ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT ...

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vendedores volantes, or simply volantes and ambulantes – terms that traditionally indicated free status, as opposed to the slave-related ganhador. Moreover, the Rio newspaper A Época demonstrated in 1913 that the popular Brazilian term camelô (of French origin 2 ) was already in use, particularly depicting the poor Chinese vendors on Avenida do Rio Branco and Rua do Ouvidor. 3 In 1913, the colloquial term camelô was associated with unlicensed (informal) street commerce whereas ganhadores and ambulantes in previous decades were not necessarily associated with informal commerce. The 1913 brief front-page newspaper article even linked the growth of “camelots” to the problematic progress of republican modernity, to some extent reflected in the title, “Os „camelots‟ da celestes República.” The photograph of a typified Chinese child vendor headed the article, illustrating that recent urban reforms had widened streets and paved boulevards, such as the Avenida Rio Branco (formerly, Avenida Central), but had not resulted in the disappearance of urban poverty and traditional practices of survival. “From Ganhadores to Ambulantes” is not only reflective of a linguistic shift, but, more importantly, of the transition from enslaved to free labor in Rio‟s street commerce. Street vending during the slave period was a liminal space in which slavery and freedom coexisted, shaping a post-abolition experience where particular slave legacies interacted with urban and republican reforms, which, on the one hand, gradually marginalized street 2 The Brazilian term is a Gallicism from the French original “camelot,” a street seller of goods of little value. Camelô and ambulante are synonymous, the former a popular term in current Brazilian society and in ongoing conflict with State apparatuses of urban public order, the latter is the term used in legal language recognizing the entity of individuals selling on the street as mobile or fixed vendors. 3 “Os „camelots‟ da celestes República,” A Época, 15 January 1913. 2
commerce, and, on the other, transformed it into a unique expression of carioca (Rio) modernity. The experiences of enslavement and migration and the structural changes of labor relations caused by the end of slavery in the Atlantic world defined street vending in Rio between 1850 and 1925. Understanding street commerce during this transitional period, as well as shifting urban market relations in post- emancipation societies elsewhere in the Americas, demands the exploration of diasporic experiences and the perspective of transnational history. The displacement of enslaved Africans and subsequent (mostly European) migration resulting from the turn to free labor in the nineteenth-century Atlantic were constitutive of the diasporic practices and spaces that came to characterize street commerce in Rio. Because compulsory and voluntary migration occurred within the Atlantic political economy of slavery and the ensuing shift to free labor, this dissertation examines the concept of diaspora, in the context of this transitional era, as inclusive of both African and European uprooting and the shared history of slavery and migration and of enslaved and free labor in Rio‟s street commerce. The meager material prerequisites to take up street-selling, as well as the need to construct networks of suppliers, clients, and protectors, made it the quintessential occupation for diasporic populations. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, street commerce in Rio became a site for the spaces of transnationality resulting from the Atlantic turn to free labor. This study explores transnational space, “rather than just identifiable transnational communities distinguished from other (and often still normative) national communities,” in attempts to “open up 3
Page 1 and 2: ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLA
Page 3 and 4: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT MODERNIT
Page 5 and 6: ii Para mamá y Elisabeth En memori
Page 7 and 8: school. I reserve my last words of
Page 9 and 10: List of Tables: Table 1: Distributi
Page 11 and 12: List of Images: Image 1: Henry Cham
Page 13: Introduction From Ganhadores to Amb
Page 17 and 18: egulation of street commercial acti
Page 19 and 20: At the turn of the century, after t
Page 21 and 22: century urban economy. 14 On the on
Page 23 and 24: sell on the street, and more so aft
Page 25 and 26: the street. Patron-client relations
Page 27 and 28: epressive conditions of their work
Page 29 and 30: strike and the process of labor org
Page 31 and 32: put a strain on State authorities t
Page 33 and 34: Ganhadores, peddlers, porters, shoe
Page 35 and 36: common reasons for arrest. As oppos
Page 37 and 38: the forefront of the debate over in
Page 39 and 40: The last and concluding chapter ana
Page 41 and 42: Chapter One Negros de Ganho: Africa
Page 43 and 44: ideology, relegating slaves and fre
Page 45 and 46: Eventually, free ganhadores became
Page 47 and 48: thus many of Rio‟s slaves were al
Page 49 and 50: had died while attempting to put ou
Page 51 and 52: Title 4 addressed noise pollution,
Page 53 and 54: ganhadores had to wear a metal pin
Page 55 and 56: a pedestrian who then proceeded to
Page 57 and 58: would be fined 10$-30$000 for selli
Page 59 and 60: with middlemen was not profitable f
Page 61 and 62: observed, that African women in Sal
Page 63 and 64: chapéus de sol, which the municipa
Page 65 and 66:
exempt. Although we do not know the
Page 67 and 68:
ganhador, who tended to be self-emp
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Portuguese butcher shops (açougues
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which applied to slaves and free bl
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through the imposition of methods i
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most ganhadores lived were Sacramen
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licenses in a group and these tende
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São José, in the 1870s, Italian i
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Spaniards who lived in a hostel on
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which had been mainly an African pa
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guarantor, or fiador, by the police
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Chapter Two “Que possa cada um ca
Page 89 and 90:
The transformation in the perceptio
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the gradual transition to free labo
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strivings of urban wage-workers. 11
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same historical stage but also pove
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Richard Wade‟s pioneering study o
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chácara, while peddlers maximized
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even foodstuffs provided every ince
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square that served as a hangout for
Page 105 and 106:
All these fines “exalted the trea
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and targeted a population that was
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lanket that served as both mattress
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to certain demographic profiles as
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all of them as unmarried and illite
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enslaved men (54) than women (22),
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However, the majority of free male
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most were street vendors of product
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violations of the Criminal Code, se
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one fula migrant from the state of
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times respectively. Also common was
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slaves originally from the state of
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living space to blacks. Fearing sla
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This is indicative of a shift from
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mostly from Naples and Cozenca. Six
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and on street peddlers. As one colu
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many participants of street commerc
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experienced the conditions of citiz
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involved rehabilitation. 8 In 1890,
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earn a living. As Amy Chazkel remin
Page 145 and 146:
In studying the construction of “
Page 147 and 148:
“discursive and contextual constr
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provides a lens not only for the st
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ationalization but because politica
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licensed. Another municipal ordinan
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legal problems, thus returning to t
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equested that neighborhood police s
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profiles of peddlers at the Casa de
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Turks were also migrating in consid
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were still tied to physical traits
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The next paragraphs discuss occupat
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men between the ages of 20 and 50.
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easons usually unrelated to the pra
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sweets (all pretas and one fula), t
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as equals.” The authors argue tha
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Dória described kiosk owners (dono
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social status 65 , José Martins an
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as vagrants, while working minors a
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individual without a beard and wear
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as well as illustrated the persiste
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opposite could have been the case,
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slavery” and the “sexual temper
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this community, individual honor wa
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work.” 88 José unashamedly decla
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and influenced by both systemic-hie
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ecreated the uncertain condition of
Page 197 and 198:
Chapter Four Toward a “Humanitari
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The time period this chapter captur
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technologies claiming to sanitize t
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electorate, exalting the transforma
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the time, did not explicitly define
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partnered with Carlos Martins da Si
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supporting the EAD municipal funds
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claimed was much more elegant and e
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João Lucas. Lucas was an engraxate
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made out of wood and used electrici
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did emerge during the capital city
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work of the street peddler, are wha
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in order to supply juice to people
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did not find the means to obtain su
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In 1909, three Brazilian residents
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chloride, the latter being a chemic
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deplorable service to the city” (
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worker. In Sousa and Lopes‟ reque
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icebox, a small basin for washing d
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1906, Augusto Fernandes Carreira cr
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certain archaic vending practices a
Page 239 and 240:
period. But the technological trans
Page 241 and 242:
Chapter Five “Ficará o Rio Sem A
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majority of the city‟s working po
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incorporated a utopic nation: itemi
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ideals and their inability or refus
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extralegal structures and practices
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strong disagreement between popular
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were required to have two licenses,
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curiosity to watch the milkman unti
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Another major problem for municipal
Page 259 and 260:
However, as the photograph of the L
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street behaviors deemed antisocial.
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ights (e.g., voting rights), the fo
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claim to be the cradle of samba. 56
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milk vendors, and bread vendors, ye
Page 269 and 270:
tended to be white Brazilians born
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location for an extended period of
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street sellers faced frequent deten
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themselves as “honest workers,”
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arrested, and the police suspected
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seven days to fully repay Joaquim M
Page 281 and 282:
strong connections with the Bahian
Page 283 and 284:
of Santana in 1883. 72 Moreover, th
Page 285 and 286:
period. Ganhadores were even listed
Page 287 and 288:
the tenuous position of street comm
Page 289 and 290:
“itinerants,” or street vendors
Page 291 and 292:
the early twentieth century. Prints
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contributed to notions of inclusion
Page 295 and 296:
exception. The widespread artistic
Page 297 and 298:
eflected an interest in Brazilian s
Page 299 and 300:
cartes-de-visite constructed notion
Page 301 and 302:
of an earlier age soon to be erased
Page 303 and 304:
them as valuable actors in the live
Page 305 and 306:
the „Tropical Belle Époque‟ th
Page 307 and 308:
1890s, photographs catalogued in ar
Page 309 and 310:
Benjamin.” 48 As Sekula notes, it
Page 311 and 312:
of the mechanism of great cities[.]
Page 313 and 314:
particular vending occupations were
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development of the city. They descr
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inequalities[.]” 64 Informality t
Page 319 and 320:
conditions that create formality an
Page 321 and 322:
was not merely a twentieth-century
Page 323 and 324:
Appendix, Chapter One Map 1a: Rio P
Page 325 and 326:
Image 3: Jean-Baptiste Debret, “T
Page 327 and 328:
Table 3: Occupation of fiadores, 18
Page 329 and 330:
Image 7: Jean-Baptiste Debret, ”V
Page 331 and 332:
Image 10: Marc Ferrez, “Jornaleir
Page 333 and 334:
Appendix, Chapter Four Image 13:
Page 335 and 336:
Image 17: Arthur Augusto Azevedo,
Page 337 and 338:
Image 22: “Carrinho Francês,”
Page 339 and 340:
Image 26: Augusto Magalhães de Bar
Page 341 and 342:
Image 28: Benedito Novela da Silva,
Page 343 and 344:
Image 31: Valdemanr Flohr-Matthiess
Page 345 and 346:
Image 33: Francisco Falconi, “Car
Page 347 and 348:
Appendix, Chapter Five Image 36: Ra
Page 349 and 350:
Image 40: Marc Ferrez, “Vendedor
Page 351 and 352:
Image 44: Marc Ferrez, “Vendedore
Page 353 and 354:
Image 48: Statue “O Mascate” (P
Page 355 and 356:
Privilégios Industriais Arquivo P
Page 357 and 358:
Azevedo, Celia Maria Marinha de. On
Page 359 and 360:
________. "From Black History to Di
Page 361 and 362:
Cunha, Olívia Maria Gomes da. Inte
Page 363 and 364:
Garza, James Alex. The Imagined Und
Page 365 and 366:
Haverkamp, Anselm. "Notes on the "D
Page 367 and 368:
Macedo, Joaquim Manuel de. Um passe
Page 369 and 370:
Monénembo, Tierno, Luis Felipe de
Page 371 and 372:
Queiroz, Maria Isaura Pereira de. "
Page 373 and 374:
Senna, Ernesto. O velho comércio d
Page 375 and 376:
Stotz, Eulália Maria Lahmeyer Lobo
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ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT ...

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