigeria Labour<br />
leader, Mr. Ayuba Philibus<br />
Waba, is certainly in a dilemma<br />
due to the peculiar operating<br />
terrain. The contemporary<br />
Nigerian reality is worse than<br />
military dictatorship and the<br />
autocratic reflex is evident in<br />
every tier of government-citizen<br />
engagement.<br />
There are no pretensions<br />
about the repression of workers.<br />
Labour laws, if any in Nigeria,<br />
are obeyed in negation.<br />
Pensioners cannot access their<br />
wages and the national<br />
minimum wage – a paltry<br />
US$74 - cannot be<br />
implemented in many states of<br />
the federation because they are<br />
not the priority. Therefore,<br />
Nigerian workers continue in<br />
sub simian subsistence, spiking<br />
crime and insecurity in the<br />
country.<br />
In the hey days of military<br />
dictatorship in Nigeria,<br />
organised labour was a strong<br />
democratisation voice. But nonviolent<br />
protests and strikes to<br />
stand down military rule, were<br />
met with escalating repression.<br />
There was crackdown on<br />
unionists and leaders. Many<br />
were dismissed from duty posts,<br />
leaders like Mr. Frank Ovie<br />
Kokori and Milton Dabibi of the<br />
oil workers union were jailed.<br />
Union offices were sealed off by<br />
troops and subjugation<br />
continued unabated despite<br />
Irrespective of<br />
anyone’s views or<br />
political leaning, it is<br />
indecorous to lay off<br />
workers without<br />
commensurate terminal<br />
benefits and in complete<br />
negation of enabling<br />
labour laws<br />
international outcry and<br />
sanctions.<br />
Trade unionism cut her teeth<br />
as a militant body to be reckoned<br />
with under the foremost<br />
Nigerian labour leader, Pa.<br />
Michael Aikhamen Omnibus<br />
Imoudu. Before then, trade<br />
unions were more like social<br />
organisations and not industrial<br />
movements. It was during the<br />
colonial era. Pa. Imoudu had<br />
become the President of the<br />
Nigerian Railway Workers<br />
Union in 1939, the same year<br />
that the trade union was<br />
registered under the enabling<br />
Colonial Ordinance giving<br />
them legal authority to seek<br />
communal bargaining with their<br />
employers. The fixation of the<br />
radicalised union was<br />
enhanced<br />
wages,<br />
decasualisation and better<br />
working conditions. Most of<br />
these were met, but crackdown<br />
on union leaders was the order,<br />
culminating in the dismissal<br />
from service of Pa Imoudu in<br />
January 1943 by the Railway<br />
authorities.<br />
Pa Imoudu later headed the<br />
Trade Union Congress of<br />
Nigeria, which was the<br />
forerunner of the present<br />
Nigeria Labour Congress. It<br />
was a vibrant and radicalised<br />
body that sought workers'<br />
welfare as well as good<br />
governance in the larger<br />
society. Union leaders have<br />
constantly faced attempt by<br />
various despots at muffling<br />
their voices. From Pa Imoudu<br />
to Wahab Goodluck, from<br />
Hassan Sunmonu to Ali<br />
Ciroma; from Pascal Yeleri<br />
Bafyau to Adams Aliyu<br />
Oshiomhole,<br />
from<br />
Abdulwaheed Omar to Ayuba<br />
Philibus Waba. All of them faced<br />
the heat from autocracy. Some<br />
were fairly successful in their<br />
stewardship, while others were<br />
accused of graft and<br />
compromise.<br />
Today, with the semblance of<br />
democracy in place, union<br />
leaders have largely shunned<br />
the anti-democratic tenets of<br />
governments, concentrating<br />
only on workers welfare, which<br />
is also not too effective as many<br />
anti-labour practices are firmly<br />
in place under the very nose of<br />
the unionists. Recently, in<br />
Kaduna State of the federation,<br />
local government employees<br />
above 50 years of age – a nonretirement<br />
age- were extraconstitutionally<br />
sacked in one<br />
fell swoop. The template also<br />
pegged the number of staff in<br />
each local government council<br />
of the state at 50. There was no<br />
recourse to any extant labour<br />
laws in the state before this illadvised<br />
muscle flexing. This<br />
prototype has been replicated<br />
in various states of Nigeria,<br />
citing government fiscal<br />
exigencies, employment<br />
irregularities, paucity of fund for<br />
salaries and whatever else.<br />
Under cover of COVID-19<br />
issues, about 850 contract<br />
workers were laid off in the<br />
nation's refineries. This act,<br />
perpetrated by the Group<br />
Managing Director of the<br />
Nigerian National Petroleum<br />
Corporation, was allegedly<br />
without consultations with the<br />
National Union of Petroleum<br />
and Natural Gas workers,<br />
NUPENG, and there were no<br />
terminal benefits for the victims.<br />
In another development,<br />
Chevron Oil company, a<br />
multinational in Nigeria, was<br />
said to have sacked about 175<br />
workers without even the<br />
dignity of termination letters,<br />
via WhatsApp chat platform.<br />
The Waba-led NLC strongly<br />
condemned this anti-labour and<br />
condescending treatment.<br />
Recently, in Imo State of<br />
Nigeria, workers of Imo State<br />
Oil Producing Areas<br />
Development Commission,<br />
ISOPADEC, received severe<br />
salary cuts and about 126 of<br />
them were laid off, allegedly<br />
without disengagement<br />
benefits. It is not clear if any<br />
union was consulted before this<br />
exercise, but knowledgeable<br />
sources fingered employment<br />
anomalies as reason for the<br />
sack.<br />
Irrespective of anyone’s views<br />
or political leaning, it is<br />
indecorous to lay off workers<br />
without commensurate terminal<br />
benefits and in complete<br />
negation of enabling labour<br />
laws. The subliminal reasons<br />
behind the current trend of<br />
repression of workers is deeply<br />
political. Workers of the state or<br />
federal service engaged during<br />
a given political dispensation<br />
risk arbitrary disengagement<br />
when a new faction takes over<br />
political centre stage.<br />
The solution to the myriads of<br />
problems faced by Nigerian<br />
workers is not only functional<br />
unions insulated from politics,<br />
unions prepared to go the<br />
whole hog but also a responsible<br />
government ready to obey the<br />
enabling labour laws and allow<br />
freedom of expression within all<br />
humanitarian context.<br />
•Ugwuoha, a labour activist/<br />
analyst, wrote from Abuja.<br />
C<br />
M<br />
Y<br />
K