ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT ...

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municipal government had administered. 47 The few ganhador license registrations from 1886 demonstrate that the shift from municipal to police regulation of street commerce marked the last decade of slavery and foreshadowed certain legal and attitudinal changes and attitudes regarding street commerce of the early post-abolition and republican period. In addition, the experience of the urban police as overseer of slave and free street labor set a precedent, pushing street commerce toward a path of marginalization shaped by associations with criminality. If the tenuous and transitional historical moment of imminent abolition positioned street commerce near a crossroads between criminality and urban labor market regulation, the republican Penal Code of 1890 ensured that disciplinary measures established by criminal law would focus on correcting individuals and not inadequately regulated street commercial activity. Thus, the minor José Martins, to be found next to a café quiosque of the Praça da República on a winter morning in 1893, possessed a blade that for him was a working tool to unpack and distribute newspapers, but that authorities interpreted as the well-known weapon of capoeiras. 48 Chapter Three discusses legal changes and citizenship experiences that defined the transition from imperial to republican rule in 1890- 1902. The shift from the regulation of street commerce to monitoring of behavior is evident in the hundreds of registry entries recording the detention of peddlers at the turn of the century in the municipal House of Detention, or Rio‟s Casa de Detenção. Public disorder followed by vagrancy and inebriation were the most 47 Abreu, O Império do Divino. 48 Discussed in Chapter Three. 22
common reasons for arrest. As opposed to the slave period, no street vendor after 1890 was detained for being unlicensed, eventhough early republican law continued to rely on imperial municipal codes concerning ganhadores. Additionally, in contrast to the slave period, only a few street workers identified themselves as ganhadores, the last one making an appearance in the 1906 registry entries of the Casa de Detenção. It is possible that many vendors detained for vagrancy or public disorder were also unlicensed or violating other norms of ganho work, but these reasons were not noted in the detention center registry, which was more concerned with recording penal violations instead. During the republican period (after 1890), many street vendors who were first detained in the Casa de Detenção were later processed in court. While Rio police were more preoccupied with the regulation of inappropriate street behavior over commercial activity, court judges expressed mixed attitudes toward discipline. Chapter Three demonstrates how uncertain evidence and the protection of personhood over property, for example, shaped some judges‟ decisions and mitigated the weight of racist attitudes. In the “legal contact zones” of courtrooms, streets, and the conversations that took place between offenders, defendants, victims, witnesses, family, friends, and community members, notions of appropriate public, private, and civil behavior was the result of a process of exchange involving urban officials and residents, and influenced by both systemic-hierarchal and popular-horizontal relations. In this way, citizenship was the common hegemonic language, created by political liberals and redefined by subordinate groups and authority figures in everyday forms of legal and social 23
Page 1 and 2: ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLA
Page 3 and 4: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT MODERNIT
Page 5 and 6: ii Para mamá y Elisabeth En memori
Page 7 and 8: school. I reserve my last words of
Page 9 and 10: List of Tables: Table 1: Distributi
Page 11 and 12: List of Images: Image 1: Henry Cham
Page 13 and 14: Introduction From Ganhadores to Amb
Page 15 and 16: commerce, and, on the other, transf
Page 17 and 18: egulation of street commercial acti
Page 19 and 20: At the turn of the century, after t
Page 21 and 22: century urban economy. 14 On the on
Page 23 and 24: sell on the street, and more so aft
Page 25 and 26: the street. Patron-client relations
Page 27 and 28: epressive conditions of their work
Page 29 and 30: strike and the process of labor org
Page 31 and 32: put a strain on State authorities t
Page 33: Ganhadores, peddlers, porters, shoe
Page 37 and 38: the forefront of the debate over in
Page 39 and 40: The last and concluding chapter ana
Page 41 and 42: Chapter One Negros de Ganho: Africa
Page 43 and 44: ideology, relegating slaves and fre
Page 45 and 46: Eventually, free ganhadores became
Page 47 and 48: thus many of Rio‟s slaves were al
Page 49 and 50: had died while attempting to put ou
Page 51 and 52: Title 4 addressed noise pollution,
Page 53 and 54: ganhadores had to wear a metal pin
Page 55 and 56: a pedestrian who then proceeded to
Page 57 and 58: would be fined 10$-30$000 for selli
Page 59 and 60: with middlemen was not profitable f
Page 61 and 62: observed, that African women in Sal
Page 63 and 64: chapéus de sol, which the municipa
Page 65 and 66: exempt. Although we do not know the
Page 67 and 68: ganhador, who tended to be self-emp
Page 69 and 70: Portuguese butcher shops (açougues
Page 71 and 72: which applied to slaves and free bl
Page 73 and 74: through the imposition of methods i
Page 75 and 76: most ganhadores lived were Sacramen
Page 77 and 78: licenses in a group and these tende
Page 79 and 80: São José, in the 1870s, Italian i
Page 81 and 82: Spaniards who lived in a hostel on
Page 83 and 84: which had been mainly an African pa
Page 85 and 86:
guarantor, or fiador, by the police
Page 87 and 88:
Chapter Two “Que possa cada um ca
Page 89 and 90:
The transformation in the perceptio
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the gradual transition to free labo
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strivings of urban wage-workers. 11
Page 95 and 96:
same historical stage but also pove
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Richard Wade‟s pioneering study o
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chácara, while peddlers maximized
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even foodstuffs provided every ince
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square that served as a hangout for
Page 105 and 106:
All these fines “exalted the trea
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and targeted a population that was
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lanket that served as both mattress
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to certain demographic profiles as
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all of them as unmarried and illite
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enslaved men (54) than women (22),
Page 117 and 118:
However, the majority of free male
Page 119 and 120:
most were street vendors of product
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violations of the Criminal Code, se
Page 123 and 124:
one fula migrant from the state of
Page 125 and 126:
times respectively. Also common was
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slaves originally from the state of
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living space to blacks. Fearing sla
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This is indicative of a shift from
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mostly from Naples and Cozenca. Six
Page 135 and 136:
and on street peddlers. As one colu
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many participants of street commerc
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experienced the conditions of citiz
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involved rehabilitation. 8 In 1890,
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earn a living. As Amy Chazkel remin
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In studying the construction of “
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“discursive and contextual constr
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provides a lens not only for the st
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ationalization but because politica
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licensed. Another municipal ordinan
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legal problems, thus returning to t
Page 157 and 158:
equested that neighborhood police s
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profiles of peddlers at the Casa de
Page 161 and 162:
Turks were also migrating in consid
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were still tied to physical traits
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The next paragraphs discuss occupat
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men between the ages of 20 and 50.
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easons usually unrelated to the pra
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sweets (all pretas and one fula), t
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as equals.” The authors argue tha
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Dória described kiosk owners (dono
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social status 65 , José Martins an
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as vagrants, while working minors a
Page 181 and 182:
individual without a beard and wear
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as well as illustrated the persiste
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opposite could have been the case,
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slavery” and the “sexual temper
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this community, individual honor wa
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work.” 88 José unashamedly decla
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and influenced by both systemic-hie
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ecreated the uncertain condition of
Page 197 and 198:
Chapter Four Toward a “Humanitari
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The time period this chapter captur
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technologies claiming to sanitize t
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electorate, exalting the transforma
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the time, did not explicitly define
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partnered with Carlos Martins da Si
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supporting the EAD municipal funds
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claimed was much more elegant and e
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João Lucas. Lucas was an engraxate
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made out of wood and used electrici
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did emerge during the capital city
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work of the street peddler, are wha
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in order to supply juice to people
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did not find the means to obtain su
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In 1909, three Brazilian residents
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chloride, the latter being a chemic
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deplorable service to the city” (
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worker. In Sousa and Lopes‟ reque
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icebox, a small basin for washing d
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1906, Augusto Fernandes Carreira cr
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certain archaic vending practices a
Page 239 and 240:
period. But the technological trans
Page 241 and 242:
Chapter Five “Ficará o Rio Sem A
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majority of the city‟s working po
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incorporated a utopic nation: itemi
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ideals and their inability or refus
Page 249 and 250:
extralegal structures and practices
Page 251 and 252:
strong disagreement between popular
Page 253 and 254:
were required to have two licenses,
Page 255 and 256:
curiosity to watch the milkman unti
Page 257 and 258:
Another major problem for municipal
Page 259 and 260:
However, as the photograph of the L
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street behaviors deemed antisocial.
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ights (e.g., voting rights), the fo
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claim to be the cradle of samba. 56
Page 267 and 268:
milk vendors, and bread vendors, ye
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tended to be white Brazilians born
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location for an extended period of
Page 273 and 274:
street sellers faced frequent deten
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themselves as “honest workers,”
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arrested, and the police suspected
Page 279 and 280:
seven days to fully repay Joaquim M
Page 281 and 282:
strong connections with the Bahian
Page 283 and 284:
of Santana in 1883. 72 Moreover, th
Page 285 and 286:
period. Ganhadores were even listed
Page 287 and 288:
the tenuous position of street comm
Page 289 and 290:
“itinerants,” or street vendors
Page 291 and 292:
the early twentieth century. Prints
Page 293 and 294:
contributed to notions of inclusion
Page 295 and 296:
exception. The widespread artistic
Page 297 and 298:
eflected an interest in Brazilian s
Page 299 and 300:
cartes-de-visite constructed notion
Page 301 and 302:
of an earlier age soon to be erased
Page 303 and 304:
them as valuable actors in the live
Page 305 and 306:
the „Tropical Belle Époque‟ th
Page 307 and 308:
1890s, photographs catalogued in ar
Page 309 and 310:
Benjamin.” 48 As Sekula notes, it
Page 311 and 312:
of the mechanism of great cities[.]
Page 313 and 314:
particular vending occupations were
Page 315 and 316:
development of the city. They descr
Page 317 and 318:
inequalities[.]” 64 Informality t
Page 319 and 320:
conditions that create formality an
Page 321 and 322:
was not merely a twentieth-century
Page 323 and 324:
Appendix, Chapter One Map 1a: Rio P
Page 325 and 326:
Image 3: Jean-Baptiste Debret, “T
Page 327 and 328:
Table 3: Occupation of fiadores, 18
Page 329 and 330:
Image 7: Jean-Baptiste Debret, ”V
Page 331 and 332:
Image 10: Marc Ferrez, “Jornaleir
Page 333 and 334:
Appendix, Chapter Four Image 13:
Page 335 and 336:
Image 17: Arthur Augusto Azevedo,
Page 337 and 338:
Image 22: “Carrinho Francês,”
Page 339 and 340:
Image 26: Augusto Magalhães de Bar
Page 341 and 342:
Image 28: Benedito Novela da Silva,
Page 343 and 344:
Image 31: Valdemanr Flohr-Matthiess
Page 345 and 346:
Image 33: Francisco Falconi, “Car
Page 347 and 348:
Appendix, Chapter Five Image 36: Ra
Page 349 and 350:
Image 40: Marc Ferrez, “Vendedor
Page 351 and 352:
Image 44: Marc Ferrez, “Vendedore
Page 353 and 354:
Image 48: Statue “O Mascate” (P
Page 355 and 356:
Privilégios Industriais Arquivo P
Page 357 and 358:
Azevedo, Celia Maria Marinha de. On
Page 359 and 360:
________. "From Black History to Di
Page 361 and 362:
Cunha, Olívia Maria Gomes da. Inte
Page 363 and 364:
Garza, James Alex. The Imagined Und
Page 365 and 366:
Haverkamp, Anselm. "Notes on the "D
Page 367 and 368:
Macedo, Joaquim Manuel de. Um passe
Page 369 and 370:
Monénembo, Tierno, Luis Felipe de
Page 371 and 372:
Queiroz, Maria Isaura Pereira de. "
Page 373 and 374:
Senna, Ernesto. O velho comércio d
Page 375 and 376:
Stotz, Eulália Maria Lahmeyer Lobo
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ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE LEGACIES, AMBIVALENT ...

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