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OUTLOOK<br />

6 Walworth County Sunday Sunday, December 16, 2007 Place Your Ad Today!!<br />

THE WAY WE SEE IT<br />

Discouraging<br />

YOUR VIEWS<br />

heroism<br />

A<br />

mid the endless dissection of a madman’s<br />

rampage in an Omaha, Neb.,<br />

shopping mall, one fact is largely<br />

ignored by the media and those who insist that<br />

restricting access to firearms will somehow prevent<br />

such acts of mass murder: Despite a law<br />

that allows Nebraska residents to carry concealed<br />

weapons, the mall naively declared itself a<br />

“gun-free zone.”<br />

Robert Hawkins, a<br />

troubled 20-year-old<br />

who indulged his misery<br />

to homicidal effect,<br />

entered the shopping<br />

center Dec. 5 intent on<br />

“going out in style,” as<br />

he wrote in a suicide<br />

note. With no one<br />

Our view<br />

■ Gun-free zones<br />

make it easier for<br />

madmen to pull<br />

the trigger.<br />

armed and able to stop him, he gunned down<br />

eight innocents before finally killing himself.<br />

While attempting to comprehend the tortured<br />

logic of prohibiting concealed weapons in vulnerable<br />

public places, we’re reminded of an essay<br />

penned by Republican presidential candidate<br />

Fred Thompson shortly after the Virginia Tech<br />

University massacre in April. Thompson correctly<br />

excoriated the university for happily advertising<br />

itself — much like the mall — as a “gun-free<br />

zone.”<br />

“Whenever I’ve seen one of those ‘Gun-free<br />

Zone’ signs, especially outside of a school filled<br />

with our youngest and most vulnerable citizens,<br />

I’ve always wondered exactly who these signs are<br />

directed at,” Thompson wrote. “Obviously, they<br />

don’t mean much to the sort of man who murdered<br />

32 people just a few days ago.”<br />

Indeed, one wonders how many lives might<br />

have been saved in Omaha had just one person<br />

been armed and in position to stop Hawkins.<br />

Addressing that issue, Thompson’s essay sadly<br />

rings true again today: “When people capable of<br />

performing acts of heroism are discouraged or<br />

denied the opportunity,” he wrote, “our society is<br />

all the poorer.”<br />

Editor’s note: This letter is in response to the Dec. 9 editorial “Childless<br />

but one with the Earth,” which criticized female environmentalists who<br />

regard abortion and sterilization as a useful way to limit human pollution.<br />

‘Defaming those who try’<br />

To the editor:<br />

On occasion, I catch a glimpse of The Way We See<br />

It section of your publication and when I read it, I<br />

am absolutely disgusted. It is typically the most uninsightful,<br />

shallow piece of bigotry I’ve ever read —<br />

on every occasion.<br />

This person, who is obviously too embarrassed to<br />

sign his name to his words, defames leftists, environmentalists<br />

and other insightful, forward-thinking<br />

mind-sets. The people he attempts to shred are at<br />

least making an effort and are thinking ahead,<br />

instead of thinking only of themselves and their<br />

pocketbooks. These people the writer tries to humiliate<br />

have defeated laziness and risked combating the<br />

system for the sake of humanity. These people put<br />

their own needs aside and look to the future —<br />

something we all should be doing. After all, every<br />

one of us must have one goal in mind: survival of<br />

humanity.<br />

This person should show his face and sign his<br />

name if he is proud of the garbage that spews from<br />

his pen. Then maybe he should get off his self-righteous<br />

high horse and do some forward-thinking, like<br />

apologize for the blinders he has been wearing, and<br />

contribute to humanity’s survival, instead of defaming<br />

those who try.<br />

Sonja Schlesner<br />

Lake Geneva<br />

Paul won’t win presidency, but ...<br />

Let us concede at the start that Ron<br />

Paul is not like likely to be elected president.<br />

He neither looks nor sounds particularly<br />

presidential. He has a tendency<br />

to wander from his central message<br />

to discuss esoterica such a the gold<br />

standard. He lacks a professional campaign<br />

organization. He is an anti-war<br />

candidate in a pro-war party. And his<br />

campaign has attracted more than its<br />

share of conspiracy theorists and other<br />

fringe elements.<br />

Yet it is undeniable that Paul has<br />

struck a chord with a large segment of<br />

disaffected Republicans.<br />

His fundraising over the last few<br />

weeks has been phenomenal. Paul<br />

announced Dec. 2 that he expects to<br />

raise more than $12 million this quarter,<br />

and possibly as much as $15 million.<br />

Little more than an asterisk in polls<br />

just a couple of months ago, Paul is now<br />

running a respectable fourth in New<br />

Hampshire and closing in on double<br />

digits in other key states. As he spends<br />

some of the millions he has recently<br />

raised, that can only be expected to rise.<br />

Some of Paul’s appeal undoubtedly<br />

stems from his opposition to the war in<br />

Iraq. Polls show that as many as a third<br />

of Republicans oppose the war, and<br />

many others are deeply troubled by the<br />

seemingly endless conflict. With all the<br />

other Republicans trying to outdo one<br />

another at being the most belligerenttoward<br />

Iraq, Iran, Pakistan and the<br />

world in general, the Texas congressman<br />

stands out. If you want to register<br />

opposition to the Bush foreign policy,<br />

but aren’t willing to support the<br />

Democrats’ tax-and-spend government,<br />

Ron Paul is the perfect vehicle.<br />

But there is something more important<br />

at play here.<br />

Under the Bush administration, the<br />

Republican Party has increasingly drifted<br />

from its limited-government roots.<br />

Instead, it has come to be dominated by<br />

a new breed of “big-government conservatives”<br />

who believe in using an activist<br />

government to achieve conservative<br />

ends — even if it means increasing the<br />

size, cost and power of government, and<br />

limiting personal freedom in the<br />

process.<br />

The difference in the two camps is as<br />

clear as the difference between Ronald<br />

Reagan’s saying, “Government is not<br />

the solution to our problem; government<br />

is the problem,” and George W. Bush’s<br />

saying, “We have a responsibility that<br />

when somebody hurts, government has<br />

got to move.”<br />

Bush’s brand of big-government conservatism<br />

brought us No Child Left<br />

Behind, the Medicare prescription-drug<br />

benefit, and a 23 percent increase in<br />

domestic discretionary spending. It may<br />

well have cost Republicans control of<br />

Congress. After all, on election night<br />

2006, 55 percent of voters said that they<br />

thought the Republican Party was the<br />

party of big government.<br />

Most of the current Republican candidates<br />

fall squarely into the big-government<br />

camp. Former Massachusetts Gov.<br />

Mitt Romney imposed a Hillary<br />

Clinton-style health plan in his state<br />

and not only supports No Child Left<br />

Behind but calls for the federal government<br />

to buy a laptop computer for every<br />

child born in America. He thinks we<br />

should increase farm price supports.<br />

John McCain has an admirable<br />

record as a fiscal conservative, but he<br />

shows a disturbing predilection for<br />

making a federal issue of every personal<br />

pet peeve from steroids in baseball to<br />

airplane service quality. He embraces<br />

heavily regulatory environmental policies<br />

that hurt businesses and cost jobs,<br />

such as expanding the Clean Water and<br />

Clean Air acts and implementing the<br />

Kyoto Protocols, and compulsory national<br />

service. More important, he also is<br />

the principal author of a campaign<br />

finance bill that severely restricts political<br />

speech.<br />

Rudy Giuliani's record on civil liberties<br />

suggests he views the Constitution<br />

as an afterthought.<br />

Fred Thompson talks a good game,<br />

but his record suggests he is closer to<br />

McCain-lite.<br />

Mike Huckabee may be an even bigger<br />

spender than President Bush, and<br />

he never met a tax increase he didn’t<br />

like.<br />

Thus, when Ron Paul talks about<br />

returning to limited constitutional government,<br />

a great many Republican primary<br />

voters sit up and take notice. For<br />

voters hungering for a return to the<br />

party of Barry Goldwater and Ronald<br />

Reagan rather than the party of George<br />

W. Bush, Paul’s rhetoric is a breath of<br />

fresh air.<br />

No, Paul is not likely to be our next<br />

president. But he is delivering a message<br />

that the other candidates would do<br />

well to heed. Is anyone listening?<br />

How free press can protect us<br />

Two recent news items — an obituary<br />

about a U.S. Air Force officer and a<br />

newspaper column about a jailed<br />

Associated Press photographer — have<br />

a First Amendment connection that<br />

reaches across more than 50 years of<br />

U.S. history.<br />

Milo Radulovich, an Air Force<br />

reservist caught up in the 1950s<br />

McCarthy era, died Nov. 19. Secret<br />

charges in 1953 against Radulovich<br />

were brought to light by famed CBS<br />

newsman Edward R. Morrow and specious<br />

“evidence” of disloyalty evaporated<br />

when exposed to public scrutiny.<br />

Just a week after Radulovich died,<br />

Associated Press president and chief<br />

executive Tom Curley wrote an op-ed<br />

piece in The Washington Post about AP<br />

photographer Bilal Hussein. Hussein,<br />

part of a Pulitzer Prize-winning AP<br />

photo team in Iraq, has been jailed<br />

there since April 2006. Curley said the<br />

U.S. government is now claiming<br />

Hussein was a terrorist who infiltrated<br />

AP’s staff. But Curley maintains that in<br />

reality, “Bilal’s crime was taking photographs<br />

the U.S. government does not<br />

want its citizens to see.”<br />

What ties the two cases across time<br />

from a First Amendment standpoint is<br />

— irrespective of eventual guilt or innocence<br />

— the role of a free press as a<br />

watchdog on government.<br />

Public awareness of that role is too<br />

often lost in hyperventilated debates<br />

over whether the press is too liberal or<br />

conservative, too consolidated, too<br />

weak, or too focused on trivial celebrity<br />

highjinks. None of those issues is without<br />

merit. But the babble and boil<br />

obscures appreciation of the role of our<br />

free press to examine, expound on and<br />

occasionally expose what our govern-<br />

MICHAEL ICHAEL TANNER ANNER<br />

CATO INSTITUTE<br />

GENE ENE POLICINSKI OLICINSKI<br />

FIRST AMENDMENT<br />

ment is doing.<br />

In Radulovich’s instance, his military<br />

rank was threatened because of the<br />

activities of his father, a Serbian immigrant,<br />

and his sister. As it happened,<br />

his father’s suspicious action was reading<br />

a Serbian-language newspaper. His<br />

sister was a social activist, but it was<br />

her participation in a public protest<br />

over a Detroit hotel that refused to<br />

admit African-American singer-actor<br />

and activist Paul Robeson that authorities<br />

cited. Hardly the stuff of treason.<br />

Still, two Air Force officers showed up<br />

in August 1953 at Radulovich’s<br />

Michigan home and told him he was to<br />

forfeit his rank, pay and benefits and to<br />

appear at a hearing as a danger to<br />

national security.<br />

Murrow featured the Radulovich case<br />

in an Oct. 23 broadcast of the groundbreaking<br />

TV program “See It Now.” A<br />

month later, the reservist was exonerated.<br />

In 1998, the State Bar of Michigan<br />

honored the telecast, saying, “It is generally<br />

believed that the program was<br />

the beginning of the end for the<br />

McCarthy era.”<br />

Curley’s column about Hussein has<br />

echoes of the earlier case. He wrote that<br />

“every claim we’ve checked out has<br />

proved to be false, overblown or microscopic<br />

in significance.” A column or television<br />

program is neither evidence nor<br />

proof, but Curley publicly raises issues<br />

of fairness, fair trial and secret prosecu-<br />

tion. While the Bill of Rights is supposed<br />

to prevent such procedures from<br />

being employed by the U.S. government,<br />

it is the First Amendment’s provision<br />

for a news media outside the control<br />

of government officials that is the<br />

ultimate protection against Star<br />

Chamber tactics.<br />

At least one news report about<br />

Radulovich’s death quoted his attorney<br />

in 1953 as saying his “only chance” was<br />

to “get public opinion on his side.” The<br />

Detroit News did a series of stories that<br />

led to Murrow’s program, which<br />

brought more than 12,000 letters to<br />

CBS — most from people outraged<br />

about the Air Force proceedings.<br />

Whether or not Curley and others<br />

will raise the same public hue and cry<br />

about the Hussein case remains to be<br />

seen. Public opinion in wartime, we<br />

have seen repeatedly in our history,<br />

tends to favor the government and support<br />

its actions.<br />

But we already know, whether it’s the<br />

20th or 21st century, that the American<br />

public is best served when the government<br />

is held to account in public, rather<br />

than being able to operate, and perhaps<br />

convict, behind closed doors.<br />

The First Amendment protection for<br />

a free press also preserves an independent<br />

voice in favor of a fair system fairly<br />

applied, with the public presence to<br />

hold government accountable for its<br />

actions. And that voice is, on occasion,<br />

all that stands between us and a government<br />

juggernaut that can take away<br />

our liberty, career or reputation.<br />

■ Walworth County Sunday welcomes issue-oriented letters and guest column submissions for publication on the Outlook page. Guidelines: Letters no longer than 250 words; all letters are subject to editing for spelling, grammar, length; no personal<br />

attacks or letters related to personal disputes; daytime phone number needed for verification; limit of one per month. Guest columns should be approximately 550 to 650 words; not all guest columns will be published; limit of one per month. Send to:<br />

Managing Editor, P.O. Box 367, Delavan, WI, 53115. E-mail to bheisel@communityshoppers.com<br />

CENTER<br />

Michael Tanner is director of health and<br />

welfare studies at the Cato Institute in<br />

Washington, D.C.<br />

Gene Policinski is vice president and<br />

executive director of the First<br />

Amendment Center in Washington, D.C.

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