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Will they still be dancing? (1982)

Etnographic study of Romanians from East Serbia in Sweden in 1980s

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the most conspicuous features of this loose integration is that Wallachians have<br />

not taken part in the pervasive processes of urbanization in Serbia and<br />

Yugoslavia after the Second World War and have until recently resisted the<br />

school education of their children. Due to this the Wallachians of Serbia are<br />

today the definitely most "rural" and one ofthe most "traditional" population<br />

groups in Yugoslavia.<br />

The appearance ofmagical and mystical aspects is an important element of<br />

present day Wallachian cultural tradition. Here elements of the mythology of<br />

early Balkan tri<strong>be</strong>s are blended with elements brought by later Slav and<br />

Romanian settlers. These cultural "sediments" express themselves as a unique<br />

"religious-magical complex" among the Wallachians of northeastern Serbia<br />

(Marjanovic 1981, Zecevic 1974).<br />

The early Balkan historical roots <strong>still</strong> occupy a prominent role and can <strong>be</strong><br />

seen in ancestor cults and the <strong>be</strong>lief in vampires as well as in fertility rites<br />

honouring the first fruits of spring. These are not just ritual relics. They have<br />

important functions in the cultural and social life of the rural communities.<br />

The persistence of pre-Christian forms of "superstition" among the<br />

Wallachians of northeastern Serbia can <strong>be</strong> regarded as connected to the<br />

historical experience of constant political unrest coupled with an ever present<br />

threat of collapse of a feeble social organisation. In border areas, often<br />

devastated by war, villages, kin groups, and even families were scattered and<br />

torn apart by constant migrations. The smallest unit, the family, <strong>be</strong>came the<br />

most important bastion of social solidarity. Its importance was constantly<br />

emphasized in rebuilt villages and settlements. Village communities built their<br />

common identity on smaller cores of individual families and not around larger<br />

corporate unilineal kin-groups as was common among the Serbs. Ceremonies,<br />

<strong>be</strong>liefs and ritual practices reinforced the cohesion ofthe individual family and<br />

its relationships to neighbours and bilateral kin, while the patrilineage as a<br />

corporate group was a dominant focus for social mythology and ritual practice<br />

among the Serbs.<br />

The Village and the Family<br />

The fundamental social units of the traditional village community of the<br />

Krajina-Wallachians are loosely connected nuclei of three- to four-generational<br />

families. In today's Krajina we find no married collaterals in these<br />

extended families. The cohabitation of collaterals is characteristic for the type<br />

of South Slav extended family, known as the "zadruga", remnants ofwhich are<br />

<strong>still</strong> to <strong>be</strong> found today in most parts of Serbia. The zadruga and its principle of<br />

solidarity and cohabitation of (male) collaterals is tied to a strong partriarchal<br />

tradition of kinship and marriage, and the zadruga can <strong>be</strong> seen as forming the<br />

minimal segment of a ramified patrilineal kinship system (based on the oppositon<br />

of lineages, clans etc.). In Figure 1 we have drawn a sketch of the<br />

zadruga family model and the present day Wallachian family model.<br />

41

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