66. Menezes Bastos, Rafael José de. Les Batutas - CFH - UFSC

66
Les Batutas in Paris, 1922: An Anthr opology of (In) discreet Brightness
Rafael José de Menezes Bastos
2004

Antropologia em Primeir a Mão é uma revista seriada editada pelo Programa de Pós­Graduação
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Rafael José de Menezes Bastos
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Les Batutas in Paris, 1922: An Anthropology of (In) discreet Brightness ∗
Introduction
Rafael José de Menezes Bastos ∗∗
In 1922, the "Carioca" ("from Rio de Janeiro") ensemble Os Oito Batutas (Eight Masters)
­ reduced to seven musicians ­, under the direction of Pixinguinha and including Donga
and other important members of Rio de Janeiro's popular music circle of the time, spent
six months in Paris, from February to August 1 . There the group ­ known as Les Batutas ­
∗ Thanks to a post­doctoral fellowship granted by CAPES/Brazilian Ministry of Education (BEX 0662/02­
0), the study of French sources basic to this text was possible, during September­December, 2002, in Paris,
at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France's branches François Mitterrand/Tolbiac Rez­de­Jardin and
Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. In Paris, I was a host of the Laboratoire d'Etnomusicologie (UMR 8574­CNRS)
– of the Department of Ethnomusicology of Musée de l' Homme ­ and of the Center d'Études Nord­
Américaines (FRE 2381­CNRS), of the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales. Thanks to Bernard
Lortat­Jacob and Jean­Michel Beaudet, of the first, and to Sara Le Menestrel, of the Center. Thanks also to
Anne Decoret for her assistance regarding the secrets of l'Arsenal library, to Kali Argyriadis for
information concerning popular music in Paris during the 1920s, to Rosalía Martinez for inviting me to
present a lecture at Saint Dennis University, to Mr. Didier Chantillon for sharing with me his knowledge
about the history of Parisian night, and to Miriam Grossi and Carmen Rial for helping me to get started in
Paris. Thanks yet to Anthony Seeger for his invitation to visit the Department of Ethnomusicology at the
University of California in Los Angeles during January­March, 2003, when I begun to ruminate the
research done in Paris. Thanks to my colleagues of the Department of Anthropology at the Federal
University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), particularly to Alberto Groisman, Theophilus Rifiotis, Jean Langdon,
Márnio Teixeira Pinto, Carmen Rial and Miriam Grossi. Samuel Araújo, of the Federal University of Rio
de Janeiro, and Carlos Sandroni, of the Federal University of Pernambuco, were also contributive to this
work. Thanks to my collaborators and students at UFSC's research group, "Art, Culture and Society in
Latin America and the Caribbean" (MUSA). My daughter Maiza de Lavenère Bastos has been a constant
advisor in my writing in English. As always it must be said, I am the only guilty for this text.
∗∗ Associate Professor at the Department of Anthropology at UFSC, Florianópolis, Santa Catarina. Senior
Researcher of the National Council for Technologic and Scientific Development (CNPq). E­mail address:
rafael@cfh.ufsc.br.
1 Pixinguinha is the nickname of composer, arranger, conductor, flutist and – after Paris ­ saxophonist
Alfredo da Rocha Viana Filho (Rio de Janeiro, 1897­1973); Donga of the songwriter, guitarist and – after
Paris ­ banjo player Ernesto dos Santos (Rio, 1890­1974). The latter is the author of the music of the often
referred as the first recorded samba, Pelo Telefone (On the Phone), of 1917. The other members of the
group during the travel were: China (songwriter, guitarist and pianist Otávio Liplecpow da Rocha Viana,
Pixinguinha's elder brother; Rio, 1888­1927), Nelson dos Santos Alves ("cavaquinho" [an ukulele­like 4
strings guitar], mandolin and percussion ["reco­reco", a notched bamboo scrapper]; Rio, 1895­1960), José
Alves Lima (banjo, mandolin and percussion ["ganzá", a kind of rattle]), Feniano (Sizenando Santos,
percussionist ["pandeiro", a kind of tambourine]) and José Monteiro (singer, guitarist and percussionist
["reco­reco"]). Perhaps this Monteiro was the same as the author (also known as Zé Boiadêro) of the
Brazilian tango O Boi no Telhado (The Ox on the Roof), released in Rio during the carnival of 1918, the
song that gave name to Darius Milhaud's Le Boeuf sur le Toit (see Daniella Thompson's site at
http://daniv.blogpot.com/archives/2002_09_01_daniv_archive.html. The attached photo of the Les Batutas,
4

played in the nightclub Chez Shéhérazade, among other places 2 . The present paper
intends to contribute to the comprehension of this trip, a poorly known episode in the
history of Brazilian popular music although usually taken by Brazilian sources – typically
those from the 1970s on 3 ­ as extremely consequential for Pixinguinha's career and
Brazilian popular music in general, particularly as it would evidence how American
influences in it, processed in France, would be much older than habitually recognized.
Note that it is often emphasized by the cited sources that during their stay in Paris Les
Batutas maintained consequential relationships with American colleagues who were also
performing in the city ­ just only American, in a city with musicians from many parts of
the world. Similarly, the sources frequently put that since the travel the group
incorporated saxophones, clarinets and trumpets, included fox­trots and other genres of
American music in its repertoire and passed to use the jazz­band style of arranging
(Marcondes, ed. 1998: 583­584, 634). The excursion is simultaneously constructed as an
epic journey by the referred sources. Consistently with this, the travelers build themselves
and are built as heroes and the sources authors – including Pixinguinha and Donga in the
referred narratives ­ erect themselves as epic storytellers (see especially Cabral 1978: 41­
46 and Silva and Oliveira Filho 1979: 43­78). During its time, the trip provoked in Brazil,
typically in newspapers, a warm debate about the legitimacy of Les Batutas – the
majority of them being Black, their music being identified as national Brazilian ­
represent the country in Paris. Paris for the Brazilians involved in the debate was not
simply any city but the cultural capital of the world, since the 19th century being a
referential place for Brazilian culture, particularly of the elites (Ortiz 1991: 8, Rial and
Grossi: 2). Although the voyage was not a state official mission, the debate tended to see
including the dancer Duque and published in Cabral (1978), was originally released in the Carioca
newspaper A Noite, dating August 14, 1922, the day the ensemble arrived in Brazil back from Paris. See
Cabral (1978: 41­46) and Silva and Oliveira Filho (1979: 43­78) about the ensemble's visit to France.
2 Chez Shéhérazade's address was 16 Faubourg Montmartre, at the 9th district ("arrondissement"). Founded
in 1927, there existed another nightclub with the same name in Paris, at 3 Rue de Liège, between the 8 th and
9 th arrondissements (Chantillon, 2002). Decoret (1998: 179) cites the first as Le Palais de la Danse,
reorganized in 1920; and the second (: 187), saying that from 1930 on it was one of the most famous
Russian cabarets in Paris. Les Batutas played also in parties and other nightclubs, as at Chez Duque (17
Rue Caumartin, also at the 9 th district). For the history of nightclubs in Paris, see Richard (1991), Chevalier
(1982), Sallée et Chauveau (1985) and Miomandre (1932).
3 See Cabral (1978) and Silva and Oliveira Filho (1979), and the narratives about the trip by Pixinguinha
and Donga included in Fernandes, org (1970). These sources are the base of the subsequent, among them
Braga (1997), Alencar (1979), Marcondes, ed. (1998: 583­584, 633­635) and an infinitude of internet sites.
5

it as it were – a governmental action of cultural diplomacy. The arguments used by the
contra faction of the debate were eminently racist and Eurocentric – disqualifying the
group's national Brazilian music as parochial and of low­extraction­, the cited sources on
the other hand describing its presentations in Paris as extremely successful, its contacts
with American colleagues – remember that just only Americans, in a world city crowded
by musicians from many parts of the planet – as profoundly consequential and its
homecoming as triumphant, expressly to take part in the festivities of the first Brazilian
independence centenary in Rio de Janeiro.
Pixinguinha is one of the more consecrated names of Brazilian popular music, the king of
the illustrious choro­type instrumental music and one of the more important popular
musicians in the process of Carioca samba building as the Brazilian emblematic popular
music genre, what begun to happen from 1926 on (Vianna 1995) 4 . His unique place in
Brazilian popular music results from many factors, since his pivotal position in the
universe of samba until his inventiveness as a composer and arranger and virtuosity as a
flutist, growingly built by himself and recognized by his colleagues, the audience and by
Brazilian popular music studies authors throughout the many phases of his long musical
life. Although Pixinguinha was not properly a sambista ("a samba musician") but rather a
chorão ("a choro musician"), he had a deep access to samba, specifically in terms of its
oldest variety (of Pelo Telephone kind). Additionally, he was Carioca but had a profound
loyalty respectively to Bahia, being ­ as Donga and João da Baiana (singer, songwriter
and percussionist João Machado Guedes [Rio, 1887 – 1974]) ­ a son of a Carioca father
and a Bahian ("from Bahia") mother (Baiana 1970: 60) 5 . This pivotal position gave him a
privileged rank inside the samba field, that since the late 1920s was dominated by
disputes involving its two varieties, the oldest of them identified as Bahian, the newest as
4 About Pixinguinha, see Fernandes, org (1970), Cabral (1978), Alencar (1979), Silva and Oliveira Filho
(1979), Braga (1997), Marcondes, ed. (1998: 583­584, 633­635). On choro, see Rangel (1962) and Cazes
(1998). Originally, the choro ensemble was formed by transverse flute, acoustic guitar and cavaquinho.
5 Pixinguinha's, Donga's and João da Baiana's mothers were Bahians and treated themselves as godsisters
(Baiana 1970: 60). This form of address points to the system of social relationships involving the members
of the samba circle of the time, where kinship was a crucial idiom. See Moura (1983) for the antecedents in
the 19 th century of this kind of sociability in the so called Pequena África (Little Africa) in Rio – inhabited
by large amounts of Bahians ­, Carioca samba birthplace according to the most authoritative narratives.
6

Carioca (Sandroni 2001) 6 . Finally, Pixinguinha had access to Western art music ­ and
musicians, such as Villa­Lobos ­, what strongly contributed to the design of his aura.
The central argument of this text is that the construction of Pixinguinha as that
consecrated name of Brazilian popular music – its membership's primus inter pares 7 –
had the journey under study as a definitive step. The voyage – with the debate it
provoked ­ was the culmination point of a movement that begun with Les Batutas
foundation, in 1919. Through this movement Pixinguinha was confirmed as a great
musician ­ virtuoso flutist, original arranger and respected band leader ­ and had Les
Batutas' music, profoundly linked to his leadership, recognized immediately as valid and
soon after as the bulk of the par excellence paradigm of Brazilian popular music ­ samba.
Finally, he had begun to produce the compatibilization of this music with jazz, already in
process of being established as the new international popular music language.
Pixinguinha's musical life inscribes many phases, beginning with his prodigious
virtuosity as a flutist precociously evidenced since he was 14 years old (Cabral 1978: 21­
26) 8 . In 1919 – that is, three years before their voyage to France ­, Les Batutas debuted,
what marked the opening of the second phase of his musical life. Then, Rio had an each
time stronger presence of American popular music, identified as moderna ("modern") and
having the jazz­band kind of formation at its base (Tinhorão 1990: 195­203). That kind of
musicality maintained a tense relationship with Les Batutas', the latter being appropriated
by the intelligentsia as nacional brasileira ("national Brazilian"), popular – as opposed
respectively to estrangeira ("foreign") and aristocrática ("aristocratic"), the last label
being used to point to Western art music, including opera ­, sertaneja ("from the
backlands") and even indígena ("Indigenous") [Cabral 1978: 31] 9 .
6 The first variety of samba is sometimes labeled samba amaxixado ("samba similar to maxixe"), pertaining
to the tresillo (two dotted quarter notes followed by a quarter note) family of Latin American genres.
Conventionally, it dates from 1917, with Pelo Telefone. The second was born by 1930, inaugurating what
Sandroni calls the Estácio paradigm. Their distinctions are essentially rhythmic (Sandroni 2001: 19­37).
7 About Pixinguinha's uniqueness, Vasconcelos (1964, volume I: 84) wrote: "If you have 15 volumes to
speak about everything of Brazilian popular music, be aware that this is little. But if you have the space for
only a word, not all is lost; write soon: 'Pixinguinha'" (my translation).
8 See Menezes Bastos (in press) for a study of the referred phases and process.
9 The label indígena ("Indigenous") to indicate the music identified by the intelligentsia as properly
Brazilian as opposed to all forms of foreign music had been used since the beginning of the 20 th century, as
7

The Os Oito Batutas was formed to play in the waiting hall of the elegant Cine Palais (as
used in Portuguese; in English: Cinema Palace), its audience including members of
Carioca upper class, many of them – such as the millionaire entrepreneur Arnaldo Guinle
(Rio, 1884 – 1964) ­ linked to a nationalist movement in defense of popular culture, then
thought to be par excellence rural as opposed to urban (Cabral 1978: 31­32). Guinle will
be the Maecenas of the group, financing also its research trips to the Brazilian
countryside, in 1919 and 1921, besides its journey to Paris in 1922. Os Oito Batutas
provoked intense debate since its foundation until its journey to France – and after to
Argentine ­, the main themes of the controversy being their Blackness and their
musicality, identified as already said as national Brazilian. In Brazil during this epoch the
latter kind of identification signified a disqualification in terms of a pretense universality
– equated with the Western classis­romantic art music canon ­ and a verdict of
parochialism. Similarly, blackness was seen as a sign of social­cultural lowness. After the
trip to Paris, the referred points growingly tended to be positively absorbed, the group's
choro type of musicality gaining an each time greater centrality in the country until its
consecration – always linked to samba – as the bulk of the Brazilian emblematic music,
in process of being turned compatible with jazz as the new popular music language of the
world system 10 . Back from Paris, Os Oito Batutas – now eight musicians ­ traveled to
Buenos Aires, from November 1922 to April 1923 11 . There they recorded for the
Argentinean Victor and played in theaters, obtaining a great success until its dramatic
segmentation in two factions under the leadership of Pixinguinha and Donga 12 .
it was the case with the work of Chiquinha Gonzaga (composer, conductor and pianist Francisca Edwiges
Neves Gonzaga; Rio, 1847 – 1935) [Menezes Bastos 1998: 207]. From the 1930s on, the label was
abandoned in favor of a new form of imagining Brazilian national music, as a fusion of exclusively African
and Portuguese thought as derived factors, without anything of Indigenous ( Menezes Bastos 2002a).
10 Choro and samba have maintained since the times of Aunt Ciata's house – in the beginnings of the 20 th
century ­ a through type of relationship according to which one points to the other and vice­versa (Menezes
Bastos [in press]). About Aunt Ciata ("Ciata" being the nickname of Hilária Batista de Almeida), one of the
key Bahian matriarchs in the referred Little Africa in Rio, see Moura (1983).
11 For this trip, the group formation already included saxophone (Pixinguinha), banjo (Donga and China),
and bateria (drums). The latter was played by João Thomaz (Marcondes, ed. 1998: 584). See Menezes
Bastos (1996, 1999a, 1999b) for the development of the argument about jazz as the new popular music
language of the world system – its new kathólon ­ from the 1920s on.
12 The reasons for this segmentation are obscure. The sources just refer to desentendimentos
(disagreements) involving the musicians. What resulted from it was that – back in Brazil, in April, 1923 ­,
Donga, Nelson dos Santos Alves and João Thomáz founded with other musicians a group called Os Oito
8

During 1919­1922, Brazil was governed by Epitácio Pessoa (Paraíba, 1865 – Rio de
Janeiro, 1942), an important politician, past senator, minister, and head of the Brazilian
delegation to the Peace Conference in Paris in 1919. Economically, the period had as
base in the country the considerable prosperity it had gained during the First World War
– when it maintained a position of neutrality ­ as an exporter of agricultural commodities,
particularly coffee (Fausto 1999: 292­295). Politically, it can be characterized as
turbulent, marked by great strikes of urban workers and by a strong tension involving the
government and the military (Fausto 1999: 295­315). It dates from 1922 the foundation
of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). Culturally, the period was also of agitation, the
main event it comprised being the Semana de Arte Moderna ("Modern Art Weak") which
took place in São Paulo in 1922. The Semana involved the artistic vanguards, including
Mário de Andrade ­ the most influential modernist Brazilian intellectual ­, Oswald de
Andrade, Manuel Bandeira and others (see Carpeaux 1964: 270) and had Villa­Lobos
among its conspicuous art music participants (Wisnik 1974). The Weak fought in favor of
a national Brazilian art – postulated as folk­inspired ­, having the correspondent classic­
romantic Eurocentric conceptions as its main subject matter of criticism.
In 1922, France still lived the catastrophic consequences of First World War, from which
it came with 1,400,000 dead and 1,100,000 disabled persons. Its economy was seriously
damaged, with high levels of unemployment, and politically the climate was of
disturbance (Agulhon et alli 1993: 35­50). In 1918, 200,000 American troops were
stationed in France, an eloquent measure of the situation the country lived during the war
and a considerable period after it, and the background for its also musical invasion by the
United States (Richard 1991: 214­216, Tournès 1999: 11­32, Martin and Roueff 2002:
93­104). Since the beginning of the 20 th century France had already been invaded by the
Cotubas (Eight Cotubas); and Pixinguinha, China and other colleagues continued with the Os Oito Batutas.
The first had an explicit rhetoric of being a jazz­band; the second, though incorporating traits of the jazz­
band universe, did not have that appeal. The segmentation lasted until October, when the two groups with
some new musicians joined to form the Bi­Orquestra Os Batutas (Bi­Orchestra Eight Masters), that
presented itself as a jazz­band or a conjunto de choro (choro ensemble) [see Cabral 1978: 50­57). Cotubas
(plural of cotuba) is a lettering in Portuguese of the Indigenous Tupian origin word cutubas, meaning
"corageous" (Cunha 1982: 126). This "courage" probably refers ­ as a self­evaluation ­ to the éthos of
Donga's faction facing the vicissitudes lived in Argentine. Discursively, it is not a common courage as it is
expressed as Indigenous, that is, "authentically Brazilian". The recordings made by the group in Argentine
are available in digitalized form in Barg, ed (nd). 12 of them are in Braga and Hime, eds. (2002).
9

then called danses nouvelles and danses exotiques, a universe in opposition with the
correspondent French and that successively included American cake walk, Argentinean
tango, Brazilian maxixe – usually spelled matchiche or matchicha in French ­ Spanish
paso doble, Cuban rumba and other genres. Among these, the danses latines, including
those from Latin America, and oriental – Cambodian among others ­ were important
(Decoret 1998: 59­132). All these foreign genres articulated themselves with the properly
French, particularly strong in the domain of the music­hall ­ if the so called anneés folles
were the time of consecration in France of Josephine Baker, they of course also were of
Mistinguett and Maurice Chevalier 13 . After the war the bal musette – prohibited during
1914­1919 – was retaken as an option beyond everything of foreign dance music that
could happen in a dancing or cabaret (Argyriadis and Le Menestrel 2003: 27).
The Journey, a Venture Resulting from a Singular Encounter: The Musicians­Travelers,
the Dancer­Broker, the Entrepreneur­Maecenas, the Aficionado­Politician
Les Batutas' voyage to Paris was an outstanding venture involving many agents and
agencies around an encounter of three remarkable personalities having as meeting point
the musicians themselves and their music: the entrepreneur Arnaldo Guinle, in the role of
Maecenas; the dancer Antonio Lopes de Amorim Diniz (Bahia, 1884 – Rio, 1953) ­
nickname Duque (Duke) ­, in the position of cultural broker; and the politician and
diplomat Lauro Müller (Santa Catarina, 1863 – Rio, 1926), giving the journey its quasi­
diplomatic rank. What united these personalities was their enchantment with the
ensemble's music, their belief in Brazil as a country with a mission to perform in the
international concert and their conviction that music – Brazilian national music, folk­
inspired, made by Blacks and then at the bulk of Carioca elegant bohemia –, constituted
the essence of the referred mission and could move mountains.
Living in Rio since 1906, Duque was responsible for the creation of exquisite
choreographies for Brazilian dances, particularly for maxixe, considered then a low­
extraction genre. Moving in 1909 to Paris, he danced in saloons and theaters, having
13 See Chevalier (nd), a self­biography, about the latter, and Coquart and Huet (1996), about Mistinguett.
10

Maria Lino – a famous Italian Brazilian dancer ­ as partner and reaching fame in 1913,
when they won the first prize in a dance competition in Berlin. Founding a dance school
in Paris in 1915, he traveled to London and New York for presentations, coming back to
Brazil – from where he made excursions to Montevideo and Buenos Aires ­ and in 1921
to Paris again. In 1921 – when he launched samba at the Théâtre Albert Premier ­, he
passed to be Le Schéhérazade's artistic director, coming to Rio for presentations in the
elegant cabaret Assírio ("Assyrian"), accompanied by the Os Oito Batutas, that being the
first occasion in which the ensemble played to dancers (Pixinguinha 1970: 23). He
became then enchanted with them, obtaining Guinle's financial aid and Müller's political­
diplomatic support to make it possible the group to travel to France to disseminate
Brazilian music and dance (Marcondes, ed. 1998: 254) 14 .
Guinle, engineer and entrepreneur, was the owner of a vast fortune whose origins was in
the exploration of the harbor of Santos in the state of São Paulo, the biggest in Latin
America (Alvarenga, 2001). Culturally refined, he dedicated himself largely to
philanthropy, being referred as the Maecenas of one of the first efforts in Brazil to collect
folk music: under his sponsorship and Villa­Lobos' supervision, Pixinguinha, Donga,
João Pernambuco (composer and guitarist João Teixeira Guimarães; Pernambuco 1883 –
Rio 1947) – then a member of the Os Oito Batutas ­ traveled to the countryside of São
Paulo and Minas Gerais, in 1919, and of Bahia and Pernambuco, in 1921, to make by ear
transcriptions of folk music manifestations (Cabral 1978: 32­35, 38­40; Donga 1970: 88­
89). Of French origin, Guinle usually traveled to Paris, being a habitué of Le
14 Formerly, Duque was a dentist, abandoning this career to become a theater and cinema actor. Back to
Brazil after Les Batutas' saison in Paris, he became a journalist as a theater chronicler, songwriter and lyrics
author (see Efegê 1974: 129­140; Marcondes, ed. 1998: 254; and the Dicionário Cravo Albin da Música
Popular Brasileira at http://www.dicionaRio de Janeirompb.com.br). Maxixe was born in Rio by the second
half of the 19 th century, being considered as the first genuine Brazilian urban dance music (Marcondes, ed.
1998: 494; Efegê 1974; Sandroni 2001: 62­83; and Tinhorão 1990: 187­193, 1991: 58­96). Originally
envisaged as lascivious and of low­extraction, frequently its composers preferred to label it as Brazilian
tango, as it was the famous cases of Ernesto Nazaré (composer, pianist; Rio, 1863­1934) and Chiquinha
Gonzaga (Menezes Bastos 2000: 13). It was popular in Europe since the beginnings of the 20 th century and
even before (Efegê 1974: 141­156; Tinhorão 1991: 58­96): already in 1905, a song called La Mattchiche,
with music by P. Badia, lyrics by Paul Briollet and Léo Lelièvre, arrangement by Charles Borel­Clerc, and
having Mayol as interpreter made a great success in France (Saka and Plougastel, ed. 1999: 13). About
Duque's launching of samba at the Parisian Theâtre Albert Premier in 1921, see La Danse 1. Pixinguinha
declared in November, 1922, that the group traveled to Paris under contract with an impresario called G.
Calmet, then the owner of Le Schéhérazade (Cabral, 1978: 45).
11

Schéhérazade. In Rio, he frequented the elegant music­halls, being at the Assírio where
he for first got in touch with the Os Oito Batutas (Pixinguinha 1970: 23). Together with
his brother Carlos, he supported Villa­ Lobos' stay in Paris from 1927 to 1930 15 .
Müller, originally a military engineer who reached the rank of general, was a follower of
Benjamin Constant Botelho de Magalhães (Rio de Janeiro, 1836 – 1891) – also a military
engineer ­, one of the more important Brazilian intellectuals and politicians adherent to
Auguste Comte's positivism, a philosophy with a deep impact in Brazil, typically among
the military (Fausto 1999: 232­233, Giannotti 1978: xv­xviii). As a politician, Müller
successively was a member of the federal House of Representatives, senator and minister,
occupying for a long and crucial period (1912­1917) – as successor of the famous Baron
of Rio Branco ­ the position of minister of foreign affairs. Due to his prestige, he was a
crucial piece to make the travel possible, giving political­diplomatic support to it, both in
Brazil and France. Müller also was a habitué of the elegant Carioca night life, in which
milieu he already had known the Os Oito Batutas (Donga 1970: 89) 16 .
"Les Batutas" in Paris: Notes about Brazilian French Americanization
"Les 'étoiles' d'aujourd'hui sont artificielles; elles sont guindées et mécaniques
parce qu'elles n'ont pas la même ressource, ce qui reste de monde autour
15 Regarding Guinle's philanthropic activities also in sport (soccer, golf, Olympic ones) and as one of the
first patrons of the Scouts in Brazil, there exists many sites at the internet. He was also president of the
Brazilian Symphonic Orchestra (1940­47, 1952­56 and 1960­62). About his activities linked to the Os Oito
Batutas and Villa­Lobos, see the note concerning Edilene Matos' research entitled A Outra Face dos
"Fundos Villa­Lobos" (The Other Face of the "Villa­Lobos Funds") at
http://www.usp.br/agen/bols/2003/rede1209.htm, according to which all the materials collected by
Pixinguinha, Donga and Pernambuco were transferred in 1929 to the hands of Mário de Andrade, being
presently at the Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros (IEB, Institute of Brazilian Studies) of the University of
São Paulo (USP). See Cabral (1978) and Fernandes org. (1970) for sparse references to Guinle.
16 About Müller, see Konder (1957). He was also a member of the Brazilian Academy of Letters, being
responsible during his term as minister of foreign affairs for the Brazilian approximation to the Americas'
countries (see ). During Les Batutas stay in Paris, the Brazilian minister of
foreign affairs was José Manoel de Azevedo Marques. Then, the Brazilian embassy in Paris did not have an
ambassador but an attaché, Carlos Taylor. Only in November, 1922, Brazil nominated an ambassador to
France, Luiz Martins de Souza Dantas, serving before in Rome. Dantas was referred by Pixinguinha as
having invited the ensemble for a presentation in a party at the Palais des Affaires Publics in Paris (Cabral
1978: 45). Not necessarily there exists a chronologic inconsistency in this reference because it is possible
that Dantas, even before being nominated as Brazilian ambassador to France, could already be present in
Paris. Thanks to the Ambassador João Hermes Pereira de Araujo, Director of the Historic Museum of the
Brazilian Foreign Ministry, for his kind assistance regarding these data about Brazilian diplomats.
12

d'elle (sic) s'adonnants (sic) aux tangos et matchiche qui n'ont aucun rapport
avec la chorégraphie des théâtres officielles, pour l'aquelle (sic) travaillent
nos compositeurs de ballets" (Lebond [sic], 1922) 17 .
How Les Batutas' persona was built in Paris? What kind of reception did the group have
there? These are the questions to be explored now in the context of research in progress.
This will be done based on the readings of a significant number of French newspapers
and magazines within a considerably large spectrum of these publications covering the
period of the ensemble's stay in the city 18 . Additionally, the readings will also include
French books and other sources of the time or that have it as subject matter. Finally, they
will reach other sources, Brazilian included. The aim of this effort is to reconstruct both
the intentions of the group and its staff – Duque and Le Shéhérazade's personnel ­ toward
the creation of Les Batutas' persona, and its audience profile and reaction to it. In a
nutshell, my aim now is to try to grasp how Les Batutas' arrows of acquisition and
attribution of identity met in Paris. In order this is feasible it will be necessary, using as
much as possible the same kind of sources, to launch a look at the Parisian environment
into which the group immersed itself – the Parisian night during the early 1920s, when
Paris begun to be designed as the city of pleasures in the world imagination. This will be
attempted modestly and following Geertz's manner of putting anthropology, according to
which the discipline is something to do not of but in the city… district, street, nightclub.
The chronicle from which that impressive extract forms the epigraph of this section is a
whole complaint about the situation of French dance and music during the time under
study. Besides being a direct attack to tango (in plural form in the text) and maxixe
(singularized and spelled in French), it also makes acid comparisons between French
music and dance and the correspondent Russian in France, evaluated as successful in
detriment of the French. Much probably it was written by the colonial writers George
Athénas and Aimé Merlo, born in the French island of La Réunion (in the Indian Ocean),
17 See Microfilm D­83, code L 1.15.MFM (BNFM). The abbreviation "BNFM" is to the branch François­
Mitterrand/Tolbiac Rez­de­Jardin of Bibliothèque Nationale de France. BNBA will stand for Bibliothèque
de l'Arsenal. See http://www.bnf.fr for the abbreviations used by Bibliothèque Nationale itself.
18 The newspapers and magazines covering the referred period and completely read were: "Comoedia", "La
Danse", "Le Figaro", "L'Intransigeant", "Le Journal", "Paris Midi", "Paris Plaisir", "Femina", "Paris qui
Chante", "La Semaine Musical", "Le Menestrel", "La Revue Musicale" and "Paris Le Soir". So far as the
present situation of this research in progress, the last five titles do not include any text of interest.
13

winners of the Goncourt prize in 1909 19 . It is not my intention here to approach the
interesting question the chronicle posits to the interpreter on how writers so viscerally
linked to the fight toward the validation of a colonial point of view in France and so
profoundly involved with the theme of rootlessness (déracinement), in contact with non­
French cultural expressions – tangos and matchiche in the case–, aligned themselves with
the French metropolitan canon, disqualifying the former. What it is important for the
aims of this text to take from the referred chronicle is the evidence that by July 1922, the
final period of Les Batutas' stay in Paris, maxixe (together with tango) not only was very
well known in the city – what confirms the strong effectiveness of Duque's work ­ but
was used as a diacritic to produce a contrast with the canonical French music. This was
done through a chronicle, a signed piece ­ not an editorial or "by the staff" one ­, having
as authors distinguished and marked (because of their pertinence to the French colonial
world) writers in an important newspaper in the field of arts and shows 20 . Additionally, it
is instructive to take from the chronicle the point that Brazilian popular music –
particularly maxixe­, frequently seen as invaded by legions of authors, was in the
beginnings of the 20 th century perceived as an invader – a specious one, "affected"
(guindée), "mechanical" (méchanique) – by valued voices in the cultural capital of the
world for the Brazilian elite 21 .
About Duque's work to conquest a solid position for Brazilian popular music in France ­
typically maxixe and samba ­, note that from 1906 to 1923 many scores releasing pieces
of the two genres were released in the country and that samba was cited as a paradigmatic
example of the type fantaisiste of the then used classification of danses nouvelles 22 .
19 George Athénas (1877 ­ 1953) and Aimé Merlo (1880 ­ 1958) used Marius­Ary Leblond (and not
"Lebond" as in the chronicle) as their collective pseudonym. About them, see the Dictionnaire des auteurs
at http://www.litterature­reunionnaise.org/auteurs.htm#L.
20 During the epoch under approach Paris­Midi released authors such as Jean Cocteau and Louis Delluc.
The first wrote its articles Carte Blanche in 1919. The second inaugurated in 1921 its section
Cinémagazine. See respectively http://www.ecrannoir.fr/dossiers/critique/histoire.htm and
http://www.uneautredimension.free/cocteau/oeuvre/bio1919.htm.
21 Since the 18 th century and so even before Brazil's independence from Portugal (1822), Brazilian popular
music has been an invader ­ of Portugal, through lundu and modinha (Menezes Bastos, in press).
22 See, among others, the following scores available at BNFM's music section: for orchestra: La Vraie
Polka Brésilienne (4 Vm 15 4488), La Vraie Samba (4 Vm15 8875), Bregeiro [sic] (4 Vm15 4706); for
piano: Gaúcho (Fol. Vm12 5354), Araguaya (Fol. Vm12 3956), La Vraie Samba (Fol. Vm12 8594). Thanks
to Carlos Sandroni for these references. Decoret (1998, volume II: 477) says that during the time under
14

Particularly about him as a dancer and dance teacher, he was constantly referred as a
praiseworthy artist by many French dance handbooks since 1913 23 .
A few days before the Leblond's chronicle, the same newspaper released at its first page a
"by the staff" text with the title of Orchestres et Jazz­band – La Protection des Musiciens
Français, including the following critical judgment 24 :
"...aujourd'hui, c'est la concurrence du jazz­band et autres orchestres
exotiques qui porte un préjudice considérable aux musiciens français..."
(Paris­Midi 1)
The voices speaking now ventriloquize those of French musicians and owners and
administrators of nightclubs and restaurants. Around 1922, a crisis threatened the sector,
caused according the quoted text and others to be mentioned ahead both by a generalized
invasion of the city by foreign musicians and by the tax of 13% due to the state by
restaurants and nightclubs from their use of orchestras. The danger of unemployment of
French musicians created by the possibility of dissolution of ensembles or even closure of
night establishments will be reported dramatically in successive issues of other
significant newspapers in the domain of arts and shows 25 . A provisional solution for the
crisis ­ offered by the Minister of Economy during a meeting with delegates of musicians
and restaurateurs – was to turn free of the referred tax the restaurants whose main
element was the restaurant proper, not music and dance. This solution though excluded
dancings and cabarets 26 . During the same encounter the musicians' representatives
study the French classified the danses nouvelles in four types: acrobatic, eccentric, mundane and fantasist.
As examples of the first and second, she lists respectively the valse chaloupée (beginning in 1909 with
Mistinguett and Max Dearly) and the dance by the nouveaux clowns.
23 See Rivere (1913: 73­78), Lefort (n.d.: 95­98), Buxon and Guzmão (1924: 46­51), Jattefaux (1926: 274­
275, 291). The third book comments that samba, classified as fantasist, recalls Black African dances due to
its bizarre rhythm, and recommends to its dancers to be discreet to avoid this association.
24 See Microfilm D­83, code L 1.15.MFM (BNFM).
25 See Le Journal 1, Le Journal 2, Le Journal 3 in Microfilm D­105, code D2 L 1.15.MFM (BNFM).
26 The French appropriation of the English form dancing (plural: dancings) seems to date from the end of
the First World War and points to a kind of ball room contrasting with that one indicated by cabaret:
dancing was a place where people went to dance by themselves, from 5 in the afternoon up to 7 in the
evening. To cabarets frequenters went typically to watch professional dancers in the night proper
(Miomandre 1920, 1924; Decoret 1998, volume I: 16). In the first text, Miomandre criticizes the
Anglicism, suggesting salon de danse to replace it. Saying that the danses nouvelles came mainly from
15

demanded to the Minister the imposition of a limit of 10% of foreign participants for the
city's orchestras (see Le journal 4) 27 . This entire question will continue to occupy Parisian
newspapers during many following issues in 1922 28 .
However as discussed so far it would seem that the question in analysis could be
reducible to its more protectionist or even intolerant party regarding the invasion of Paris
by foreigners, formed typically by writers in defense of the French canon and musicians
and restaurateurs ­ represented by their unions' delegates ­ fighting to protect respectively
their employments and establishments. Of course that the question also had one more side
(at least), much more consistent with Paris' belief to continue being in the 1920s Europe's
cultural capital (Martin and Roueff 2002: 9) and with its strong predisposition toward the
Other during the 1920­1930s (Clifford 1988: 136). This other side leads typically to the
Parisian artistic vanguard and the bohemian life style marking it (see Franck 1998), an up
to now alive seal identifying the city in the world imagination, extremely important for its
construction as the main place of destination for tourists in the planet. As put by Clifford
(1998), this vanguard, particularly Surrealism, maintained deep relationships with
anthropology and had Africa as its privileged subject matter of interest. In musical terms,
the universe of jazz was at the center of this interest, being envisaged as the prestigious
child of a generalized Black Africa, born in a peculiar country of the Americas ­ because
of its power, enough to help France to recover from desolation ­, the United States 29 .
This fascination for Africa and African­though­as­derived cultural manifestations,
typically music and dance, reached though not only the artistic vanguard ­ and
anthropology, as essayed by Clifford ­ but large contingents of Parisian middle class,
eventually emulating the vanguard's sensibility toward the formation in the Ville­Lumière
Spain, Brazil, Argentine, Great Britain and the United States, his evaluation of them is always between
condemnation and praise.
27 About the limit of 10% for foreign participants, La Danse 2 reports that the decision had already been
taken in October, 1922, by the Municipal Council to be effective in 1923, the limit including not only
musicians but all the personnel of night establishments. For La Danse 2, see Fol. Jo. W 765 (BNBA).
28 See Comoedia 1, among many other examples (Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
29 About jazz in France since the late 1910s on, see the texts published in French newspapers ­ some of
them by prestigious authors such as Jean Cocteau, Darius Milhaud and André Schaeffner – compiled by
Martin and Roueff (2002: 163­312). Some recent important contributions about the theme are the referred
Martin and Roueff (2002), Tournès (1999) and some of the articles in Jamin and Williams ed. (2001).
16

of a growingly bigger avid public to experience all forms of exoticism as put by Decoret
(1998, volume I: 277). A chronicle by a middle ground intellectual, the librettist René
Jeanne (1922), published in a significant newspaper in the sector of shows and arts,
establishes this very clearly, positively valuing the strong presence of Black people in the
city ­ Africans proper, Americans and Latin­Americans 30 .
What could be though the place of Brazilian popular music and dance – maxixe and
samba ­ in Paris before Les Batutas' stay there? Referring to what here already was said,
first of all it was one type inside the universe of danses exotiques, a universe in direct
opposition with the correspondent French – taken as the civilized pole of the opposition ­,
pointing to the fields of ethnicity and nationality. Second, it was pertinent to the class of
danses nouvelles, a class defined in chronological terms that since the beginnings of the
20 th century up to the 1920s and ahead comprised American cake walk, Argentinean
tango, Spanish paso doble, Cuban rumba, and many other genres. Third, it was amongst
the danses latines, particularly those from Amérique Latine, other universes linked to the
fields of ethnicity and nationality, the latter being historically related to French
geopolitics in the 19 th century 31 . Last but not least, until before Les Batutas' stay in Paris
it was strongly identified with Duque, its white disseminator. So it seems that from the
French point of view Brazilian popular music's place in Paris – particularly maxixe ­ was
then much more together with Argentinean tango, as so clearly put by the Leblond's
chronicle, than with, for example, Cuban rumba, an also Latin American dance but with a
more thought­as­African­derived profile 32 . As already noted (note 14), the intentionality
30 Some twenty years after, Jeanne (1887­1969), writer and actor, will be one of the authors of the libretto
of the well­known operetta Violettes Imperiales, whose music will be composed by the famous songwriter
Vincent Scotto (1874­1952) [Saka and Plougastel, eds. 1999: 397­398]. It will be premiered in 1948 at
Théâtre Mogador (see ). Some more decades after he
will give his name to the Prize René Jeanne, of the Société des Auteurs, Compositeurs et Éditeurs de
Musique (SACEM, see ). The notion of middle
ground intellectual departs from Rabinow (1989: 13), pointing to those intellectuals situated between the
masters of high culture and the experiences of ordinary life, typically in the context of modernism.
31 The category Amérique Latine dates from the middle of the 19 th century, being an invention of French
geopolitics in reaction to the Anglo­Saxon interests in the region, in the context of ascension of the United
States to the world scene (see Vayssière 1999: 4, Menezes Bastos 1999a: 22, and Delannoy 2000: 22, note
1). See Bernand (2001) and Apprill & Dorier­Apprill (2001) for recent studies about the danses latines.
32 The association of maxixe – as already commented, much usually labeled Brazilian tango – with
Argentinean tango was so strong in Paris during the time that frequently it provoked violent fights
17

of the association of maxixe with tango had been current also in Brazil during the time
under study, as an attempt to escape from judgments that condemned the genre – African­
in­Brazil musicality in general ­ as lascivious and of low quality. If the central argument
of this text is that the construction of Pixinguinha as that consecrated name of Brazilian
popular music had the journey under study as a definitive step, its fundament is that the
trip was the strategic episode toward the radical change of this form of constituting Brazil
and Brazilian popular music in particular, according to which Africanity was a problem,
not a solution. So, the travel anticipated endeavors that, as showed by Vianna (1995),
only during the 1930s will be consolidated in Brazil, what plentifully illustrates music's
annunciatory or prophetic vocation (Attali 1992: 4; Jameson 1992: xi).
In February 12, 1922, Le Journal announced Les Batulas' (sic) arrival in Bordeaux and its
début sensational in Paris yet for the current week. On the 13th, a short note projected the
group's presentations as one of the great successes of the season 33 . Next day, the
following ad was published by it (Le Journal 7) as well as by Le Figaro (Le Figaro 1):
"Les Batutas, cet extraordinaire orchestre brésilien, unique au monde, d’une gaieté
endiablé, compose de virtuoses surnommes les rois du rythme et de la SAMBA,
joue toutes les jours aux thés et aux soupers de Shéhérazade, 16, Faubourg
Montmartre. Direction: Duque."
With short changes in text, this ad appeared at Le Figaro until March, 31.
In February 14 (always in 1922), Comoedia (in an unspecialized part) showed a short
commercial about Les Batutas at Le Shéhérazade. From the 15th until the end of March
and now at its section Les Music­Halls and at its final page – where ads of nightclubs
usually were released together ­, the same announcement was published 34 . By middle
April, it reappeared, going without interruptions until May 20. From this date on, no more
ads of the group were released by Comoedia.
involving Brazilian and Argentinean musicians and customers in nightclubs (see Tinhorão 1991: 85 and
Maurice Chevalier's memories [Chevalier, nd] , cited by Tinhorão [op. loc. cit.]).
33 See respectively Le Journal 5 and Le Journal 6, Microfilm D­105, code D2 L 1.15.MFM (BNFM).
34 See respectively Comoedia 2 and Comoedia 3 (Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
18

In February 16, Le Journal announced the following (Le Journal 8):
"L’orchestre des Batutas n’est pas un jazz­band. Il ne comprend ni piano ni batterie,
composé d’instrumentistes spéciaux, d’une virtuosité accomplie, il est d’une gaieté
communicative formidable. Aujourd’hui, soirée de gals pour fêter son début
sensationnel."
Yet in February, 22, it released (Le Journal 9):
"Les Batutas, le célèbre orchestre brésilienne, unique au monde, a débutée avec de
plus grand succès à Shéhérazade, le féerique establishment du faubourg
Montmartre. Allez entendre Les Batutas vous ne reggreterez pas votre
déplacement."
Until May 22, ads such as this and one line ones of Le Shéhérazade appeared in Le
Journal. From February 16 to May 25, L'Intransigeant showed one line ads about Les
Batutas at Le Shéhérazade (L'Intransigeant 1).
On May 22, Le Journal published the following commercial of the group, now presenting
themselves at another night establishment, Chez Duque (Le Journal 10):
"Batutas. Orchestre à la Mode. Chez Duque. Au Thé et Soirée Dansante.
17, rue Caumartin­ Tél Louvre 43­09
Samba Danse Nouvelle"
Since then, ads of the group oscillated in frequency in Le Journal, only appearing in May
5 (Le Journal 11) and other few days in June. Ones about Le Shéhérazade continued to be
released there, a signal that the group's moving to Chez Duque had been definitive.
Consistent with this, Le Figaro showed the following in June, from 1 to 30 (Le Figaro 2):
"Chez Duque. 17, rue, Caumartin, Tél Louvre 43­09. Thés dansants de 4 a 7 heures.
Soupers de 10 h à 3 h du matin, avec le concours des Batutas, l’orchestre à la mode, et le
Bernard Kay’s Jazz Trio 35 ."
35 I was not able to find any reference about that Bernard Kay's Jazz Trio, in Brazilian, French and
American sources. Argyriadis (2002) suggested that it could be a French group using an English label.
19

From July on, no more ads appeared in any of the cited newspapers about Les Batutas
and Duque in Le Shéhérazade. Similarly, nothing more was published about Chez Duque.
The campaign to promote Les Batutas in Paris begun by middle February – very close to
its debut ­ going until the last day of June. Its major characteristic was the design of the
group's musicality as absolutely distinct, in terms of its ethnic­national identity – built as
undoubtedly Brazilian ­ and orchestral constitution, constructed as congenitally rhythmic­
percussive. Consistently with this, respectively samba was made its mark and the jazz­
band type of formation was built as directly contrasting with it. Electing samba as its
mark, the campaign probably attempted to avoid any possible assimilation of Les Batutas
with Argentinean tango and its attributed whiteness, what an option for maxixe ­ Duque' s
creation in Paris ­ could provoke. Also, it possibly intended to emphasize the spirit
effectively nouveau of the group's musicality 36 . Choosing the universe of jazz as its
contrasting pole, and rhythm­percussion as the land of its virtuosity and grace (gaieté),
the campaign perhaps aimed respectively put the group's musicality in a world plan – not
a regional, Latin American one ­, home of the powerful Other, and built it close to
African music, envisaged by the audience as obsessively rhythmic and percussive.
According the cited ads, Les Batutas' itinerary in Paris included Le Shéhérazade and
Chez Duque, the first since its debut in middle February until approximately May 25.
From this time on up to June 30, it moved to Chez Duque. As said (note 2), the first
nightclub – not to be confused with that one with the same name at 3 Rue de Liège ­ was
known as Le Palais de la Danse and was reorganized in 1920 (Decoret 1998: 179) 37 . It
36 About the group's repertoire in Paris, see Pixinguinha (1970: 24) and Donga (1970: 90). According the
first, it included only Brazilian music, typically samba, choro and maxixe. Waltzes – very common in
choro – were avoided to prevent the group's assimilation with others playing at the same street. See Barg ed
(nd), Braga and Hime, eds (2002) and some of the CDs in Franceschi (2002) to have an idea of the group's
sonority during the time. About the attribution of whiteness to Argentinean tango, see Bernand (2001: 34).
37 In a letter dated November 1, 1920, someone called Frédéric, du Carlton de Monte­Carlo – new Le
Shéhérazade's manager or owner ­ informs to customers he just concluded the reorganization of the
nightclub "sur le modèle de l'an dernier, de SHÉHÉRAZADE, en Restaurant­Dancing élégant". The letter
has an attached invitation for the Réveillon 1920. (Frédéric 1920, Microfilm RO 13028 [BNBA]). By the
end of March 1922 – when Les Batutas were playing there ­, someone called Fernand Lamy possibly was a
member of Le Shéhérazade's staff (see Silver 1922, Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
On the surveyed newspapers no reference was found about La Reserve de Saint Cloud, another
establishment opened by Duque at the Boulevard Senard, close to the Parc de Bèarn (see Cabral 1978: 69).
20

seems that the group's moving to Chez Duque resulted from an irreconcilable conflict of
perspectives involving the Brazilians – Duque and the musicians ­, dedicated to their own
project, and Les Shéhérazade's personnel, interested in more diversified attractions.
Les Batutas' tour in Paris was made though not only of presentations in nightclubs. In a
long signed article published at Comoedia's first page (Silver 1922), the group was
reported as one of the two musical ensembles playing in an amply promoted reception to
the Reines de Mi­Carême held at Lé Shéhérazade, offered by Comoedia. On the eve of
the event (March 25), the following text was published at the same page (Comoedia 4):
"M. Duque a organisé à cette occasion une fête splendide. Un jazz endiablé dirigé
par M. Bouvier et le curieux orchestre 'Les Batutas', que le directeur de
Shéhérazade est allé chercher au Brésil même, mènera la danse après le diner. On
dansera la 'Semba', la nouvelle danse à la mode, et l'amusant black­step ou Pas de
Nègre, ainsi que la farandole brésilienne. Enfin, à minuit: grand cotillon!" 38
A similar note was released on the day of the reception (Comoedia 5). It was on March
28 though that Comoedia dedicated the referred long space at its very first page to report
the reception (Silver 1922).
From the referred articles results clear ­ first ­ that Duque and Les Batutas were then very
well known in the Parisian scene of popular music; second, that samba constituted their
crucial mark; third, that they were seen as maintaining a counterpunctual relationship
with jazz, so being simultaneously related and independent in relation to it; last but not
least, that their central attribute there was being curious (curieux) – found in distance, in
Amérique du Sud (au Brésil même) ­, provoking indiscreetness and curiosité – that is,
désir de voir, de connaître, d'apprendre (Larousse ed. 1954: 96) 39 .
38 The emphases are of mine. On the read sources no reference was found about that M. Bouvier.
39 Donga (1970), Cabral (1978), and Silva and Oliveira Filho (1979) report the participation of the group in
some other parties in Paris, public and private, not referred to on the surveyed literature. Donga (: 91)
speaks about his and Pixinguinha's affective involvement with French women, showing that the universe of
sexuality was not strange to their living in Paris. See Paris Plaisirs 1 (RO 16455 [BNBA]) and Femina 1
(Fol.Z­876 [BNBA]) for references to dancings and nightclubs ­ including Le Shéhérazade ­ as also
feminine places in the city during the time, linked to their sexual emancipation Roueff (2002: 96).
21

About the success of the group during its stay in Paris – a mark of Brazilian literature
approaching it (Cabral 1978: 41­46 and Silva and Oliveira Filho 1979: 43­78) –,
Pixinguinha's evaluation is discreet, pointing that properly speaking success in that city
during the time was the privilege only of Americans (Pixinguinha 1970: 24). Donga is
much more emphatic about this, claiming that Les Batutas' success was considerable, not
greater though due to the absence of support to them from Brazilian government, while
American jazz bands were sustained by the respective government (Donga 1970: 91).
About the influences the group suffered in Paris, Pixinguinha had a moderate position,
pointing that that had been a question of active choice and admiration instead of passive
absorption and subservience (Pixinguinha 1970: 24, 32, 33), and not only referred to
American musicians but also to colleagues from other places, as those of the constantly
remembered by him sextet playing in the nightclub in front of Le Shéhérazade. It was
from the continuous contact with the cellist of that ensemble ­ he says ­ that he had
gained interest for the saxophone (: 26).
Final Remarks
In recent papers (Menezes Bastos 1996, 1999a, 1999b, 2000, 2002a, 2002b, 2003, in
press) I have developed the idea that Brazilian popular music ­ as any popular music
universe ­ only can be well understood within a framework whose nexuses have
simultaneously local, regional, national and global pertinences and which approaches art,
folk and popular music itself as universes in communication. The referred idea has
showed to be fruitful to study Brazilian popular music since its very inaugural phase, that
of modinha and lundu, genres that constituted one of the first cases of song globalization
in the realm of Western modern (from the 18 th century on) popular music, in the context
of the nation­states system of relationships. French vocal romance and court air, Italian
bel' canto and other song universes were the mentioned genres' European links. They
themselves, with their Brazilian and Portuguese variants, formed a Luso­Brazilian node
of the system ­ one node among other plausible European­Hispano­American ­, being a
modernization of moda, a label that in both countries indicated since the early 18 th
century any kind of song having love as one of its crucial universes of sense. The
22

mentioned variants would be local versions, soon erected in emblems of Brazilian and
Portuguese national identities. Domingos Caldas Barbosa (Rio, 1738 ­ Lisbon, 1800) was
the demiurgic point of encounter of the global system in comment, toward the
formalization of the Luso­Brazilian genres.
Simultaneously, I have worked in the referred papers the proposition that since its origins
in the 18 th century – before the formal Brazilian independence from Portugal – Brazilian
popular music has been a privileged arena to discuss the country's crucial questions. The
state ­ through its actualizations in concrete governments ­, the customs ­ involving class,
ethnic, national, gender, familial and other kinds of relationships ­ have been some of its
preferential subject matters. This inclination has been particularly evident during critical
periods of Brazilian history ­ as in the 1930s (see 1999b) ­, when society at the local,
regional and national levels has divided itself in frequently incompatible positions.
Brazilian popular music so since its very inception has been a crucial dialogical system
through which the various segments of Brazilian society have had to converse about the
country and the world, to negotiate positions ­ typically identities. The proposition under
analysis necessarily takes Brazil not only in terms of what have happened in Rio de
Janeiro ­ as the canonical narratives much usually do ­ but in its integrity. Note that the
international context was congenital to the genesis of samba, since the time when the
label ­ as also that of tango (Sandroni 1996: 140) ­ was just an umbrella­type label for
pan­Latin­American Africanity linked to the music­dance sphere.
Finally the papers in consideration have departed from the evidence that by the same time
when Carioca samba was built as Brazilian emblematic national popular music genre –
during the 1930s ­, it seems that it happened a similar phenomenon in Argentine with
tango (Grünewald 1994), the two events being symptomatically simultaneous to the
disappearance in Brazil of the so called tanguinho or Brazilian tango (Tinhorão 1991: 97­
102). In other Latin American countries ­ such as in Cuba in terms of rumba (Alén 1984,
Daniel 1995) ­, it seems that concomitant analogous processes took place. This points to
the fact that the cited emergencies were not simply coincident but systematically related
social­cultural phenomena within the international system of modern nation­states,
23

involving Latin America and its linkages with Western Europe and the United States.
This only can be well understood within a global framework of musical relationships
with many layers in which musical genres epitomize locales' (cities', regions', countries',
etc) forms of sociability. According the framework in comment and until the 1920s, Paris
had performed an absolutely crucial role as the place par excellence of consecration of
Latin American – but not only ­ emblematic national musical genres. After this, that role
has migrated to the United States, with the erection of jazz – produced exactly in La Ville
Lumière ­ as the new musical kathólon of the world system. It was in that Paris, yet
Europe's cultural capital or even – for Brazilian elites of the time – of the world, that Les
Batutas' voyage happened. Through it, Pixinguinha consecration had its foundational step
– truly epic ­, toward the transformation of Brazilian Africanity from a problem into a
solution, a premonition of facts that only during the 1930s will be consolidated in Brazil.
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30

Discography
Barg, Leon, ed. Nd. Pixinguinha: No Tempo dos Oito Batutas. Curitiba: Revivendo,
RVCD­064.
Braga, Kati Almeida and Olivia Hime, eds. 2002. Memórias Musicais Casa Edison, box
with 15 CDs. Rio de Janeiro: Sarapuí.
Internet sites
Bibliothèque Nationale de France: http://www.bnf.fr
Daniella Thompson's site [Le Boeuf Chronicles, Part 5]: http://daniv.blogpot.com
/archives/2002_09_01_daniv_archive.html
Dicionário Cravo Albin da Música Popular Brasileira: http://www.dicionariompb.com.br
Dictionnaire des auteurs de la litterature­réunionnaise: http://www.litterature­
reunionnaise.org/auteurs.htm#L
Edilene Matos' research (a note about), A Outra Face dos "Fundos Villa­Lobos":
http://www.usp.br/agen/bols/2003/rede1209.htm
Jean Cocteau (about his work and life):
http://www.uneautredimension.free/cocteau/oeuvre/bio1919.htm
La Critique selon Ecran Noir: http://www.ecrannoir.fr/dossiers/critique/histoire.htm
Lauro Müller biographic note: http://www.academia.org.br
Société des Auteurs, Compositeurs et Éditeurs de Musique (SACEM):
http://www.sacem.fr/portailSacem/jsp/ep/home.do?a=1
31

Violettes Imperiales (an operetta): http://perso.wanadoo.fr/anao/oeuvre/violettes.html
References in French newspapers and magazines of the time
Comoedia 1. 1922. News about the danger of dissolution of orchestras due to the tax of
13%. April 40 (Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Comoedia 2. 1922. Ad about Les Batutas at Le Shéhérazade. February 14, p. 2
(Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Comoedia 3. 1922. Ad about Les Batutas at Le Shéhérazade. February 15, p. 3, section
Les Music­Halls and final page (Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Comoedia 4. 1922. Comoedia Convie les Reines à Shéhérazade Dimanche Prochain.
March 25, p. 1 (Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Comoedia 5. 1922. En l'Honner des Reines ­ Les Reines sont Fêtées ce Soir à
Shéhérazade. March 26, p. 1 (Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
La Danse 1. 1922. Note about Duque and his launching of samba in Paris in 1921. Issue
22 (January), p. 15 (code Fol. Jo. W 765 [BNBA]).
La Danse 2. 1922. News about the 10% limit for foreign participants in night
establishments. Number 25 (October), p. 15 (Fol. Jo. W 765 [BNBA]).
Femina 1. 1922. Notes about Parisian night and women. February­May, various issues
and pages (Fol.Z­876 [BNBA]).
40 The day of publication of the news is unavailable due to my indiscipline.
32

Le Figaro 1. 1922. Advertisement about Les Batutas at Le Shéhérazade. February 14, p.
5, section Figaro Théâtre, sub­section Spetacles et Concerts (Microfilm D­13, code D2­
651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Figaro 2. 1922. Advertisement about Les Batutas at Chez Duque. June 1, p. 6, section
Figaro Théâtre, sub­section Spetacles et Concerts (Microfilm D­13, code D2­651 L
1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
L'Intransigeant 1. Ad about Les Batutas' presentations at Le Shéhérazade. February 16, p.
2, section Programme des Spetacles (PER Microfilm D­38 [BNFM]).
Jeanne, René. 1922. La Conquête de Paris par les Nègres. In Comoedia January 1, p. 4
(Microfilm D­69 D2­651 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 1. 1922. News about the danger of dissolution of orchestras due to the tax of
13%. March 31, p. 3 (Microfilm D­105, code D2 L1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 2. 1922. Paris sans Orchestres. April 1, p. 1 (Microfilm D­105, code D2
L1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 3. 1922. Les restaurateurs de nuit de Montmartre menacent de fermer leurs
portes. April 2, p. 4 (Microfilm D­105, code D2 L1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 4. 1922. News about a provisional solution for the crisis of the orchestras.
April 6, p. 3 (Microfilm D­105, code D2 L1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 5. 1922. News about Les Batulas' (sic) arrival in France. February 12, p. 5
(Microfilm D­105, code D2 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 6. 1922. News about Les Batutas' arrival in Bordeaux. February 13, p. 5
(Microfilm D­105, code D2 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
33

Le Journal 7. 1922. Advertisement about Les Batutas at Le Shéhérazade. February 14, p.
5, section Courier Théâtral, sub­section Concerts et Spetacles (Microfilm D­105, code D2
L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 8. 1922. Advertisement about Les Batutas at Le Shéhérazade. February 16, p.
5, section Courier Théâtral, sub­section Concerts et Spetacles (Microfilm D­105, code D2
L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 9. 1922. Advertisement about Les Batutas' sensational début at Le
Shéhérazade. February 22, p. 5, section Courier Théâtral, sub­section Concerts et
Spetacles (Microfilm D­105, code D2 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 10. 1922. Advertisement about Les Batutas at Chez Duque. May 22, p. 4,
section Courier Théâtral, sub­section Concerts et Spetacles (Microfilm D­105, code D2 L
1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Le Journal 11. 1922. Advertisement about Les Batutas at Chez Duque. May 25, p. 4,
section Courier Théâtral, sub­section Concerts et Spetacles (Microfilm D­105, code D2 L
1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Lebond [sic], Marius­Ary. 1922. Quand restaurerat­on (sic) la danse française? In Paris­
Midi July 24, pp. 1­2 (Microfilm D­83, code L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Paris Plaisirs 1. 1922. Ads about Le Shéhérazade. Numbers 1 to 4, March­August,
various pages (RO 16455 [BNBA]).
Miomandre, Francis de. 1920. Au Dancing, in Europe Nouvelle, September 23 41 (Folder
RO 13017 [BNBA] 42 ).
41 Pages numbers are not available, due to my failure in method.
34

­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­. 1924. Les Dancings, Choses Vues. In Candide March 27, p. 2, in
Denis­Constant and Olivier Roueff. 2002. La France du Jazz: Musique, Modernité et
Identité dans la Première Moitié du XXe Siècle. Marseille: Éditions Parenthèses.
Paris­Midi 1. 1922. Orchestres et Jazz­band – La Protection des Musiciens Français. July
12, p. 1 (Microfilm D­83, code L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Silver, Marcel. 1922. Réception des Reines de Paris par "Comoedia" à Shéhérazade. In
Comoedia March 28, p.1 (Microfilm D­69, code D2­651 L 1.15.MFM [BNFM]).
Cited Document
Frédéric. 1920. Letter to Le Shéhérazade's customers with invitation to the Réveillon
1920. November 1 (Microfilm RO 13028 [BNBA]).
Abbreviations to Bibliothèque Nationale de France's branches
BNFM, François­Mitterand/Tolbiac Rez­de­Jardin
BNBA, Bibliothèque l'Arsenal
42 The folder is under the title of Les Dancings – Généralités (1919­1935) and contains newspaper
chronicles and articles.
35

ANTROPOLOGIA EM PRIMEIRA MÃO
Títulos publicados
1.MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. A Origem do Samba como Invenção do Brasil: Sobre o "Feitio de Oracão " de
Vadico e Noel Rosa (Por que as Canções Têm Musica?), 1995.
2. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de e Hermenegildo José de Menezes Bastos. A Festa da Jaguatirica: Primeiro e
Sétimo Cantos ­ Introdução, Transcrições, Traduções e Comentários, 1995.
3. WERNER Dennis. Policiais Militares Frente aos Meninos de Rua, 1995.
4. WERNER Dennis. A Ecologia Cultural de Julian Steward e seus desdobramentos, 1995.
5. GROSSI Miriam Pillar. Mapeamento de Grupos e Instituições de Mulheres/de Gênero/Feministas no Brasil, 1995.
6. GROSSI Mirian Pillar. Gênero, Violência e Sofrimento ­ Coletânea, Segunda Edição 1995.
7. RIAL Carmen Silvia. Os Charmes dos Fast­Foods e a Globalização Cultural, 1995.
8. RIAL Carmen Sílvia. Japonês Está para TV Assim como Mulato para Cerveja: lmagens da Publicidade no Brasil,
1995.
9. LAGROU, Elsje Maria. Compulsão Visual: Desenhos e Imagens nas Culturas da Amazônia Ocidental, 1995.
10. SANTOS, Sílvio Coelho dos. Lideranças Indígenas e Indigenismo Of icial no Sul do Brasil, 1996.
11. LANGDON, E Jean. Performance e Preocupações Pós­Modernas em Antropologia 1996.
12. LANGDON, E. Jean. A Doença como Experiência: A Construção da Doença e seu Desafio para a Prática Médica,
1996.
13. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. Antropologia como Crítica Cultural e como Crítica a Esta: Dois Momentos
Extremos de Exercício da Ética Antropológica (Entre Índios e Ilhéus), 1996.
14. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. Musicalidade e Ambientalismo: Ensaio sobre o Encontro Raoni­Sting, 1996.
15. WERNER Dennis. Laços Sociais e Bem Estar entre Prostitutas Femininas e Travestis em Florianópolis, 1996.
16. WERNER, Dennis. Ausência de Figuras Paternas e Delinqüência, 1996.
17. RIAL Carmen Silvia. Rumores sobre Alimentos: O Caso dos Fast­Foods,1996.
18. SÁEZ, Oscar Calavia. Historiadores Selvagens: Algumas Reflexões sobre História e Etnologia, 1996.
19. RIFIOTIS, Theophilos. Nos campos da Violência: Diferença e Positividade, 1997.
20. HAVERROTH, Moacir. Etnobotânica: Uma Revisão Teórica. 1997.
21. PIEDADE, Acácio Tadeu de C. Música Instrumental Brasileira e Fricção de Musicalidades, 1997
22. BARCELOS NETO, Aristóteles. De Etnografias e Coleções Museológicas. Hipóteses sobre o Grafismo Xinguano,
1997
23. DICKIE, Maria Amélia Schmidt. O Milenarismo Mucker Revisitado, 1998
24. GROSSI, Mírian Pillar. Identidade de Gênero e Sexualidade, 1998
25. CALAVIA SÁEZ, Oscar. Campo Religioso e Grupos Indígenas no Brasil, 1998
26. GROSSI, Miriam Pillar. Direitos Humanos, Feminismo e Lutas contra a Impunidade. 1998
27. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. Ritual, História e Política no Alto­Xingu: Observação a partir dos Kamayurá e
da Festa da Jaguatirica (Yawari), 1998
28. GROSSI, Miriam Pillar. Feministas Históricas e Novas Feministas no Brasil, 1998.
29. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. Músicas Latino­Americanas, Hoje: Musicalidade e Novas Fronteiras, 1998.
30. RIFIOTIS, Theophilos. Violência e Cultura no Projeto de René Girard, 1998.
31. HELM, Cecília Maria Vieira. Os Indígenas da Bacia do Rio Tibagi e os Projetos Hidrelétricos, 1998.
32. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. Apùap World Hearing: A Note on the Kamayurá Phono­Auditory System and
on the Anthropological Concept of Culture, 1998.
33. SAÉZ, Oscar Calavia. À procura do Ritual. As Festas Yaminawa no Alto Rio Acre, 1998.
34. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de & PIEDADE, Acácio Tadeu de Camargo: Sopros da Amazônia: Ensaio­
Resenha sobre as Músicas das Sociedades Tupi­Guarani, 1999.
35. DICKIE, Maria Amélia Schmidt. Milenarismo em Contexto Significativo: os Mucker como Sujeitos, 1999.
36

36. PIEDADE, Acácio Tadeu de Camargo. Flautas e Trompetes Sagrados do Noroeste Amazônico: Sobre a Música do
Jurupari, 1999.
37. LANGDON, Esther Jean. Saúde, Saberes e Ética – Três Conferências sobre Antropologia da Saúde, 1999.
38. CASTELLS, Alicia Norma Gonzáles de. Vida Cotidiana sob a Lente do Pesquisador: O valor Heurístico da Imagem,
1999.
39. TASSINARI, Antonella Maria Imperatriz. Os povos Indígenas do Oiapoque: Produção de Diferenças em Contexto
Interétnico e de Políticas Públicas, 1999.
40. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. Brazilian Popular Music: An Anthropological Introduction (Part I), 2000.
41. LANGDON, Esther Jean. Saúde e Povos Indígenas: Os Desafios na Virada do Século, 2000.
42. RIAL, Carmen Silvia Moraes e GROSSI, Miriam Pillar. Vivendo em Paris: Velhos e Pequenos Espaços numa
Metrópole, 2000.
43. TASSINARI, Antonella M. I. Missões Jesuíticas na Região do Rio Oiapoque, 2000.
44. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. Authenticity and Divertissement: Phonography, American Ethnomusicology
and the Market of Ethnic Music in the United States of America, 2001.
45. RIFIOTIS, Theophilos. Les Médias et les Violences: Points de Repères sur la “Réception”, 2001.
46. GROSSI, Miriam Pillar e RIAL, Carmen Silvia de Moraes. Urban Fear in Brazil: From the Favelas to the Truman
Show, 2001.
47. CASTELS, Alicia Norma Gonzáles de. O Estudo do Espaço na Perspectiva Interdisciplinar, 2001.
48. RIAL, Carmen Silvia de Moraes. 1. Contatos Fotográficos. 2. Manezinho, de ofensa a troféu, 2001.
49. RIAL, Carmen Silvia de Moraes. Racial and Ethnic Stereotypes in Brazilian Advertising. 2001
50. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. Brazilian Popular Music: An Anthropological Introduction (Part II), 2002.
51. RIFIOTIS, Theophilos. Antropologia do Ciberespaço. Questões Teórico­Metodológicas sobre Pesquisa de Campo
e Modelos de Sociabilidade, 2002.
52. MENEZES BASTOS, Rafael José de. O índio na Música Brasileira: Recordando Quinhentos anos de
esquecimento, 2002
53. GROISMAN, Alberto. O Lúdico e o Cósmico: Rito e Pensamento entre Daimistas Holandeses, 2002
54. Mello, Maria Ignez Cruz. Arte e Encontros Interétnicos: A Aldeia Wauja e o Planeta, 2003.
55. Sáez Oscar Calavia. Religião e Restos Humanos. Cristianismo, Corporalidade e Violência, 2003.
56. Sáez, Oscar Calavia. Un Balance Provisional del Multiculturalismo Brasileño. Los Indios de las Tierras Bajas en el
Siglo XXI, 2003.
57. Rial, Carmen. Brasil: Primeiros Escritos sobre Comida e Identidade, 2003.
58. Rifiotis, Theophilos. As Delegacias Especiais de Proteção à Mulher no Brasil e a «Judiciarização» dos Conflitos
Conjugais, 2003.
59. Menezes Bastos, Rafael José. Brazilian Popular Music: An Anthropological Introduction (Part III), 2003.
60. Reis, Maria José, María Rosa Catullo e Alicia N. González de Castells. Ruptura e Continuidade com o Passado:
Bens Patrimoniais e Turismo em duas Cidades Relocalizadas, 2003.
61. Máximo, Maria Elisa. Sociabilidade no "Ciberespaço": Uma Análise da Dinâmica de Interação na Lista Eletrônica
de Discussão 'Cibercultura'", 2003.
62. Pinto, Márnio Teixeira. Artes de Ver, Modos de Ser, Formas de Dar: Xamanismo e Moralidade entre os Arara
(Caribe, Brasil), 2003.
63. Dickie, Maria Amélia S., org. Etnografando Pentecostalismos: Três Casos para Reflexão, 2003.
64. Rial, Carmen. Guerra de Imagens: o 11 de Setembro na Mídia, 2003.
65. Coelho, Luís Fernando Hering. Por uma Antropologia da Música Arara (Caribe): Aspectos Estruturais das Melodias
Vocais, 2004.
66. Menezes Bastos, Rafael José de. Les Batutas in Paris, 1922: An Anthropology of (In) discreet Brightness, 2004.
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