THE ECONOMIC DILEMMA OF THE MUSLIM WORLD

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ASMA RASHID/T~~ Economic Dilemma of the Muslim World Whatever the difficulties in the way of the creation of a complete economic circle - Arab, as a first step, Muslim, the next - its realisation would be the best proof of straightness in thought and in implementation. Khruschev16 hinted at pretty much the same thing when he said that "the best proof of the soundness of our thinking is our economic success";- provided we change the word "soundness" with "efficiency". For within the compass of those ideas which are subject to collective implementation, the results do not depend so much on the "soundness" of the notions applied as on their "efficacy". The social impact of Communism itself is deeper than that of ideas which are sounder but ill implemented. Thus, while Communism has been able to create in the Soviet Union an economic circle that can close on itself, we do not see the Muslim world even striving to realise economic self-sufficiency. It can only mean that the Communists apply Marxist thinking more earnestly than the Muslims apply their Islam. For, the results especially in the economic field are realised on the basis of purely social factors which bestow on the ideas applied more or less efficacy. It suffices to say that the causes which stamp Muslim behaviour in a way which render their ideas less efficacious in the economic field as compared to those of others, belong to a passing phase. That is to say, these causes are linked to the historical phase through which the Muslim society is passing today. It is incumbent on the Muslims to get rid of them in the shortest possible time through ways imposed by an era of the acceleration of history. In the economic field, it means that they should unify their capabilities and needs so as to realise as quickly as possible, the conditions of autarky - that is, an economic circle which can close on itself if internal and external imperatives so demand. CONCLUSION We have tried in our presentation to liberate Muslim thought from certain inhibitions which have gained hold on its gtihad, paralysing it in the economic field. For it sees in this field only a definitive, inevitable choice between capitalist ideas and order and those deriving from Marxist ideology. We have tried to show that such determinism has no justification except in our unquestioning acceptance in advance that there is no scope for Vfihcrci to discover a third alternative. Whereas, mere re-examination of the role of capital in the economy, both in its capitalist and Marxist forms, would unveil new horizons as to the manner of mobilising social energies; horizons, that will provide a point of departure for the economy and enable the Muslim to confront conditions of underdevelopment and imperatives of the time, within lawful limits laid down by God and His Prophet. Our objective is simply to attempt to break the fetters imposed on our ijrihcsd by alien thinking and to take certain steps towards a new direction such as those we have termed social investment or the problem of social equation. This is needed so that our thinking gets accustomed to pursue other steps which we could only indicate at the moment.
Islamic Studies 35:3 ( 1 996) 305 Even if the steps we have taken with the reader in these pages do not prove commendable from a practical point of view, for worse, we believe they would not be quite in vain. The issues we have underlined and our manner of tackling them would, at least, serve as an excercise for Muslim thought in conducting itself freely in face of the economic dilemmas. Indeed the movement of ideas, whatever its direction, provokes further thinking to support, correct or even resist it. I also believe that Muslim thought is called upon to plunge itself in the great battlefield to face the challenge of the economic universe. This book calls on him to enter it as a free man who does not bow his head either before the golden calf or before the embellishment of the Marxist doctrine. 'Government abstention from intetierence with individual action especially in the economic field. (Loissez faire, laissez aller, literally means 'let make, let go'). 'Here, as elsewhere in his writings, Bennabi betrays a tragic ignorance of the genesis of the Muslim political movement in the Sub-continent, mainly due to dearth of literature on the subject in Ardbic and French and the culpable failure of the Muslims of the Subcontinent to present their case abroad. As a matter of fact, far from being a chance product of the utilisation of a lucky opportunity, Pakistan was the outcome of a conscious movement and a deliberate effort directed towards a definite end. In his presidential address at the All-India Muslim League session at Allahabad, 29 December 1930, lqbal expounded at length the historical and philosophical bases of Muslim demand for self-determination. The religious ideal of Islam, he said. is organically related to the social order it has created so that the rejection of one will eventually involve the reje3ion of the other. . . The unity of an Indian nation, therefore, must be sought got in the negation but in the mutual harmony and cooperation of the many. Calling for the forbtion of a consolidated Muslim state in the best interest of India and Islam, he concluded: ". . . For India it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power: for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arab imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and with the spirit of modem times." Ten years later. voicing the Muslim demand for an independent Muslim state Jinnah presented the same case as lucidly in political terms. Islam and Hinduism, he said, are not religions in the strict sense of the word hut are in fact two different orders. Hindus and Muslims "belong to two different religious philosophies. social customs and literatures. They neither inter-marry nor inter- dine together and indeed helong to two different civilisations hased on conflicting ideas and conceptions. . . To yoke together two such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be built up for ihe government of such a state. . ." (Lahore, 23 March 1940). The case for Pakistan has been vindicated over the years by the continuing persecution of Muslims in Bharat and the gruesome suppression of Muslims in Kashmir. 'Frederick Winslow Taylor (1856-1915). American economist and engineer who presented a system of scientific organisation of work, control of the time of execution and remuneration of the worker. mough European incursions against Japan began in the last half of the 16th century, it was the appearance of a powerful American fleet under Commodore Perry in 1853. followed by English. Russian and French emissaries which finally forced the country to abandon its policy of national isolation and opened it to foreign trade and residence in 1859. 'Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716) German philosopher and mathematician. y1638-1715) King of France (1643-1715) 'Joseph Ernest Renan (1823-1892). French philosopher and philologist.
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THE ECONOMIC DILEMMA OF THE MUSLIM WORLD

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