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ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT ...

ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT ...

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Since colonial times, street and market vendors legitimized their work<br />

through municipal licensing procedures, which allowed them to legally sell goods<br />

on the streets. Not all street vendors, however, held licenses or sought licenses,<br />

thus becoming a problem for urban authorities to regulate. After the Portuguese<br />

Court settled in Rio in 1808, new policing measures continued to develop<br />

throughout the century, as the government (at least in Rio) became increasingly<br />

involved in controlling the movement <strong>of</strong> the urban slave and free black<br />

population. 18 Licensing procedures and new laws concerning wage labor were<br />

also linked to the legal changes taking place in the second half <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth<br />

century concerned with administering slave emancipation and the emerging “free”<br />

class <strong>of</strong> workers. Elites supported the gradual approach toward slave<br />

emancipation in Brazil as a means to preserve the dominion <strong>of</strong> ex-masters over<br />

their ex-slaves, and prolong relationships <strong>of</strong> dependency and paternalism. 19<br />

Licensing and guardianship were required for free and freed blacks (libertos) to<br />

identities created by African-born individuals and Brazilian-born individuals <strong>of</strong> African descent,<br />

arguing place <strong>of</strong> birth rather than race or color was the primary formative aspect <strong>of</strong> their identities.<br />

Additionally, new ethnic and gender identities were created at the workplace resulting in<br />

ethnicized and gendered urban spaces. Nishida notes most escravos de ganho in Salvador were<br />

African-born, hired out by their masters or able to market their craft skills on the street, whereas<br />

the majority <strong>of</strong> Brazilian-born slaves were primarily domestic servants. Moreover, the presence <strong>of</strong><br />

gendered urban spaces in Salvador further complicates the notion <strong>of</strong> a “linear” construction <strong>of</strong><br />

ethnicity. For example, African-born slave women monopolized the exchange <strong>of</strong> foodstuffs as<br />

market-stall keepers, market vendors, and street vendors. As such, they were likely to create and<br />

develop, as maintained by Nishida, “a stronger collective gender identity, beyond ethnic identity,<br />

in New World slavery than their male counterparts,” p. 46. On gender and street commerce in<br />

Salvador, Bahia, see Cecília Moreira Soares, "As Ganhadeiras: mulher e resistência em Salvador<br />

no século XIX.”<br />

18 Thomas Holloway, Policing Rio de Janeiro: Repression and Resistance in a 19 th -Century City<br />

(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993).<br />

19 Joseli Maria Nunes Mendonça, Entre a mão e os anéis: A lei dos sexagenários e os caminhos da<br />

abolição no Brasil (São Paulo: Editora da Unicamp, 1999). The author analyzes the Sexagenarian<br />

Law <strong>of</strong> 1885, and the parliamentary debate surrounding the indemnification <strong>of</strong> ex-masters for the<br />

loss <strong>of</strong> slave labor, and argues that because <strong>of</strong> the incapacity <strong>of</strong> the State in the 1880s <strong>of</strong><br />

controlling the emerging free working class, the State itself promoted the maintenance <strong>of</strong> exmasters‟<br />

powers over their ex-slaves.<br />

10

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