ISS 25 (1995).pdf - The International Council of Museums

Symposium
MUSEUM AND COMMUNITY II
July 1995
Stavanger. Norway
Edited by Martin R. Scharer
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CONTENTS
Introduction 5
I SYMPOSIUM MUSEUM AND COMMUNITY, part II 7
Ivo Maroevic Analysing summary 9
Anita B. Shah Analysing summary 17
Eurydice Antzoulatou-Retsina Coping with Dilemmas. Or between
Museomania and Museotherapy 21
Mathilde Bellaigue Des musees pour quelle communautes? 29
Nelly Decarolis Heritage, Museum, Territory and Community 37
Maria de Lourdes Horta Museums and Communities: a powerful
equation 43
Nicola Ladkin Museum and Communities: an ecological approach 57
Lynn Maranda Museums and the Community 67
Raymond Montpetit Les Musees, interprcHes du patrimoine:
I'appropriation communautaire 73
Anupama Nigam Museum and Community 83
Paivi-Marjut Raippalinna Regional Art Museums and Challenges of
Commmunity Orientation - A Case Study 89
Tereza Cristina Scheiner On Museum, Communities and the
Relativity of it all 95
Jean Trudel Musees et Communautes culturelles au Quebec: Le
cas du Musee d'Art de Saint-Laurent 99
Hildegard Vieregg The Life itself provides the Topics 107
Grazyna Zaucha Communities and Museums in Africa 115
Mathilde Bellaigue Final Remarks 123
II MUSEUMS AND COMMUNITY. MUSEOLOGY AND NEW
MUSEOLOGY. RHETORICS OR REALITIES. JOINT SESSIONS
WITH MINOM 125
Marc Maure La nouvelle museologie - qu'est-ce que c'est? 127
Peter van Mensch Magpies on Mount Helicon? 133
Paule Doucet Les nouvelles museologies: approche
conceptuelles et pratiques 139
Jean Davallon Nouvelle museologie vs museologie? 153
III TRAINING PERSONNAL FOR COMMUNITY MUSEUMS. JOINT
SESSION WITH ICTOP 169
Tereza Scheiner Training for Museum and Community Awareness 171

IV MUSEUM AND MUSEOLOGY IN NORWAY AND SCANDINAVIA 177
Per-Uno Agren Nordic Museums and the Nordic Museology -
some introductory remarks 179
Marc Maure La fabrication d'un patrimoine national - Ie cas de la
Norvege 187
Randi Bartvedt An Industrial Community and its Heritage 195
John Aage Gjestrum Norwegian experiences in the field of
ecomuseums and museum decentralisation 201
V ICOFOM· LAM 213
ICOFOM-LAM Report 1990-1995 215
Authors 219
ICOFOM Study Series 220

MUSEUM AND COMMUNITY II
This very important topic was chosen as the theme for the 1995 ICOM Triennial Conference in
Stavanger, Norway.
In connection with this, ICOFOM organized two symposia, one within its 1994 Annual
Conference in Beijing, China, the second one in Stavanger in 1995. ICOFOM Study Series 24
published the papers of the first symposium.
This volume presents the contributions to the second part, including the analytical summaries
that were presented at the beginning of each session and a final summary and appreciation of
the very lively discussions.
ISS 25 also contains the papers of the joint sessions with MINOM (Mouvernent international
pour une nouvelle rnuseologie) and with ICTOP (International Committee for the Training of
Personnel) as well as those given to the Seminar on Museums and Museology in Norway and
Scandinavia. A report of ICOFOM-LAM, our regional organization for Latin America and the
Caribbean, concludes this publication.
Our warmest thanks go to John Aage Gjestrum who organized an excellent meeting in
Stavanger.
Martin R.Scharer
President oflCOFOM

SYMPOSIUM MUSEUM AND COMMUNITY, Part II
I

English term is broader and includes all these
groups but also the public or society. This
ambiguity is obvious in given preprints for this
meeting, too. Both colleagues wh o presented the
summaries in Beijing made the conclusions which are
their own vision of the given relation between
museum and community. So J. A. Gjestrun suggested
the need of very different museums to fulfil various
aims, from creating the national identity to opening
wide possibilities, in becoming the part of the
reorganization of man ' s ideas of himself and his
sense of values i.e. his need to be a part o f
present time. not oriented only to the past. He also
accentuated the danger of ideological and other
kinds of oppressing the minority and other social
groups using the museum as an instrument o f the
national policy. D. Natteyne tried to find the
solution by analysing the relations among
collections, professionals and users. including
visitors. researchers and those who are deciding on
the conditions of the museum work . A. Desvallees
a ccentuated. in his final remarks. the necessity of
establishing 'community museums to be fulfilling
the needs of minority groups but also considering
the dangers of using museums as a political
instrument .
With such an introduction the Stavanger meeting
papers are repeating the same ambiguity that existed
in Beijing last year . Some of the authors of the
papers are trying to explain the general problem by
analysing examples taken from their own or their
country's practice (P. M. Raippalinna, J. Trudel, G.
Zaucha ). Some of them are trying to follow a
theoretical approach dealing with relation of museum
and society with the stress put on the community (E.
Antzoulatou-Retsila, M. Bellaigue, N. Ladkin, L.
Maranda, R. Montpetit, T. C. Sheiner) and there are
some who are trying to illustrate theoretical
statements relying on the practical examples (M.
Horta, H. Vieregg) .
The theoretical approach has a wide scope from
the identification of the problem of ideologization
of museum work and the span between pluralism and
nationalism (E. Antzoulatou-Retsila), over the
examination of the term 'community' ranging from
traditional communities and new individualism , and
the role of museums in such a situation ( M.
Bellaigue), all to the very interesting approach to
the concept of the community as an ecosystem and to
the interpretation of the term ' museum ecology' ( N.
Ladkin) . Not less interesting appear to be the
analytical approach to relations of community and
museums, using the term community in the sense of
social environment of museums ( L. Maranda ), as well
as to the role of museums in interpreting the
10

heritage as community appropriation, with the
differentiation between ' national ' and ' global '
heritage ( R. Montpetit ), and also to the elaboration
of the idea of museum and of the concept of
community ( T . C. Sheiner ) . This approach shows that
there can be no consensus in defining 'community ' or
'museum ' either. The only common point appears to be
the diversity of meanings and the wide scope of
problems which can arise in relation to the concepts
of museum and community.
Very different approaches are established in
the papers in which the authors try to support their
theoretical statements with the real practice. On
one side there is the universal question of power by
which museums can control mental territories and
play the important role in maintaining the identity
of the community as interpreted by M. Horta by some
actual examples taken from the southern region of
Brazil, while on the other side there is a close and
strict European analysis of H. Vieregg who on the
basis of W. von Humboldt's theory, analyses the
possibilities of the representation of contemporary
history in museums using the term community in the
sense of audience .
The African problem is raised very clearly, It
could be summarized in the questions: is the
European model of museum adequate for African needs
and are the existing museums in Africa able to
realize the possibility of close connection with
their communities,
Let us very
Stavanger papers
ending with the
countries.
shortly give the essentials of the
starting with the theoretical and
particular examples from various
Eurydice An tzoula tou-Retsila from Ionian
University in Greece, in her paper ' Museums and
Communities: Coping with Dilemmas. Or: Between
Huseomania and Museotherapy ' accentuates that the
awareness of the social role of museums has changed
from the 1vory tower ' mentality to the sharing
power with segments of a larger civic whole . Putting
many questions about the role of museums in the
society she states that museums have to shift from
' monologue to conversation'. She insists on a deep
professional devotion of museum people and "a clear
sense of responsibility to their communities" aiming
to understand the nature and flexibility of
individual and group identities.
Hathilde
recherche des
museums for
development of
Bellaigue from Laboratoire de
musees de France in her paper "Which
which communities?" explains the
museums in Europe and states that
11

events in France.in 196B. started the new movement
among the French museums. New notions c ame into the
museum world as: identity . territory. participation
o r community. In the eighties the rentability o f
museums and the prestigious arc hitectural projects
pressed out the notion of community. Stating that
the traditional communities have split and that
individualism has got stronger, she notices the new
social groups that have a need for museums:
illiterates, immigrants rejected by the nationals,
the unemployed left outside the working community.
Posing questions like: how can museums cope with
such situation, or , are there new forms of museal
action to imagine, she opens the discussion about
the new position and forms of museums.
Lynn Haranda, from the Vancouver Museum in
Canada in her paper 'Museums and the community'
tries to present analytically the given relation.
Discussing more the concept of community than of the
museums. she states that museums serve a community
only by answering the fundamental questions on human
existence . Community is an aggregate of people with
a joint interest neighbourhood , profession.
intellectual inquiry , nationalist motives.
Identifying the contemporary pressure. the conflict
and the political meaning, she tries to search for a
solution, saying that museums are becoming
responsive to a variety of community voices and
sensitive to financial relationships, Pleading for
more complete studying of the public reactions ,
sentiments and desire, she states that communities
use the museum as a power basis from which to
disseminate their messages.
Raymond Hontpetit from the University of Quebec
in Montreal, Canada, in his paper 'Museums.
interpreters of heritage for community
appropriation' emphasizes the heritage belonging to
the communities, discussing the features of heritage
as: the living heritage of traditional cultures, the
heritage of collections, the museum heritage and the
cultural resources of postindustrial societies. He
states that the present state of heritage is marked
by hesitating between the 'national' and 'global'
heritage. Presuming that a heritage is today defined
in a more economic perspective as a leisure
resource. he sees the importance of tourism and
information highways as ways of reaching the global
community.
Teresa Cristina Scheiner from Brazil, in her
paper 'On museum, communities and the relativity of
it all', insists on the relativity of museums.
Discussing the idea of museum and museology she
stresses two basic characteristics of the museum:
its intrinsic relationship with nature and culture,
12

and its plurality. Continuing on the discussion o f
community she states that it is necessary to
identify to which community we a r e referring to when
proposing the museological action. Museum and
community are relative concepts, the first one is
promoting the capacity of the museological
community, the second one requiring a high degree of
participation and the third one implying that search
for knowledge must be done in the communities
themselves.
Nicola Ladkin from Museum of Texas Tech
University from Lubbock, USA , in her paper 'Museums
and Communities: an ecological approach' examines
museum as a species within its natural environment
and community as synonymous with ecosystem. She
establishes the term 'museum ecology' and specifies
that it investigates the relationship between
museums, community, ecosystems and global natural
environment . Museums are a complex species tied in a
great web of diverse spatial. physical and communal
interrelationships. Cultural forces as history,
politics. law and transferral of knowledge operate
within the community ecosystem in the same way as
environmental forces. Museums are unfinished
institutions. they are in evolution. Museums can
change their behaviour to better operate in their
community. An understanding of community dynamics
assists museologists to develop organization and
management . This approach is very useful for the
understanding of the relation between museum and
community.
Haria de Lourdes Horta, from Brazil. in her
paper 'Museums and Communities: a powerful
equation, , ' states that at the present time there is
nothing more 'museological' than this subject theme.
Conflicts between indigenous and dominant cultures
are the conflicts of power. The power in museumcommunity
relationship means the control of mental
territories. Museums have the role in this conflict.
She explains the problem of identity in Brazilian
cultural melting pot by some examples from the
southern region of the country with the population
of previously European origin. Through the
interpretation of three case studies, one finished,
one in due course and one in the early stage of the
project she explains the notions of heritage.
identity amnesia, heritage education and cultural
power. She states that museology can be a tool to be
empowering people in their daily fight to survive.
It appears the most important to learn how to share
museum power with community needs. It is the
challenge for the museum world today.
Jean Trudel, from the University of Montreal in
Canada. in his paper 'Museums and cultural
13

communities in Quebec: the case of the Musee d'art
de Saint-Laurent' stresses the problem of francophon
population in Quebec , Ethnic communities in Montreal
have little interest for museums and museums have no
time nor resources to reach the potential public , On
the example of Ville Saint-Laurent and Musee d ' art
de Saint-Laurent , he explains the new approach , The
feasibility study for a more suitable museum
building provoked the idea to transform the museum
into a laboratory to discover Quebec culture and
identity and to establish closer links with the
social environment,
Hildegard Vieregg, from Germany, in her paper
'The Life Itself Provides the Topics' tries to
elaborate the problem of presenting the contemporary
history in the museums. She starts from the basic
definitions on museums and states that a museum
visitor is between museum and community. In a
theoretical introduction she widely elaborates the
ideas of Wilhelm von Humboldt insisting that the
life itself provides the themes, It means that a
scope of the real life has to be reflected in
museums. Analysing the historic dimension and the
scopes of the real life', she pleads for a
democratic museum aiming at the political education
and developing of democracy. On the examples of the
Museum of German History in Berlin, concerning the
reunification of Germany in 1989 with the slogan
'Against forgetting, for democracy', the Museum and
KZ-memorial place in Dachau with the idea of 'not
only remember but engage ourselves not to be
repeated', and the Holocaust-Museum and 'Museum of
Tolerance', she asks to encourage the active
participation. In order to be explaining visitors
not-easy-objects choices she asks to be concerned
with at least two principles to be applied in
exhibitions: the principle of 'stations' as a
synoptical starting point and the principle of
'outside-inside' in making connections between
museum and outside world. Her approach may be narrow
approach oriented but it opens important questions.
Grazyna Zaucha, from the Choma museum in
Zambia, in her paper 'Communities and Museums in
Africa' starts with the idea that Africa was largely
built by foreigners . The indigenous cultures have
been different and oriented towards skills more than
towards objects. Museums were imported from Europe
and used as important political instruments,
Contrasts between Francophone, Anglophone and Luso­
Africa population are obvious, while those between
rich and poor are increased. The education for
working in museums is done abroad. Museums without
any connections among them, collections which ignore
science, arts and many other sorts of material,
small number of museums are identified as facts
14

Dr. Eurydice in the paper 'Museums and Commuities : Coping with
Dilemmas' also holds museums as "socially significant institutions
responsible for responding sensitively to the messages emmitted by
post modern society." Dr. Eurydice holds that museums hold a key
position in the articulation of identities of the various communities.
Museums as social institutions shoulder the responsibility of exposing
its audience to other communities to create 'mutual respect. goodwill
and intentions ..... • This requires 'effective tools' that is. a stong
theoritical museological base which can develop well developed
strategies for the museum to be successful in its social mission of
integration of diverse cultures.
Grazyna Zaucha gives a detailed account of the present situation
prevailing in African Museums and stresses the need for practical
museum proarammes and African trained museum personnel, who are
competent. creative and committed to serve the African communities.
Jean Trudel in the paper 'Museums and Cultural Communities in Quebec'
emphasizes the importance of addressing to the needs and issues of the
various ethinic communities. Museum is a rendezevous for a dialogue
between various communities. " where the encounter between the
diversity of ethinic communities and the discovery of Quebec culture
and identity is facilitated through the insrument of its collection."
A similar line of thought can be discerned in the papers analysed
above. Most speak about the need to establish distinct identities of
the various communities the museum serves at the same time striving to
establish peace and harmony in the society as a whole.
Raymond Montpetit. Canada. writes about globalization of cultural
heritages and speaks of cultural heritages in its materialistic
adva.ntage as ' beina appropriated by tourism . '
Lynn Maranda, Vancouver Museum, Canada, gives interesting perspectives
of the relationship of the museum with the community it serves. The
paper brings out the intricate relationship the museum has with its
community. The museum helps its community to answer certain basic
questions such as Yho are we? ' 'Yhere do we come from? In
attempting to answer these basic questions the museum is able to help
the community define the purpose of our living and give shape to the
direction to our ambition . The museum helps in establishing the
identity of its various small communities at the same time' providing
a wide opinion to assit in the understanding of a national
population.'
This view is very important in understanding the museum
itsrelationship with the community/communities it serves . Museums
the responsibility of present ina the history of the community
'special social meanina ..... . . of the evolution.' A museum is
institution which is a powerful tool to effect changes desired by
group.
19
and
have
with
an
the

Dr. Eurydice Antzoulatou-Retsila
Assistant Professor of Museoiog)" Ionian University, Corfu, Greece
Museums and Communities: Coping with Dilemmas. Or: Between
Museomania and Museotherapy
The fact that in the period between August 1989 and July 1995 the topic "Museums and
Communitites" has attracted -more than once- the attention of museum professionals as
a special subject to be elaborated in conferences 1 is a very eloquent indication of the
interests and concerns characterizing the contemporary world of museums.
Socially significant institutions and generators of social ideas themselves, museums
assume the responsibility to respond sensitively to the messages emitted by post-modern
society.
In a period of "cultural deconstruction" and "existential scrutiny"Z -and yet of an immense
fondness of museums, a real "museomania"- museums, as repositories of knowledge, value
and taste, are challenged to propose their own antidotes and formulate a "therapy".
Inserting in debates concerning social issues has been considered ontologically crucial by
museums, justifying in this way their existence. Yet, despite the enrichment In
perspectives, attitudes and practices such a line of reasoning can provide, it certainly
brings museums in the center of an intellectual -and not only- turmoil, leaving them often
exposed to various claims and accusations.
In this fact one could recognize the results of the civil rights and war protest movements
of the 1960's and 1970's through which every institution -of the cultural, educational or
governmental field- considered to hold power has been open to question, with "change"
as the ultimate postulate.
21

For museums this would mean -among others- exceeding the "ivory tower" mentality and
the assumption that the expertise of museum scholars and professionals is the only
parameter to define what should be included in museums, or what the audiences should
know; it would also demand the sharing of "power" with segments of a larger civic whole.
Museums, indeed, have shown an increasing concern over their publics'expectations and
needs 3 , being convinced that they cannot survive without public attention. Educational
activities, often tailored to the publics' requirements, have been a paramount expression
of this attitude of extending democratically the arm towards the surrounding
consti tuencies.
Presently, however, various segments of the public go further: they demand to affirm their
point of view in the basic museum activities, raise questions about the treatment of topics
worked out by museums, require that the exhibitions reflect contemporary issues and
present- day realities, among which the articulation of identity holds a key position.
It seems that the mosaic of communities which constitute a museums' public, seeks to
influence and - to an extent- to control the way museums act or analyze and represent
facts 4 .
Obviously it is the changes in the society outside the museums that provide the material
for such requests and feed the battle for equal opportunity in the cultural field .
Forcommunities it seems that this kind of stuggle is fundamental for their existence and
acknowledgment by the museum of their opinions contributes to the process of according
social space to them.
At the same time, this very fact demonstrates the museuums' hierarchical position among
other social institutions and apparatuses which provide the contexts within which people
work out essential intellectual elements of living like beliefs, ideas and values.
22

The need for a "museum context" or a "musealization" of matters often appears, as an
obsession, expressed through a fervent museum-planning activity or an ardent museum­
going. Both phenomena know a flourishing prosperity nowadays.
Museum exhibitions - the "par-excellence" communication tool of museums- serve often
as stages for the dramatic confrontation of ideas and images, in which objects
decontextualized from their original dynamic environment reveal the various versions of
the politics of cultural patrimony.
Assuming their moral obligations to communities museums have attempted to be
relevant, responsible and up to date through brave and innovative endeavors, as some
recent examples from the international era illustrate. Yet, these efforts have provoked
criticism and wrathful attacks 5 from the pUblic.
Hence, the arising of dilemmas and the interrogation how to cope with them becomes a
key concern.
Under the present debate about diversity and the new perspectives of the cyberspace,
inquiries like the following arise:
Who has the right to articulate a point of view and who is to speak for whom?
Is the taste and expertise of museum professionals and scholars the only parameter
for shaping the authority of truth?
Who decides about what is central or marginal, valid or useless especially when
dealing with identity issues?
What happens if the up-dated exhibitions -through their vigorous depictions of
history and culture- dynamite social and intellectual structures?
How many possibilities are there left to avoid taking sides in the struggle of
communities over identity-ethnic, national. cultural- and public recognition? Or.
should museums apply a strategy of sympathy and engagement?
What will the proper solution be when the claims of one community persecute
another one? And who judges the validity of requests?
23

Given the fact that museums have an important place in cultural history, but they
are also critical places for the politics of history6, should they leave the cultural
and political agendas to shape the body of matters they study?
Museums are expected to provide education, spectacle, entertainment, relief. In their long
history, coping with issues and dilemmas has been an inspiring challenge for them. Amost
characteristic example has been their response to the political and intellectual turmoil of
late 1960's in France, through the development of the ecomuseum movement, which has
opened new paths in museologicalthinking.
The present-day situation demands from museum professionals a self-conscious reflection
over the very essence of their role, shaping eventually their own specific "identity" and
reconsidering their performance as mediators and/or as facilitators. A fresh look at the
job would lead to the consideration that risk-taking and confrontation, as well as shifting
from monologue to conversation, is probably a "sine qua non" parameter, if ever the
accomplishment of the democratic goals of presenting the contemporary social diversity
and multiculturalism is to take place.
Realizing though the political implications that exhibitions might cause, a careful
treatment of key notions like what is good and bad, superior and inferior, differences
and similarities, can be of positive consequence, given the influence of museums as
valorizing institutions.
Equally effective could be a strategy of avoiding any paternalistic manner in approaching
subjects i.e with the aim to guide the public towards conclusions which serve political
goals.
In this same context can be inscribed the striving for consensus and the exclusion of any
imposition of identity, as well as the abstention from overditerminated views.
24

This means to be able to find a balance even in the case of contradictory pressures
exercised by some who try to establish group identities -through the manipulation of
artifacts- and by others who attempt to destabilize them. Apparently these matters imply
heavy political issues.
The development by museum people of a deep professional devotion to their discipline
and a clear sense of responsibility to their communities can facilitate their own
understanding of the nature and flexibility of individual and group identities.
It is undeniable though that, within museological terms, whatever approach is undertaken
-to forge a national identity, or to celebrate diverse identities - some basic principles as
encouragement of interaction, mutual respect, good will and intentions combined with
careful planning and well-developed strategies can serve as the effective tools which a
solid and healthily-rooted professionalism can provide.
NOTES
1. "Museums and their Communities; An, Ethnography and Interpretation". Salzburg Seminar, Session
277. August 1989; "Museums and Communities: The Politics of Public Culture", Conference held at the
International Center of the Smithsonian Institution. 21-23 March 1990; "Museums and Societies in a
Europe of Different Cultures". European Conference of Ethnological and Social History Museums.
Paris, 22-24 February 1993; "Museums and Communities", 17th General Conference ofICOM. Stavanger,
Norway, 2-7 July 1995.
2. Ivan Karp. Christine Mullen Kreamer and Steven D. Lavine (eds.), Museums and Commum"[jes: The
Politics of Public Culwre (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1992), p. 10.
3. 'The museums and the needs of people". ICOM/CECA Annual Conference. Jerusalem, Israel. 15-22
October 1991.
4. Over the past fifteen years the author has had first·hand, really valuable, experiences of these issues
through her extensive involvement in a considerable number of museum -planning projects developed
by greek local cultural associations.
25

5. CuraLOr 37. no 4 (1994), p. 227.
6. Germain Bazin, The Museum All" (New York: Universe Books, 1%7), p. 194-195, 224; John MA.
Thompson (ed.), Manual of Curacorship : A Guide to Museum Praaice (London: Butterworths,
1984), p. 55.
26

Dr. Eurydice Antzoulatou-Retsila
Professeur Assislanle de Museologie, Universile lonienne. Corfu, Grece
Musees et Communautes: Lutter contre les dilemmes. Ou: Entre
museomanie et museotherapeutique
Les musees, instirutions de signification sociale, et generateurs -eux-memes- des idees
sociales, assument la responsabilite de repondre aux messages de la societe post-moderne.
Dans une peri ode de "deconstruction cultureUe", pendant laqueUe, pourtant, on constate
une vraie "museomanie", les musees -en tant que depots de connaissances, valeurs et
gout- sont provoqu.;s de proposer leur antidotes et de formuler une "therapeutique".
Leur insertion aux debats autour des problemes sociaux a eu une signification presque
ontologique pour eux; pourtant, malgre I'enrichissement en perspectives, attirudes et
pratiques qu 'eUe leur apporte, eUe les situe, en meme temps, au centre d'un tumulte
inteUecruel et les laisse exposes a des revendications et accusations variees.
Les communautes qUI constituent les publics des musees contemporains, exigent
aujourd'hui une participation plus efficace et une influence sur les decisions et les
activites.
A cause des debats autour la diversite culturelle et I'identite, les musees affrontent des
dilemmes com me:
Qui a Ie droit de I'articulation des points de vue?
Est-ce que la "verite" est formulee uniquement par les experts?
Qui valorise ce qui est central on marginal, surtout dans les themes d'identite?
Comment traiter les problemes crees des agendas politiques et culturelles?
La reponse a ceux deris peut-etre l'application d'une strategie de consensus et d'equilibre,
ainsi que d'exclusion de la mentalite paternaliste; egalement, l'effort continue pour
encourager l'interaction et assurer Ie respect mutuel entre les parties diverses.
27

"pauimoine" de tous. n s'agit de rendre symboliquement la jouissance de ces biens a la collectivite
grace a une propriete morale commune, une propriete publique. De trois grands musees europeens. Ie
Musee de Dresde (1746), Ie Britisb Museum (1753), Ie Louvre (1791 ), Jean-Louis Deone dit qu' "ils
sont en effet indissociables de \'idee de la communaute qu'ont pu developper les trois societes. On ne
les distinguera pas tant au niveau de la presentation des collections qu'a celui des discours qui ont ete
tenus sur eux pratiquement des leurs origines [ ... J Les musees europeens, et c'est ce qui les distingue
des collections privees, rendant les oeuvres au public, furent a I'origine de la constitution du public.
celui des amateurs d'art comme de l'homme quelconque." Le musee doit s'appliquer a "produire de la
cornmunaute". II rappelle que l'Europe des Lurnieres etait deja une communaute partageaot les
sciences et les arts, s'instituant en Republique europeenoe des Lenres.
Le XIXe siecle voit la naissance de quelques grands musees europeens ou americains (1830,
Berlin : l'I1e des musees ; 1838, Londres : la National Gallery ; 1869, New York : Ie Metropolitan
Museum). En 1846, apparah en Angleterre la notion de "folk lore" ou cuJture populaire et avec elle
naissent les musees de ce type. La fin du siecle verra se creer en Suede Ie Nordiska Museet et Ie
premier musee de plein air (Skaosen, 1891).
Au XXe siecle on voit peu 11 peu s'etendre la notion de pauimoine a tous les domaines, dans un
souci d'exhaustivite du recensement des biens cuJturels : ainsi, entre les deux guerres en France, puis
sous l'impuJsion du Front popuJaire, on cree a Paris en moyenoe un musee par an : musees d'art
modeme, de l'homme, de la France d'outre-mer, des arts et traditions popuJaires, des colonies, des
travaux publics, Palais de la Decouverte. Pendant ce temps, en AlIemagne, sous Ie lIe Reich,
apparaissent les Heimatrnuseen qui seront deux mille 11 la fin du me Reich, cuJtivant Ie goOt du terroir
et de la petite communaute ethnique protegeant son pauimoine et sa propre integrite.
Arrive la seconde guerre mondiale et avec elle, comme avec toutes les guerres, les etemels
transferts de biens cuJturels par pillage, puis leur retention illegitime. Nous vivons encore les
difficuJtes du retour de ces biens a leurs proprietaires legitimes (cf. en particuJier les pourparlers entre
l'AlIemagne et la Russie). Des communautes se sentent alors a juste titre depouillees. Et ce sentiment
renforce ou exacerbe celui d'appartenance identitaire.
L'apres-guerre, puis les annees soixaote, et particuJierement Ie mouvement de 68, ouvrent une
ere nouvelle dans Ie domaine cuJturel : mouvements de cuJture popuJaire (Maison pour tous, Peuple et
CuJture ... ), de cuJture ouvriere (et les syodicats ont joue la un rme important), des ecomusees (ailleurs
denommes musees "cornmunautaires"), de l'archeologie indusuielle, de la "memoire de l'entreprise",
centres de cuJture scientifique et technique dans les anoees 70. II Y eut, dans Ie desarroi qui preceda
les evenements de 1968, un ferment propre 11 faire surgir Ie mouvement des musees communautaires
et des ecomusees : une partie du constat concemait l'absence de vie communautaire et l'uniformisation
des modes de vie. A l'encontre de cela jaillissait Ie besoin d'identifier ses racines et de raviver son
histoire, entre autres en s'appuyant sur des objets ou les temoignages des anciens. Dans cene nouvelle
generation de musees. les objets prenaient un sens plus fort.
30

En 1972 se succectent la Table ronde de Santiago du Chili et Ie colloque ICOM de Bordeaux­
Istres-Lourmarin ("Ie musee est une institution au service de la communaute"), puis les colloques
intemationaux du Creusot, sous une impulsion et dans un contexte museaux (patrimoine industriel et
societe contemporaine, 1976 ; Proletariat et militantisme ouvrier, 1977). Des mots surgissem alors
qu'on n'avait jamais entendus dans Ie domaine museal : identite, territorialite, volontariat,
participation, communaute, formation, developpement. Ds som ensuite repris un peu partout dans Ie
monde mais plus particulierement dans les pays emergeant d'annees de colonialisme, ou de dictature,
ou en developpement (Afrique, Amerique laline, plus tard "pays de l'Est" ... ) ou pays a tradition
communautaire (Scandinavie, Canada) : les Declarations du Quebec et d'Oaxaca (1984) s'inscrivent
dans la mouvance de la nouvelle museologie. La France a ete pilote dans ce mouvement et nombreux
sont ceux venus puiser leur inspiration a l'Ecomusee du Creusot, terrain industriel et ouvrier oil pour
la premiere fois s'est developpee it partir de I'institution myseale une action culturelle participative
d'envergure.
Mais au milieu des annees 1980, en France (et, curieusement, sous un regime de gaucbe), ces
experiences pionnieres qui reposaient en grande partie sur Ie volontariat d'un public partenaire, des
moyens financiers modestes, un investissemem considerable de la part de leurs responsables, se
trouvent depbasees par rapport it une politique culturelle nouvelle qui veut que la culture desorrnais se
rentabilise et que, si possible, elle soit productrice d'argent. Cela va peu it peu colncider avec Ie declin
d'un certain nombre de bassins industriels oil se developpait ce type d'experience, et l'emergence de
preoccupations d'un autre ordre.
Paradoxalement on construit de nombreux musees nouveaux et l'on n!amenage bon nombre de
musees existants. L'accent est mis sur Ie batiment, une arcbitecture de prestige, soit dans la
rebabilitation de batiments anciens, soit dans la construction d'edifices ultramodemes et
spectaculaires, souvent devolus it I'exposition de I'art contemporain. La notion de patrimoine penetre
peu it peu les menta1ites mais parallelement la memoire est vulgarisee, "trafiquee" c'est-a-dire
exploitee par la publicite commerciale, et finalement desactivee. En France l'ere des "grands travaux"
marque I'importance et Ie prestige de la culture mais en meme temps rien n'est plus eloigne de I'idee
de communaute ... 11 moins que cela ne devienne justement Ie signe prestigieux d'une identite culturelle
francaise.
Seules des occasions comme un anni versaire majeur rassemblent pour la rememoration : ces
derniers temps, 11 I'occasion du cinquantenaire de la fin de la deuxieme guerre mondiale, se multiplient
en France les expressions des memoires collectives des differentes communautes qui ont participe a
cene guerre, afi.n de se souvenir ensemble d'une experience commune (a Paris on peut citer par
exemple Ie tout nouveau Musee Jean Moulin et I'exposition actuellement presentee au Musee
d'histoire contemporaine et intitulee "La deportation, Ie systeme concentrationnaire nazi"). En meme
temps demeure dans la penombre la mauvaise conscience de la part de collaboration, bonte dOni la
memoire francaise reste troublee.
31

La troisieme communaute - qui aujourd'hui apparaft avec tant de force - est celie du travail car
ceux qui en sont prives souffrent d'une exclusion au moins aussi grande que les precectentes et en tout
cas plus complexe puisqu'elle touche tous les niveaux sociaux et culturels.
Face it ces situations, Ie r61e du musee reste it inventer au cas par cas et avec beaucoup
d'imagination. Probablement ne peut-il etre Ie fait que d'initiatives petites, locales et experimentales,
s'appliquant de maniere tres specifique au terrain et a la population concernee.
avril 1995
Bibliographie
CRACAP-Informations 213, Le Creusot, 1976
Kennetb Hudson - Museums of Influence. Cambridge University Press, 1987
ICME Conference "Presentation of Culture" - Leiden, 1987
ICOFOM Conference "Musees et pays en developpement. Aide ou manipulation ?" - lnde, 1988.
ISS n° 14.
La Museologie selon Georges Henri Riviere. Paris, Dunod, 1989
Jean-Louis Deotte - Oubliez ! Les ruines, I'Europe, Ie musee. Paris, L'Harmattan, 1994
Matbilde Bellaigue, Michel Menu - L'objet ideal existe-t-i1 ? TECHNE 2. Paris, LRMF, 1995
35

Which museums for which communities ?
Mathilde Bellaigue
Laboratoire de recbercbe des musees de France, Paris
Ab s tract
From the XVIIIth century in Europe, the history of museums sbows how their audience was
borne and bow it evolved until now. In France, the left government of 1936, then the Second World
War and, last but not least, the events of 1968 opened the way to various education folk movements.
The wave of French ecomuseums and foreign community museums came out from there. New words
were brought forth in the museum field, such as identity, territory, participation, community. Such
experiences were taken up in the world, especially in countries recently free from colonialism or
dictatorship. But, in the eighties, the Frencb cultural policy shifted, introducing the notion of
producing money and necessary rentability of the museums. Together with the industrial crisis in
textile, steel, and coal, industrial archaeology appeared, involving both the museologists and the
ancient actors of sucb activities and extending the notion of beritage to their materials. Sorts of
memory communities were issued from there.
In France, during the eighties, the accent was put upon prestigious architectural projects of
museums and the necessity for cultural organisations to produce thier own financial resources. The
.notion of community was no longer put forward.
To-day, worldwide communication leaves no more spaces, no more things to be discovered. We
must re-consider the role of artefacts in museums as much as our own attitude towards them.
Traditional communities bave split, individualism has got stronger. Are there new museums for new
communities (scbools, tourism, old people) ? Looking at the exclusion phenomena, we find new
groups : illiterates are standing out of the community of educated people, as well as immigrated
people are rejected by the nationals, and unemployed people remain out of the working community ...
How can museums cope with that situation? Are there new forms of museal action to imagine?
April 1995
36

Heritage, Museum, Territory and Community
Nelly Decarolis - Argentina
"Simple things do not exist,
only simplified things do."
G. 8achelard
All coherent cultural policies should try to rescue the deep sense of
development which takes into consideration the capacity of each human group to
be informed, to learn and to communicate its experiences, showing the evolution
of values and ideologies as well as the various lines of thought which have
prevailed at different times in history.
It is essential for mankind's creative activity and for the complete
development of the individual and of society as a whole that there exists a wide
dissemination of ideas and knowledge. Nowadays, we live in a globalized world
where most of the interests have become international, sustained by blocs of
nations and transnational corporations, but the global economy badly needs
qualified workers. The fact of recognizing distinctive spiritual, intellectual and
material features which characterize other social groups permits to distinguish
values, make options and even feel ethically committed.
The museum, which is closely related to a physical, social and cultural
space, gathers different expressions of culture and has an enormous potential to
implement actions which join towards improving mankind's quality of life in
relation to his natural and cultural environment. It is no longer limited to the static
presentation of traces of a prestigious past, but also to a past which made up
daily life and which, committed to the present, is projected into the future.
Its role is to recreate reality in an authentic, integral manner through its
different expressions; to present and develop the community's cultural forms
which have historically remained in oblivion; to accept the coexistence of ethnic
groups of the same origin, sometimes with overlapping cultures; to help in the
development of regional cultures; to respect the rights of mankind within an
interdisciplinary framework and to understand the continuity and changes which
take place in the cultural sphere. Therefore, it is a valuable instrument to achieve
an integral outlook of the contents of material and immaterial testimonies which
are mankind's cultural and natural heritage and abstractly gathers the plurality
and uncertainty of our nations, which are going through a process of quick
transformation.
37

As an alternative space which uses the mediation of real ity, the museum
must adopt an innovative, dynamic position capable of respond ing to the
expectations of a more demanding public. Not only must it convey the information
it has, but also develop in each individual the capacity to use it, helping him to
establish a harmonic, balanced relation with himself and with the environment.
The origin of the new orientations maybe lies in the acceleration of historical
processes and in new ways of living which related the urban and the rural , that
which is necessary and that which is superfluous, that which is material and that
which is spiritual.
In a world which is permanently and increasingly competing, museums and
cultural and educational institutions must justify their existence in relation to their
contents and social relevance. The museological experience can only be
highlighted if there is real communication with the audience. This communication
requires that each of the parties speak the other's language, with a full opening
towards learning and experimentation.
Just like the traditional museum became a vehicle of a centralized
economic model, the community museums are the paradigm of decentralized
development. They contribute to the process of social unification, identity and
local participation and appraisal of natural and cultural resources; they place man
in his geographical , historical, ethnical, socioeconomic, cultural and natural reality
and empower him to understand and evaluate the importance of interaction with
the surrounding environment. Using the language of the object, the real
framework of daily life, the concrete situations, they are able to provide members
of the community with the means to enable them to become subjects of their own
integral development.
Such integral development is a global concept which arises as an
aspiration of the communities, of their groups of individuals. It uses a participative
methodology which privileges collective team work, enables a more active
commitment and a more direct involvement of each one of the community
members. The solution of many of the problems set forth by reality demands from
them a combination of different specialties, but although the multidisciplinary
aspects aim at going beyond knowledge located in stagnant compartments, they
cannot be confused with the conception of an integral culture. This does not
entail denying the importance of the specialties but instead the need for the
specialists to understand - as Edgar Morin says - that the search for truth
demands the syncretism of partial knowledges.
Each community must use the museum as an instrument of evolution in
which the individual may develop his critical thought and apprehend reality within
the parameters and limitations of his own cultural and social identity. The
horizontal relationship of a constant exchange fosters a reflexive attitude related
to daily personal experiences integrated into the transformation processes which
take place within the community's own reality. To this effect, it is essential to
have activities which link the museum to the community, elaborating programmes
38

to promote communication and education, privileging participative methodologies
which, in turn, develop community critical awareness, where unity and diversity
act as genuine expressions of universality.
The community museum stems from the community's own needs and interests.
As determinants of new methods and objectives, community initiatives and
development link a territory with a heritage - through elements which represent
nature and mankind's creativity - within a geographically limited local population
which is in turn subject and actor of its own culture.
They constitute the conjunction of actions for favouring social, cultural and
economic progress of each community; voluntary, desired development,
implemented and criticized by its own members, both individually and collectively.
As Hugues de Varine says "the natural community framework is a concentric
space which successively involves the family, the professional environment, the
neighbourhood or village, the city or province and finally the region".
At this point, imaginary spaces must be taken into account. Although
immaterial, these are the spaces of creation and emotion which, together with
intelligence, allow to reach total knowledge. What is peculiar about man is his
spirit and it is this spirit which gets to know reality and which apprehends and
updates values. His memory locates the events he recalls in terms which
presuppose an abstract, general time; it is symbolic because it does not only
revive past experiences, but instead rebuilds them. Achieved throughout a
complex, arduous intellectual process, only man has that idea of abstract,
geometric space. It is man who creates culture, uses it in several ways and grows
and develops under its protection, constituting thus an undissolvable unit. Heir of
his past, of a series of bygone experiences which condition it, his distinctive
feature is still his work.
Conditioned by symbolic thought and the pertinent behaviours, the
progress of culture and the continuity in the cultural development of communities
is the basis of the future.
After UNESCO's Fifth Regional Seminar in Mexico in 196i , the museum
was considered the community's cultural centre which • ... must complete and assess
the education system and perform an integration function aimed at the unity,
preservation, analysis, interpretation, conservation and presentation of the community's
cultural heritage and natural realities '.
The community, that heterogeneous social group, joined by traditions,
needs and solidarity, placed within a spatial and temporal framework. Community
, UNESCO's Fifth Regional Seminar ''The museum as the cuffural centre of the community",
Mexico, October 1962.
39

heritage, a source of local identity and an instrument to acknowledge such
identity ...
Ten years later, Hugues de Varine supports new museological tendencies
and experiences which link the museum to its social environment and give it an
unprecedented pedagogical projection. The Declaration of Quebec, a true
ideological platform for museologists, became later the document which grouped
all new socialization trends of museums.
As from the Round Table in Santiago, Chile in 1972, the conception of an
integral museum privileged its social and political aspects. Through the
implementation of more integral services, it reached new sectors of the
population, including a previously alien public.
In 1992 -exactly twenty years later- museums' representatives of Latin
America and the Caribbean met in Caracas, Venezuela to update the problems of
the Santiago meeting. They reached final conclusions which figure in the
Declaration of Caracas, a document of great value which assesses the new
challenges faced by museology at present.
Museums' activities, which were before addressed almost exclusively to
students and tourists, contemplate now other social sectors which result highly
benefitted by the social and cultural action displayed and the participation of the
popUlation: museums where the subject plays an active role in the teachinglearning
process; museums that are alternative education spaces and bring the
subject into closer contact with the museological discourse in a critical, reflexive
manner.
The paradigms which before supported the social, political and cultural
practices and theories are now not enough to explain changes produced by
globalization. The museum-related discourse may not come to a happy ending if it
has no valid interlocutor to demand concrete, dynamic actions. If the museum
does not render a service to the community, it is condemned to disappear. Today,
a more demanding society, more participative and creative, obliges him to review
its practices, its functions and objectives which must be now supported by
policies which tie closer bonds with the community.
The use of methodological strategies -which permit the community to reencounter
itself through the museum- is based on the defense and preservation
of the integral heritage, natural and cultural. They foster a process of collective
transformation which, as from the existing reality, promotes the development of
social awareness.
Important experiences on the part of community museums show they have
contributed to rescuing collective memory, historical moments which contribute to
recovering the identity of a community.
40

''The museum must openly embrace the plurality and uncertainty of our nations
which are going through a process of transformation. .. When the contemporary
movements which make up culture are taken into consideration, from the
multidirectional migrations to the transnationalization of communications, the
concept of a nation loses its abstract nature ... .. 2
It is necessary to encourage the communities to create museums which
represent their lives and their memory. Museums where traditional values are
appreciated: tangible and intangible heritage. Museums with a capacity for
evolution and transformation, which are also capable of having a critical outlook
on the actions of the society they are part of. Museums which invite the people to
become actors of their own culture. Museums which contemplate the needs of
the young generations, particularly in the urban centres, where the process of
losing one's identity is usually dangerously accelerated. Museums which have
programmes especially addressed to the less protected sectors. Museums where
not only the object is venerated but also its meaning. Museums which give rise to
an identity full of future .. .
2 Bonfil Castro, Garcia Canciini et al; Memorias del Simposio: Patrimonio, Museo y Participaci6n
Sociat, Colecci6n Cientifica, Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico, 1990.
41

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bonfil Castro, Ramon; Garcia Canclini, Nestor et a/; Memorias del Simposio: Patrimonio,
Museos y Participaci6n Social; INAH; Mexico; 1990.
Braudel, Fernand; ECrits sur I'Histoire; Flammarion; Paris; 1969.
Cassirer, Ernst; Antropologia Filos6fica ; Fondo de Cultura Economica;Mexico; 1975.
--------------; Las Ciencias de la Cultura; Fondo de Cultura Economica S.A. de C.V. ;
Mexico; 1993.
Daly, Henman and Cobb Jr., John B.; For the Common Good - Redirecting the Economy
Toward Community, the Environment and a Sustainable Future.
Desvallees, Andre et al; Vagues - Une Anthologie de la Nouvelle Museologie, VoLl ;
Editions W.M.N.E.S.; Paris; 1992.
Harvey, David; Urbanismo y Desigualdad Social; Siglo XXI Editores de Espana SA;
Madrid; Espana; 1979.
42

MUSEUMS and COMMUNITIES: a powerful equation ...
Maria de Lourdes Horta
The theme of the 1995 rCOM's General Conference, Museum and
Communities, seems to be as vast and varied as museums and
communities in themselves. From the titles of the keynote speech and of
the four theme related speeches, announced in the programme for the
Stavanger Conference, it is not difficult to trace the main approach
which will govern the discussions: the political nature of the problem
embedded in the subject theme.
The "situation in Europe", as states the introductory text distributed to all
rCOM members, appears to be the most pressing preoccupation, "in
particular need of both reflection and action". While on the one hand
political and chiefly economical agreements are trying to reduce the role
of national boundaries, on the other hand the concept of national state is
breaking up, splitting itself into new "national unities", which base their
claims to existence and recognition on their cultural and historical roots.
These "national unities", claiming their rights on the basis of a feeling of
identity, built upon race, faith, history and traditions, could well be
called "cultural unities", or "cultural communities": people who have
important things "in common", common values, common beliefs,
common social codes, common experiences, common histories, common
ways of life, common expectations for the future. There is nothing more
. "museological" than this field of investigation, or this subject theme. It
is, in fact, the main source of museum's history and of museum's life, and
the only struggle one could find here would be the dispute with
anthropologists and sociologists, and even with social-psychologists, on
who has the biggest slice of the cake. Archaeologists would claim for
themselves the deepest stratum of the field. But we never heard of George
Henry Riviere throwing a bomb at Levi-Strauss' house.
Where is the core of the problem we see now developing in the so-called
"developed" countries, as well as in those not yet so "developed" ones?
Why is it so "striking", as the introductory text to the Conference states,
that "many young nations have adopted a motto stressing national unity"
and why will the Director of the Papua New Guinea National Museum
address the topic on the role of museums in creating a national unity?
Perhaps the answer could be found in the speech of Mr. Ole Henrik
Magga, professor at the University of Oslo, who will talk about
"Museums and cultural diversity: indigenous and dominant cultures". It is
43

possible to find in this equation the reason for the conflict which is
spreading all over the world: the conflict is not between "cultures"
(indigenous and not indigenous), but between dominant and nondominant
cultures, between the concepts of culture and nation, between
national cultures and national states. The conflict is, in fact, a conflict of
Power. What kind of "power" is this? The power of wealth, the power of
possessions, the power to decide what is going to happen, when and how.
Quoting again the introductory text in the Conference's booklet, we find
that "cultural heritage and the past itself seem to be the focus for warfare.
The aim is not only physical destruction. The fight is also about the
ownership of history and hence the right to obliterate the adversary's
historic presence in the disputed territories". The ownership of history is
the ownership of the past, the right to the land, and as such the right to
the ownership of the present and of the future: the final word upon the
world. The possession of the land is the possession of its richness, the
control of its goods and products, of the production process, of all
economical and political processes. Iuri Lotman, in his typology of
cultures, says that there are cultures which are past oriented, as well as
others that are future oriented. Those which enhance the past as the
basis of its legitimacy, consider that a culture with no past is a culture
with no origins, and thus, with no existence, or whit no rights to exist.
Cultural heritage, monuments, ruins, historical facts, are proofs for the
primeval origins of these cultures, and support their claims of superiority
in relation to more "recent cultures". National pride feeds the quest for
national power, or derives from it.
What do museums have to do with all that? In every speech of the
Conference's opening day, we will find this explicit or implicit question:
what is the role of museums in this particular political process, what
challenges and new challenges do they have to face? "Museums and
historic monuments", says the author of the introductory text, "may have
important roles to play in these developments: for better or for worse" ...
and he continues, "they have traditionally functioned as symbols of
national identity, often even of national pride". If we take this statement
in the worst sense, we should ask what kind of role have museums
traditionally played in these developments? What kind of "national pride"
have they been fostering, for centuries? In the same document, further
down, we find the explanation for the reason of young nations wanting
to build up and to stress national unity ... "this may express a wish to
transform formerly more or less independent groups into valued variants
within an all-embracing national culture". How far and for how long
44

have many of the great museums adopted this same attitude in relation to
the cultures represented in their collections? How frequently have they
ignored the subtle differences between groups whose cultural heritage
they have been collecting, and showing or representing in a simplistic
way? How many times have they accepted artificial political boundaries,
and considered different cultures within a simplistic all-embracing view?
How far have they crashed national prides in the way they show other
people's cultures, and have fostered feelings of superiority in the minds of
their dominant public?
The awareness of this responsibility is now spreading throughout
museum's professional world, and changing attitudes and behaviours. In
the ICOFOM annual meeting of 1988, in India, we have dealt with the
theme of museology in developing countries, on help or manipulation. It
is time now to discuss the question of museology in "developed"
countries: how far it has helped to develop the present crisis, and for how
long the great museums, and even not so great ones, have been fostering
the national pride of the dominant nations, through the exposure of their
wealth and richness, built upon the control and manipulation of other
cultures? I am not entitled to discuss this point here and now, even if I
have written a whole thesis on the "semiotics of the Museum language",
exploring the power and the responsibility of our institutions in building
up "models of the world". This discussion would lead us further into the
problem of representation, and of the presentation of cultures on the
Museum stage.
The main point proposed for discussion here is the relationship between
Museums and the Communities which they serve. I haven't touched this
matter yet, or better, I think I have done it, when I've stressed what I
consider to be the heart of the matter: the problem of Power, and of
Power balance in today's world. Power does not mean only the control
of national boundaries and territories. In the sense of the Museum x
Communities relationship, power means who takes the control of mental
territories, of knowledge territories, of cultural boundaries, of defining
what is valuable and important in the cultural field, of what is worth
showing or not. Who takes the control of "history" and of the "discourse
on history", whose voice is predominant in Museum speeches and in the
relationship itself?
I will thus approach this question as it can be envisaged against the
reality of my own country : Brazil. A country as wide as a whole
continent, with as many cultural variants as one could find in another
45

continent, but where the feeling of national identity is not a questionable
idea. As an emerging nation in the arena of economical growth, Brazil
faces today another kind of warfare: the problem of Power is not a
question of political boundaries and territories, it is a problem of social
boundaries and of the ownership of land and wealth. The unbalance of
Power is at the basis of social struggle, of death, corruption and
destruction of human values, in the core of Brazilian nationality. Three
case studies may be presented in order to approach the problem of
museums and museology, and their roles and relationships with different
communities, in different situations. In only one of these cases, there is a
Museum: a community based museum. In the two other cases, there are
no museums at stake, but no more than potato fields, a big river, and
what I would call an experiment of "popular museology", if one may
consider this possibility .. .
Not by coincidence, the three cases take place in the southern region of
the country, in an area of great rural properties and of small agricultural
farms, of highly developed industrial plants concentrated around rich
urban centres, of fast growing towns and of thousands of villages and
rural nuclei spread along the vast territory of fields and mountains. It is
not difficult to imagine the variety and the strength of social contrasts
one can find there (as in many other regions of Brazil). The great
majority of the population in this area has an European origin, chiefly
German and Italian, constituting the third or fourth generation of
descendants of the immigrants who came to this country since the second
half of the 19th century until early this century. The problem of identity
is a major point in the development of these communities, having still
strong links with their cultural roots but already merged in what we
could call the Brazilian cultural melting pot, and environment. In the last
8 years, I had the opportunity to work as a consultant and a partner in
three projects that may be seen as "case studies" for the discussion of the
role of museums and of cultural heritage in the life of people and of their
communities.
1. The "Schmitt-Presser" House
The place is New Hamburg, a rich town growing fast with the industry of
shoes production, exported all over the world. From its name one can
easily know the cultural origins of its population (around 300 thousand
people). After years of decay, an old house in the oldest quarter of the
town, the "Old Hamburg", has been restored by the local authorities and
protected under the list of national monuments, as a true example of the
46

first immigrant housing. The first question made when the work was
finished has been: what should be done with the house? The first answer,
naturally, was: let's do a museum! I have been invited to come and help
the municipality in this project, together with the Office of National
Heritage in the area. What kind of museum, with what objects, could one
propose for the house? There were no objects, no staff, no public money
available. There was yet a group of people, the Friends of Old Hamburg,
who had been fighting since 20 years for the preservation of their old
quarter and the big park, a vast area of land soon to be bought for the
construction of another big hotel to host the shoes' dealers. In the empty
house where I met the local association, the only thing they had in hands
was the reproduction of a famous painting by a local artist, representing
the interior of that house, the first shop settled in the area by one of the
founders of New Hamburg: John Schmitt; a little shop where the
community used to meet to buy primary goods and to discuss the latest
news from the capital of the Province. The symbolic meaning of the
house, in its original use as a community centre, gave the group the first
idea of what should be done with the house: to reconstruct its original
function, as a shop where one could meet and exchange again real goods,
news, family links, and all sort of symbolic goods existing in the fabric of
th4t particular community. The project of a community based museum
was born, as a perfect tool for the strengthening of people's sense of
identity, of community links and values, and for the protection of their
original environment. It is impossible to describe here how the whole
work developed, run by this group of people, formed by all kinds of
professionals, housewives, widowers, old teachers, young architects and
photographers, university teachers, local businessmen. The strategies, the
obstacles, the conflicts, the discussions, the whole process in itself are
worth of study and exploration. The reality now, after nearly three years
since it was inaugurated as the "Schmitt-Presser" house, is a little "shopmuseum",
run by the people of Old Hamburg, nearby the big park
where another preservation project is being developed. What kind of
museology took place in this project?.. a very "popular" kind of practice,
from the identification of things people had at home, from the listing and
temporary borrowing of these things, from a campaign of recollection and
registration, to photographing and cleaning of the materials, to the
installation of the old shop furniture, of an exhibition on Old Hamburg
life, of a photographic competition, of reports in local newspapers, of the
writing of administrative rules and statutes, of donations and
contributions of all sorts. All the problems and tasks of a true museum
have been faced and tackled by people with no museological experience,
with the help of half a dozen museum professionals, and with the
47

enthusiasm of those who find out a reason for pride and satisfaction in
taking their heritage with their own hands, with their own hearts, with
their own capacities and good will, and who made of this process and this
achievement a tool for self-assurance, for the defence of their own rights,
for the realisation of their dreams. For this people, a "museum" IS no
mystery anymore, it is actually a simple thing, a good thing to do.
2. The "IDENTITY PROJECT" of the 4th Colony
This project started in the far west of the region, high upon the hills, in
an area encompassing 9 municipalities, or "neighbourhoods", today
defined as one of the "Reserves of the Biosphere" by UNESCO. A place
where there are no museums, no theatres, no libraries, no shopping
centres, but only potato fields and forests, and a working system very
similar to those of medieval times. The project started very modestly, by
the initiative of the local cultural officer of one of the poorest villages in
the area, named Silveira Martins (in honour of a famous political leader
who interfered in the settlement of Italian immigrants in the 19th c.). The
village was going into an irreversible process of death ... no resources for
development in the economical, political or social sense, the youngsters
escaping from the fields in search of the great urban centres and a better
quality of life. The parents growing old, and fighting to survive. What to
do to recover the pace of development, when people did not wanted to
remember the shadows of their difficult past and the failure of their
settlements, when comparing their own history with those of more
successful communities, becoming rich with commerce and the industry
of wine. When I first came to the area, as a consultant for the Heritage
Office, I was impressed by the helpless situation of these people, and by
the syndrome of "identity amnesia" they were suffering from, by their lack
of self-esteem and of hope. This was surely a case for a social psychologist,
I have thought. Together with the local officer, who had already started a
program of annual "forums", getting together all the rural districts of the
region, we started a systematic program of what we call "heritage
education", a sort of "heritage literacy" program. All the work was based
on children and teachers, who could more directly involve the parents
and the whole community. The strategy was to work with their own
reality, objects and working tools, in a process of observation, of
questioning the function and meaning of each element or thing, starting
with their own houses, linking these elements to the history and the
cultural traditions of people, "rediscovering" their memories, their
tragedies, and the values of their lives. We could only work between
seasons, since children, teachers and parents are on the fields in
48
I
J

plantation and harvesting times. After 8 years of development of the
"Identity Project", nine districts in the former 4th immigration colony are
involved in this regular program of Heritage Education. What kind of
"museology" is being worked upon, there? Objects are identified,
collected, studied, preserved in their original places, exhibited in schools
and community centres throughout the area, forums of discussion on
cultural heritage and on tourist resources to be explored are being held
regularly, schools are involved with the work in their "curricula", but
there's no "museum" in sight, or in planning ... this would be in my view a
kind of "field museology", of "primary museology", in a "pre-historical" or
"pre-museological" sense, if you want to take as a starting point the term
"museum", as an institution, as the pre-condition for the practice of
museology. I'm not sure one could still keep to this "parameter".
3. The "NOAH'S ARCH" project
This project is still in its early stages, and I will only describe its
proposition and context. The situation has to do, as the name suggests,
with a great deluge which is meant to happen in the next 5 years. One of
the big rivers which crosses a huge area of the southern country, is going
to be damped with the construction of a major hydro-electric plant. The
waters of the big lake which will be formed will cover an area of 500
square kilometres. A vast portion of fields, villages, cemeteries, rural
"nuclei", and a whole small town will be flooded. Since one year I have
been involved in the project of saving the heritage and the cultural
. memory of people, and of the management of the environmental changes
due to happen. The project is run by the initiative of the Electric
Enterprise in charge of the damp construction, and is being developed in
association with local authorities and the involved groups. Many
programs and actions are already starting, and a whole town has been
rebuilt in a higher hill. Again we are starting the whole project with the
participation of the communities affected by the Deluge, and with a
systematic work of Heritage Education, in order to motivate people to
take the control of what is inevitable. The negotiations of land and
properties include now the negotiation of the preservation of cultural
values, marks, relationships and memories. Against the "electric power",
we are trying to build up a generating net of "cultural power". In a few
years, I hope to be able to report on how the whole process developed,
and on how the Noah's Arch settled on a peaceful mountain.
For the moment, all that I can say from these three examples, is my belief
in Paulo Freire's theory (the famous Brazilian philosopher and educator
49

who proposed the "Pedagogy of Liberation"): the theory of
"empowerment", at the basis of any social work. In this sense, I believe
that museology, in its most basic principles and practice, may be a tool
for "empowering" people in their daily fight for survival, not only
physically and materially, but morally and psychologically. If we believe
in the power of Museums and of Museology in helping the "integral
development" of human beings and of their communities, we must accept
this power cannot, and should not, stay only in our hands. Learning how
to share our powers and capacities with the communities to which we
belong is, in my view, the great challenge for the museum world today.
As I mentioned in my starting point, this is a matter of power
relationships, a powerful question, indeed.
* * *
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Lotman, Iuri - 1981 . 'The modelling value of the concepts of 'end' and
of 'beginning' (1970), in Ensaios de Semiotica
Sovietica, Livros Horizonte, Lisboa.231-236
Freire, Paulo and Macedo, Donaldo. 1990. Literacy, reading the world
and the word. Ed.Paz e Terra, Rio de Janeiro.
50

Museums and Communities - case studies
context of relationship initiative action time period
1. Traditional heterogeneous Museum approximation 6 month-I year
Museum community versus identification regular programs
urban centre groups Communities valorisation
(300.000 dessacralization
population)
2.Historic house Specific Heritage Officers . dialogue I to 2 years
--+ neighbour hood + . analysis of (background
communitary Community - Community expectation process 10 years)
museum. German origin leaders and projects
Urban centre in . definition of
rapid strategy
development. . basic support
to action
3. Local local local authorities diagnosis 1st phase
municipality communities + I to 2 years
authorities museum experts/ strategies of
+ Italian origin educators action permanent
museum (9 process
professionals municipalities) long term since 9 years
+ teachers programme
- educators children
-+
implementation
environment
experts
- expansion
Heritage
- territory-rural Education
areas programme
4.Eletric local government long term 2 to 5 year
Enterprise communities projects - programme (background
& + rules structuration process 10 years)
Heritage Officers organised identification
- groups Enterprise involvement
rural/urban area - versus discussion
10 municipalities communities negotiation
training
Heritage officers Heritage
mediation Education
different
programs
55

MUSEUMS AND COMMUNITIES: AN ECOLOGICAL APPROACH
Nicola Ladkin
Collections Manager - Anthropology
Museum of Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas. 79409-3193 USA
Museology is a branch of knowledge that is characterized by theoretical debate
surrounding the various aspects of museum existence. Thus, it expands as a result of
investigation into areas of theoretics previously uncharted. While museological debate
may not conform to scientific standards of testing and re-testing with predictable
results, it emphasizes observation, critical thinking, analysis, and shifts in perceptual
focus. Theoretical subjects are based upon systematic, organized knowledge, that
utilizes conceptual reasoning to develop principles and rules and beliefs that seek to
explain a system. Some such explorations may prove fruitless while others may yield
rich rewards.
U museums are committed to building dynamic relationships with communities, they
must also build the theoretical constructs that explain these relationships. Historically,
museologists have examined their relationship with their communities from human and
cultural perspectives. However, this approach ignores the fact that museums are part of
the much larger community that is the global, natural environment. It is theorised here
that ecological concepts and models that explain the processes operating within the
natural environment can be used to explain the processes operating within museums,
wl).ere museums are seen as a species in that natural environment. This is illustrated
through the application of accepted ecological concepts to museological examples,
where community is synonymous with ecosystem. The ecological concepts used in this
investigation are representative of the discipline, not exhaustive. The museological
examples demonstrate the application the concepts, and these can be applied to any
museum scenario.
Museology can learn much from the ecological method of examining the relationship of
parts to a whole. Concepts such as carrying capacity, diverSity, and niche are well
established within ecological literature and provide a holistic mechanism for
understanding the interrelationships within complex systems. Cultural ecology
examines the cultural, psychological, and anthropological aspects of the relationship
between culture and the natural environment (Bennett, 1976). Political ecology
57

climate around them, and once this need is recognised, they then can advocate it.
Museum institutions face the problem of responding slowly to changes in the
infrastructure that supports them, yet through their exhibits they have proved to be
reflectors of change that can also take a proactive approach (Johnson, 1992; Kulik, 1992).
It could be argued that museum professionals are not specifically qualified to suggest
how individuals, cultures, or nations should behave. However, research carried out in
museums, the collections on which this research is based, and the production of
education programs and exhibits that are the vehicle for this presentation of this
knowledge contradict this argument (Ladkin, 1993).
Adaptations are adjustments that occur in species with respect to environmental forces,
producing an adaptive response. These adaptations can be made genetically, as in
natural selection, culturally, or environmentally. Museums can change their behaviour
to better operate in their communities. They have, for example, adapted to the need for
greater public accountability by devising and adhering to codes of ethics. They also
have increased visitor numbers through the production of attractive public
programmes.
A niche is a functional position of a species in an environment, that includes habitat,
timeframe of occurrence and resources gathered there. Museums have the unique role
of holding collections and making them public through exhibit and research. Other
entities, such as royal families and religious institutions, may hold collections, but may
not necessarily make them publicly available, . Niches also can overlap somewhat in a
4iverse community, so museums may share niches with other species having similar
functions, such as those relating to education, public policy, tourism and development,
aesthetic appreciation, intellectual stimulation, and political empowerment.
Diversity is the measurement of the richness of a community or area. A high level of
diversity is associated with stable climax communities that have undergone
uninterrupted development. Diversity produces stability because the community
ecosystem has relatively little dependence on any single element. Diversity of both
representation and appeal currently is strongly urged by the museum community (Karp
and Lavine, 1991: Rice, 1993). Museums are both evidence of a diverse community with
attendant stability, and its advocate.
60

is made to produce a conceptual tool with which to construct new museological
methodologies. An understanding of community dynamics assists museologists in
developing the behaviour in organisation, management, and practice that makes
museums into efficiently operating and environmentally sensitive institutions.
Furthermore, once museologists understand the processes at work in a community, they
are better placed to interpret why it is imperative for the human species to adopt an
environmentally sustainable way of life. Museum ecology could be further used to
study the responses made to the changing relationship between museums, humankind,
and the environment. Once environmental processes have illuminated how museums
function in their communities, then museologists are poised to interpret their function
in the natural environment for their communities, and the functions of the natural
environment as a whole. They then can illustrate the vital point that the best interests of
the human species are to not out-compete other species, since the perpetuation or
collapse of the community ecosystem ultimately is at stake.
References
Allaby, Michael
1994 Allaby, Michael (ed.), The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Ecology, Oxford University Press,
Oxford, UK.
Ames, Michael M
1992 Cannibal Tours and Glass Boxes. University of British Columbia Press, Vancouver.
AJ:Iders, Cindy, Mark Gerson, Maura Reynolds, Geoffrey Maslen, Christina Bonasegna,
Jacqueline Guigui, Janet Koplos, Isabel de la Cruz, and Kathy Curnow Nasara.
1988 Museums: A Global View. Museum News, 67(1):22-47.
Baccini, Peter and Paul H. Brunner
1991 Metabolism of the Anthrosphere. Springer-Verlag, Berlin, Germany
Bennett, John W
1876 The Ecological Transition. Pergamon Press, New York.
Darwin, Charles Robert
1859 On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, John Murray, London, UK.
Doering, Zahava D
1992 Environmental Impact. Museum News, 71(2):50-52.
63

Fuller, Nancy J
1992 The Museum as a Vehicle for Community Empowerment: The Ak-Chin Indian
Community Ecomuseum Project. In: Karp, Ivan, Christine Mullen Kreamer, and Steven
D. Lavine (eds.), Museums and Communities, pp. 327-365. Smithsonian Institution Press.
Washington DC.
Garfield, Donald
1992 Darkened Waters: Profile of an Oil Spill. Museum News, 71(2):24-25.
Glacken, Clarence
1967 Traces on the Rhodian Shore, University of California Press, Berkeley.
Insley, Jane
1991 Environment versus Technology. Museums Journal, 91(9):16.
Johnson, William H
1992 The Strange Case of the Disappearing Moose. Museum News, 71 (2):56-58.
Karp, Ivan
1992 Introduction. In: Karp, Ivan, Christine Mullen Kreamer, and Steven D. Lavine (eds.),
Museums and Communities, pp. 1-17. Smithsonian Institution Press. Washington DC.
Karp, Ivan and Steven D. Lavine
1991 Exhibiting Cultures, Smithsonian Press, Washington DC.
Kulik, Linda
1992 Disputed Territory. Museum News, 71(2):53-55.
Ladkin, Nicola
1993 Museums: Reflecting and Innovating the Environmental Debate. Unpublished
Master's thesis, Texas Tech University, Lubbock.
Matilsky, Barbara
1992 Art and Ecology. Museum News, 71(2):46-49.
Redcllit, Michael
1987 Sustainable Development, Methuen, London, UK.
Rice, Danielle
1993 The Cross-Cultural Mediator. Museum News, 72(1):38-41.
Simmons, Ian Gordon
1989 Changing the Face of the Earth, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, UK.
Somma,Mark
1993 Theory Building in Political Ecology. Social Science Information, 32(3):371-385.
Sullivan, Robert
1992 Trouble in Paradigms. Museum News, 71(2):40-44.
World Commission on Environment and Development
1985 Mandate for Change: Key Issues, Strategies, and Workp/an, World Commission on
Environment and Development, Geneva, Switzerland.
64

MUSEES ET COMMUNAUTES: UNE APPROCHE ECOLOGIQUE
Nicola Ladkin
Directrice des collections - Anthropologie
Museum of Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas. 79409-3193 USA
Du point de vue historique, les museologues ont surtou t examine leurs liens avec les
communautes qu'ils servaient a partir d'une perspective cu1turelle. Cette approche ignore
toutefois Ie fait que les musees peuvent etre indus a I'interieur d'une communaute beaucoup
plus vaste, c'est a dire I'environnement naturel et global. D'un point de vue tMorique, il s'agit ici
de considerer la terminologie existante en ecologie et les modeJes qui servent a expliquer les
processus en jeu dans I' environnement naturel, comme pouvant de£inir les mecanismes operant
a I'interieur des musees. Le concept d'ecologie des musees, telle qu'utilise id, considere les
musees comme une espece faisant partie de l' environnement nature!, alors que communaute est
synonyme d'ecosysteme.
Les musees representent une espece complexe se trouvant a I'interieur de communautes
nature1les qui sont a la fois globales et diverses. De plus, ces communautes sont generalement en
equilibre avec leur environnement. Ainsi, l' existence des musees permet une evaluation quant au
bien-etre de ces communautes et leur presence est primordiale quant a leurs stabilites. De plus,
les musees occupent une niche a I'interieur de ces communautes, alors qu'ils ont evolue, se sont
adaptes et entres en competition avec d'autres especes pour Ie partage des ressources
disponibles. Dans ce sens, les musees entretiennent des interactions symbiotiques mutuelles
avec d'autres especes. Les musees sont dependants de la capadte de soutien des communautes
alors qu'ils maintiennent un nombre d'institutions. Leur presence, par ailleurs, est un bon
indicateur quant a la disponibilite des ressources qui servent au maintien et a la perpetuation de
l' ecosysteme et des especes qui y sont rattacMes. Ainsi, des communautes sous stress auront
des repercussions sur I' existence meme des musees.
Une meilleure comprehension de la dynamique ecologique des communautes peut permettre au
muselogues d'elaborer des strategies efficaces quant a I'organisation, la gestion et la pratique de
la disdpline. De plus, lorsque les museologues comprennent les processus en jeu dans la
communaute, ils deviennent mieux placer a evaluer I'irnportance que l' espece hurnaine doit
placer a maintenir une mode de vie responsable face aux questions environnementales.
Finalement, alors que les processus ecologiques servent a demontrer comment les musees
fonctionnent a I'interieur de communautes, les musees a leur tour deviennent prets a definir leurs
propres fonctions dans I' environnement naturel, et de meme les fonctions des communautes en
general.
65

The nature of museums
MUSEUMS AND THE COMMUNITY
Lynn Maranda
There are many ways to view the nature of a museum and one illustrative way to examine the
museum's character is to ascertain what community the museum serves. It can be argued that
all museums do serve a community and that museums come into existence because of that fact.
The service which a museum gives a population is one that unites a community by supplying
it with a sense of history. Museums are another in a list of institutions which try to answer the
questions of existence which the human race is continually asking. The questions of "Who are
we?" and "Where did we come from?" are asked in probing rhetoric to help define the purpose
of our living and to shape the direction of our ambition. It is this sense of a community or
population curious to know its beginnings and wanting to know its future that the museum
ful.fils its role in the social order. Museums themselves have undergone evolution with the
change of social conditions and their own progression from private 'cabinets of curiosities' to
monolithic public institutions can be readily traced. What are separate histories accommodated
within a private collection or within a monolithic public institution are histories nonetheless
which make a commitment to the understanding of community: one commitment extremely
small, yet deemed of great value, the other large and providing a wide opinion to assist in the
understanding of a national population.
Hist0IY
A museum is a house in which history is stored. If the purpose of history is to write the story
depicting the evolution of a peoples from the beginning of a determined epoch to the present,
then the present circumstance of a community or a people is the major gravitational intellectual
force which determines the attitude of written histories. It is by this respect that histories serve
communities and museums, the warehouse of historical physical materials, serve up the
evidence of given stated historical positions. The reason such purposes are required by humans
is that when histories tell stories of evolution, they at the same time give special social meaning
to the very readers of the evolution. Histories explain the existence of a people and even if the
depicted histories do not directly retell the particular story of a given population, the very
outlook and fact of a population's existence is supported through the act of writing. For
example, even the writers of history from the Victorian era can expound on subjects other than
their own society as an indirect reinforcement of their own social conditions. It is known that
these museums which collected materials from around the world and displayed much of its
findings in support of notions of "savagery" and "racial" types endorsed the European self
67

irriage of, ifnot "superiority", then of "advanced evolution" .
Age and history are not the same qualities, though age and history can be applied to the same
objects and concepts. The overriding difference between the two qualities is that one notion
is based on means of time determination and the other is based on an evolution determination
which, in many cases is imparted to an object, rather than it being inherent in the object itself
It is a curatorial concern to import historical meaning to objects of age and serve the
community with historical interpretation.
The Community
Communities are defined as an aggregate of people of a joint interest. This interest could have
arisen from an association with a simple locale such as a neighbourhood, it could have arisen
from the avid zeal in a subject such as aviation, it could have arisen through the intellectual
inquiry such as an archeological study of antiquities, it could have arisen by nationalist motives
such as the state run and operated museums of countries which propound patriotism, it could
have arisen through civic pride, individual collecting, or by the awakening of a "new truth"
whose followers would make an historical statement and find that together they are a
community.
Contemporary Pressure
Contemporary political and economic spheres have placed pressures on the world creating a
modem oddly mixed social order. To discover and/or redefine a history for this extant new
order has caused a reexamination of what is important in life. The world community is now
having to achieve understandings where local claims to history are no longer adequate.
Further, to add to the special modem mix, there has been an increase in special interest claims,
international political movements, and global intellectual claims which all need their
explanations in history. The modem dilemma is that none of the demands for historical
validation match a single threaded path of history, but are a part of a complex and competing
arena that is vying for attention. Not all the contributions put forward to make a claim on
history are overlapping or congruous, in fact, some are quite discreet and others definitely
opposing. This modem and intense demand for knowledge of competing existences has created
a situation where museums cannot possibly satisfy the variety of different publics and
communities.
The Conflict
There is a conflict which has arisen through the demands of international, national, provincial,
city, ethnic group, native group, different political affiliations, historical traditions placed upon
the support that history can offer the justification of a community's existence and still be fair
68

to all. It appears that history cannot logically envelope all the modes of explanation with equal
clarity and force of pronouncement. For example, it does seem that the museum cannot serve
the dominant culture of Canada and at the same time serve the aspirations of First Nations
peoples as the notion of historical occurrences are in conflict. This rising friction between the
requirements for knowledge to explain existences and the ability to make the expression has
created cracks in and hardships on the structure of museums and the stress caused on the
morality of museum purpose has pressured the decision makers to a more user-defined
institution such that the morality is defined by public support rather than by idealogy or thought
detennined positions.
Politically correct
Special interest groups and cultural minorities within the social fabric are demanding a 'voice'
and thus a forum in which to present their histories and to advance their socio-political
messages. In this way and through this kind of 'media conduit', ie. the museum, such groups
can reach an audience for purposes of eliciting sympathy and support, which in tum becomes
a powerful tool to effect changes desired by the group.
In keeping with the notion that histories are the story of evolution of how a people or culture
or community have come into existence, the use of words, phrases, and concepts that have
traditionally been used by one community have in recent years been challenged under the broad
rubric of ' political correctness'. The explanation for the rise of political correctness has to do
with the enfranchisement of disadvantaged or minority communities which have recently
acquired political strength and are demanding histories that explain their particular evolution
or struggle for existence. In the common vernacular it is stated that victors write histories and
in this sense, the volatility of historical meaning alters with the change of political climate.
Clearly this has a major influence on museum exhibition and practices. A recent exhibition
entitled "Into the Heart of Africa", mounted by the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto and
publicised as a view of Victorian Africa, was roundly criticized by many ethnic Canadian
communities as being racist and derogatory.
A search for a Solution
The signposts that a search is ongoing to find a solution to the demands arising from political
correctness, historical explanation and financial support are that the museums are becoming
responsive to a variety of community voices and sensitive to financial relationships, thus leaving
their direction open to the vagaries of a 'marketplace' not under museum control.
69

The Finances
The flow of money is a detenninant in most human endeavour and is cenainly a major
parameter in shaping the purpose and structure of museums. Most museums are dependent
upon tax dollars and as such these institutions feel obligated to serve the broadest tax pacing
public that is possible. With nations that have a strong cultural identity, this identity would be
fostered by a national museum giving purpose to the existence of a national type and that form
of visual and tangible history that museum collections offer. Where nations have old defined
national cultural attributes, the expenditure of tax dollars can be easily justified in promoting
those national cultures through heritage collections. It is the case, however, that special
interest groups assemble their own private money and spend it promoting the materials which
give meaning to their causes. In the same vein, private collectors who have amassed dollars and
collections which reflect their personal tastes have opened museums to exhibit their treasures
and these have obvious credentials for their existence. The flow of money is a strong
determinant in the organization and life of museums and with the pressures to sustain a variety
of collection perspectives, to serve a variety of publics, and to acquire funds which have
realized an increase in demand, it is not surprising that many museums are looking towards
user-defined operations. A user-defined institution sets its objectives as a common goal for a
known public and is supported by the public through donations and admissions. It therefore
gratifies the user-public with information and meaning with the objective of ensuring its
financial stability.
Responsive to community needs
It is a relatively new phenomenon where museums undertake to test the public's wants and
needs with surveys and market analysis to discover what an institution's relation with its
community is and/or should be. This phenomenon, most probably, is an offshoot of institution's
desires to become financially independent and to set their foundations on a user-defined basis.
Many museums are spending money and time to conduct studies to gauge public reactions,
sentiment and desire, to chart future courses under the heading of being responsive to
community needs. In fact, businesses have sprung up in response to this need to locate and
secure a permanent financial footing and to be perceived as being community-responsive, thus
creating a class of museum consultants whose expertise is sought after on these professional
matters ..
Charging and Value
Museums are responding to a heightened social notion that value is equated with cost and that
therefore if you pay little for an item or for admission or for the use of a service, then it could
have little value. Hence, those items which have the greatest cost have the greatest value and
museums are increasingly becoming caught up in this entrepreneurial spiral and are charging
70

fees for services and admissions in an attempt to increase the notion of their value. As such,
the larger notions of nationalism and abstract notions such as democracy and evolution have
a more difficult time in aligning paths of historical truth of the display of their material.
This drive behind the museum-community interface has created changes to the financial bases
of museum, where museums are now actively soliciting funds, charging higher and higher
admissions and memberships and becoming special-public oriented; it has created a political
demand from the community which is wanting to have the museum reflect a particular public's
concerns and notions of historical truth; it has created a marketplace atmosphere where value
and service are determined through a kind of auctioning process. The reactive/responsive
contemporary museum has both gained and given power in its newly defined role with the
community. Because of the museum's visibility, it is seen to be a focal place for ideas, and this
gathers status and influence for the institution, while on the other hand, the community's use
of the museum has gained for itself a power base from which it can disseminate its messages.
Tourism
The financial dependence of museums on communities is readily seen in the tourism industry
where the tourist anticipation of what objects they would be willing to pay admission to see
determine the size and content of museological display, and in a very real sense, the tourist is
a nomadic community which strongly influence museums as points of destination. Millions of
people travel the world to visit specific locations which are providing known collections of
objects which have been advertised as being available for tourist consumption.
Anticipation and Reality
Many museums are having to reconcile their museological objectives which may have, for
example, academic, ethnographic, or archaeological quests for education or discovery, and are
having to modify these intellectual ambitions with the "real" demands from various public
communities.
It is also noted that the world's populations are desiring more to be entertained rather than
educated; they are being accustomed to mass entertainment models and expect the same from
their institutions which portray their history; and that people, more and more, are desiring
interactive rather than passive displays.
The museum will continue to be a house where history is stored though the stories depicting
the evolution of peoples will continue to change as the social fabric of the community evolves.
Lynn Maranda, Vancouver Museum, Canada
71
14 March 1995

«Les musees. interoretes du patrimoine : I'appropriation communautaire»
Raymond Montpetit, U. du Quebec a Montreal, Canada
Cette communication veut reflechir a I'evolution historique des rapports entre les
collectivites et leur patrimoine, pour montrer qU 'aujourd'hui , dans les societes
postindustrielles, c'est seulement par une interpretation active que les choses du
passe peuvent etre appropriees et devenir un patrimoine pour une communaute
elargie. Pour ce faire, je decrirai quatre figures ou IHats du patrimoine dans
I'evolution des societes, et j'en enoncerai les caracteristiques.
- 1 - Le patrimoine «vivant» des cultures traditionnelles.
- 2 - Le patrimoine merveilleux des collections d'antiquaires.
- 3 - Le patrimoine museologique des Etats modernes.
Le patrimoine concerne la communaute de diverses facons. Toute crise de I'idee de
tradition et de nation, toute crise des ideologies et de la culture a des effets sur les
rapports qu'une collectivite entretient avec Ie passe. Pour finir, examen est fait de ce
qui caracterise la phase actuelle du patrimoine, celie des societes postindustrielles.
- 4 - Les ressources patrimoniales des societes «postindustrielles».
La phase actuelle du patrimoine me semble marquee par une hesitation, entre deux
de ses figures : nous jouons encore avec I'idee d'un «patrlmolne national» ,
conforme a celui des Etats-nations du Xlxe siecle. Mais, il s'avere que cela n'est ni
possible ni souhaitable, en particulier a cause de la conception des relations entre les
cultures qu'un tel patrimoine postulait. Conscients de cette difficulte, nous cherchons
alors a changer Ie rapport au patrimoine, a lui faire prendre un tournant economiste,
qui se fonde moins sur ses contenus que sur ses usages, et voit Ie patrimoine avant
tout comme une ressource recreative. Nous nous comportons, a I'egard du passe
historique, - non plus seulement de «notre passe» , mais bien d'un passe global -
comme une communaute floue de «zappeurs televisuels» , I'usage que nous en
faisons en etant un de «regard distancil§» et d'attention ludique et participatoire. Un
nouveau rapport ludique de consommation, unit de plus en plus, une communaute
mondialisee a un patrimoine distant, qu 'elle s'approprie par la visite touristique et
I'acces informatique. Les musees et les sites jouent un role majeur dans la
generalisation de ce type de rapport au patrimoine, caracteristique de la relation
qu 'une societe democratique et mondiale peut entretenir avec ses heritages.
73

"Les musees. interoretes du oatrimoine :
I'apoooriation communautaire»
Le patrimoine a revetu a travers Ie temps, diverses configurations qui determinent
comment il opere dans la coliectivite. Je voudrais, dans les propos qui suivent,
reflechir a I'evolution des rapports entre les coliectivites et leur patrimoine, pour
montrer qu'aujourd'hui, dans les societes postindustrielles, c'est seulement par une
interpretation active que les choses du passe peuvent etre appropriees et devenir un
patrimoine pour une communaute. Pour ce faire je decrirai quatre figures ou etats
du patrimoine dans I'evolution des societes, et j'en enoncerai les caracteristiques.
1 - Le patrlmoine «vivant» des cultures traditionnelles.
Les societes dites traditionnelies, se perpetuent par la reproduction du meme. Toute
I'organisation sociale, les croyances et les roles de chacun, sont un heritage fixe, vecu
comme immuable et dicte par une auto rite supra humaine. La reprise d'une
generation a I'autre s'impose, en s'appuyant sur des recits mythiques qui la justifient.
Les membres de la communaute subissent cet ordre, car Ie domaine symbolico­
culturel de la TRADITION est essentiel et contraignant pour la coliectivite : c'est lui qui
assure sa stabilite et sa reproduction dans Ie temps.
'Dans ces cultures, les objets conserves prennent place dans la vie de la collectivite.
Objets et sites sont moins valorises pour eux-memes, que pour les fonctions
religieuses qui leur incombent, dans les systemes rituels. Tous connaissent la
signification des objets et leur pouvoir, tous respectent les tresors et leur symbolique,
et distinguent les objets sacres a conserver, du profane. A cette etape de la tradition
vivante, Ie patrimoine n'apparait pas comme tel , mais se transmet au sein d'une
culture vecue et partagee. La materialite des objets est traversee par une vi see autre,
celie d'une symbolique partagee de tous. Resumant, je dirais 1 Que regime d'un tel
patrimoine est la croyance et la contrainte. 2° Que la nature des objets est celie de
I'anonyme et de I'unanime. 3° Que Ie public concerne est la collectivite entiere. 4°
Des exemples de ce type de patrimoine : les objets rituels a caractere religieux.
74

Seconde figure du patrimoine, celie ou il emerge, sous la forme des collections.
2 - Le patrimolne merveilleux des collections d'antigualres.
Une seconde figure du patrimoine apparait avec les premieres collections,
rassemblees pour I'etude et la delectation des erudits et des antiquaires, surtout a
partir des annees 1550. La collection se deli nit alors comme «tout ensemble d'objets
naturels ou artificiels, maintenus hors du circuit d'activites economiques, soumis a une
protection speciale dans un lieu clos amenage a cet effet, et exposes au regard.» 1
Les «cabinets de curiosites» des XVle et XVlle siecles, exposent un patrimoine de
choses rares, antiques, naturelles ou artificielles. Certaines collections, d'abord
destinees aux connaisseurs et collectionneurs, deviennent, avec Ie temps, publiques
et s'ouvrent aux visiteurs interessees. Ce second etat est celui du patrimoine
collectionne qui resulte de la passion de COllectionneurs prives et de leurs
recherches d'artefacts. Ce patrimoine est fait «d'objets d'etudes» . 1 ° Son regime : la
curiosite et I'etude. 2° La nature des objets : ils sont precieux, exotiques, antiques. 3°
Le public concerne : les cercles d'iniMs et d'erudits. 4° Des exemples : les collections
des cabinets de curiosites.
II faut attendre la troisieme figure du patrimoine, pour que les choses patrimoniales
sortent de ces cercles d'etudes et soient exposees a la vue de tous, dans des lieux
publics accessibles.
3 - Le patrlmolne mus6ologlaue des Etats modernes
Sorti du monde restreint des erudits, Ie patrimoine devient public, collectif, mais pas
comme iI I'etait dans les cultures traditionnelles. En effet, c'est en grande partie parce
que la transmission par tradition vivante n'est plus au fondement des societes
modernes, que celles-ci amenagent des lieux publics specifiques de conservation
du patrimolne. Ces lieux tentent de pallier cette non transmission generalisee, pour
maintenir dans la communaute, une certaine presence des heritages.
1 Krzysztof Pomian, Collectionneurs, amateurs et curieux. Paris, Venise : XVIe-XVllle
si.kle, nrf Gallimard, Paris, 1987, p. 18
75

II ne s'agit plus d'un patrimoine oblige ou normatif, ni d'une symbolique toute
puissante, mais seulement d'une suggestion de signification qui favorise la cohesion
sociale. Une telle conservation reflechie correspond a la phase ou Ie patrimoine
emerge en tant que domaine specialise d'intervention, destine a la collectivite. Nous
avons alors affaire a un patrimoine choisi, ce qui est Ie propre d'une societe moderne
ne fonctionnant plus a I'ancestralite ou a la tradition. L'esprit democratique moderne
enleve au passe son role d'assise de toute legitimite. La modernlte consiste, pour
une bonne part, a se liberer de I'obligation de maintenir I'integrite des heritages, pour
convenir rationnellement, de ce qu 'on souhaite garder. Le rapport au passe n'a plus
Ie meme statut, ni la meme efficacite.
Le patrimoine, a cette etape, est entre les mains de specialistes, qui en font une
discipline avec ses methodes et ses criteres. On assiste alors au developpement
fulgurant des musees. des «monuments et sites hlstoriques». et des
politiques de conservation, qui prennent la releve de la tradition. Mais ces objets et
ces sites, coupes de tout usage autre que symbolique, - Ie seul qu'autorise Ie
contexte museal, subissent des changements profonds : n'etant plus un heritage actif,
ils deviennent des genres de signifiants flottants, disponibles pour les interpretations
diverses qu'en tont les discours patrimoniaux. Ces choses conservees ne formeront
un «heritage commun .. que si elles sont appropriees .
. C'est pourquoi, conserver ne suffit plus: iI taut en plus, mettre en valeur, interpreter et
dire ce que cela signitie pour Ie present. II taut retablir, par l'lnterpretatlon, des
liens entre la communaute et ces choses du passe, car elle seule est capable de
provoquer I'appropriatlon patrimoniale maintenant requise. Ce patrimoine resulte
donc d'un type nouveau de rapport que I'ere moderne instaure avec les traces qui
lui restent du passe : ce rapport en est un de mise a distance critique, puis
d'appropriation libre au moyen d'une «pedagogie des objets... «Qu'est-ce que I'idee
de patrimoine, demande Dominique Poulot, sinon I'alternative moderne, - c'est-a-dire
historicisee et libre - a la culture pensee comme tradition ? .. 2
2 Dominique Poulot, «Le Louvre imaginaire», in Historical Reflections, Retlexions historigues,
vol 17, no. 2, Spring 1991, p. 198.
76

patrimoniale voudrait-elle incarner, autre que ceux de la tolerance? Or nos sites et
musees sont rarement riches en temognages de «tolerance». Cette question des
contenus touche a celie du role qui peut encore incomber a la culture:
En quoi peut consister la culture d'un peuple democratique, tel est bien en effet
Ie probh3me central des societes dans lesquelles la subjectivisation du monde
a pour corollaire inevitable I'effondrement progressif des traditions sous
I'exigence incessante qu'elles s'accordent avec la liberte des hommes. 5
Dans cette conjoncture, reste alors a couper Ie passe de ses contenus, a I'apprecier,
pour ainsi dire, en lui-meme et pour lui-meme, pour son pur caractere d'exception et
sa qualite spectaculaire d'etre ancien et d'avoir echappe a la disparition. AloIs Riegl
prevoyait deja, au debut du xxe siecle, que la valeur dominante des choses et sites
historiques serait bientot ce qu'iI nomma leur valeur d'anciennete, plus
democratique que la valeur historique qui exige un savoir. Cette valeur
d'anclennete repose sur la visible etrangete de ce qui est ancien, sur I'usure
apparente de ce qui est «vieux», et que meme une personne sans savoir historique
peut constater et ressentir. Mais elle n'est guere porteuse de contenu specifique.
3 - Troisieme crise, culture et technologie. Nous voyons aujourd'hui a I'oeuvre une
mediation genera lisee, qui assure une large diffusion a certains patrimoines :
cela leur donne Ie statut d'icone mondialement reconnue. De Van Goth a
Stonehenge, de Charly Chaplin aux pyramides, des dinosaures a la Joconde, certains
lIeux et personnages - historiques ou meme fictionnels -sont des «celebrites» ,
grace a une gamme de supports mediatiques incluant deja «I 'autoroute
informatique». Walter Benjamin s'inquietait, vers 1930, de la perte d'aura qui
affecterait les oeuvres d'art, en ce nouvel age de leur reproduction photographique.
Nous savons maintenant que d'une autre facon , cette aura a aussi eM augmentee par
cette diffusion mediatique.
Nous habitons physiquement et technologiquement, un espace et un temps multiples.
Nous sommes des «zappeurs culturels» qui no us interessons a tout, un moment.
Ces dimensions multiples forment Ie «present» de notre culture et nous expo sent a
5 Lue Ferry, Homo Aesthetieus. L'invention du goOt II rage d9mocratigue, Grasset, 1990, p. 17.
79

des courants tres divers dans leur provenance et dans leur logique. Deja McLuhan
parlait de la culture «mosarcale» du journal ; la mosarque s'est elle-meme multipliee,
ses cases statiques sont devenues variables et dynamiques, dans les menus
interactifs qui reunissent des «communautes virtuelles» . Le rapport que no us
entretenons maintenant avec nos patrimoines est bien relie a cette position de
spectateur, a ce qui se forge dans cette relation de «zapping». Nous nous
comportons, a I'egard du passe historique, - non plus seulement de «notre passe »,
mais bien d'un passe global - comme des «zappeurs» televisuels, I'usage que nous
en faisons en est un de «regard distancie» et d'attention ludique et particlpatolre.
Comment decrire ce nouvel etat du patrimoine ? Je dirais qu'il s'agit d'un patrimoine
gere, d'un «patrimoine ressource», mis en marche et au service de I'economie. Ses
objets et lieux sont penses : - comme un spectacle offert aux touristes; et deja, -
comme une banque de donnes sur I'inforoute. Le plus souvent, I'acces, touristique ou
informatique, est payant et genere des revenus. Ce patrimoine est presente comme
recreatif, iI offre moins des objets specifiques, que des environnements globaux, dans
lesquels s'immerger et «se perdre» . 1 ° Son regime : Ie divertissement et la
consommation. 2° La nature des objets : des attractions, I'interactivite, la simulation,
I'informatique. 3° Son public : les touristes et les zappeurs. 4° Des exemples : les
parcs thematiques, les CD Rom.
'Ce qui nous attire vers les musees et sites historiques, ce n'est plus tellement la
puissance rituelle des objets, ni I'etude, ni notre attachement a un Etat-nation, mais
bien, notre desir d'entrer dans I'ecran, et de nous procurer une experience
personnelie, imaginaire, ludique et memorable. Un rapport nouveau, Ie rapport
ludlque de la consommation, s'impose de plus en plus. Mais, et c'est Ie paradoxe
final, ce rapport ludique est lui-meme polyvalent: parce qu'il joue avec les heritages,
il peut Ie faire de diverses facons, selon Ie desir individuel de chacun. Nous savons
bien que les visiteurs actuels des musees et sites sont diversifies. Aussi, quelques
visiteurs erudits y cherchent toujours du savolr, des citoyens nostalgiques y
cherchent encore un esprit national, et un grand nombre de gens, qui n'y
cherchaient rien de precis, y trouvent un moment une distraction familiale.
80

MUSEUM AND COMMUNITY
,\nupama Nigam
Museum as institutions were born out of sheer
social need. Hence the commitment to society and to the
community is vital. Inquisitiveness of human mind on
one hand, promts us to know something about the growth of
human civilisation and the changing social needs on the
other, will require the accumulated knowledge and
experience of the by gone era to reproduce new paradigms
and models for further social growth. Museum objects as,
authentic testimony of the past which are collected in
museum and Art-gallaries provide them with an unique
opportunity to fulfil there basic needs.
The service to the community is therefore the
prime concern of the museum. The main function such as
Collection, Preservation and Communication are the tools
to enlighten the people as a whole of their past cultural
and natural heritage. Thus all the socio-cultural
function of
collection.
activity of
collection,
a museum
The well
museums,
revolve
thought
based
on
must therefore be
around
out and
these
aimed
the museum
purposeful
respective
to meet
socio-cultural and economic requirements of the
communi ty. Yet, museums are dynamic institutions and
their policies and programmes will have to be therefore
revised from time to time, in order to meet the changing
socio-cultural needs of the community.
83

During the Nineteenth Century
sanctuaries, rarely invaded by the
frequently
appointment.
one of the
many museums were
public and infact
inaccessible except through special
Today, however, it is generally agreed that
function of the museum is to show its
collections to the public. Museum are not educational
institutions in the formal sense of the word, but rather
a source of intellectual stimulation and entertainment.
They can be a means of communicating ideas about
socio-cultural achievements of other peoples, about
modern science about one's own tradition.
In case of the developing countries like India the
problem of community service is more complicated. The
setting of new socio-economic goals and priorities for
the overall development of all peoples from all walks of
life has added a fresh dimension to the future role of
museum, for example Indian society and economy, as
elsewhere is undergoing a rapid change in view of the
available developed means of Science and Technology which
are being utilised to transform an agrarian society into
an industrial one. The wider circulation of money and
new means of transport and communication have made the
rural population of India more mobile. The post
Independence Era has presented before us totally new
social concepts and goals which are to be achieved for
the fulfilment of people's needs and aspirations.
84

The old social values, norms and traditions due to
scientific and technological development are changing
fast. The modern media such as the National Television
Network, All India Radio, Films and the Press are
creating more social and
people. Hence the large
cultural awareness among
crowds of people of all
groups and from all sections of society pour into the
museums and art gallaries everyday to know something
about their past heritage. It is making the job of
Indian museusms and the art gallaries more challenging
and burdensome.
the
age
Indian society is hetrogenious in character with a
striking contrast in its various segments. There are
three distinct types of visitors, who come to study and
enjoy the collections of a museum. Firstly there are
scholars, intellectuals whom the museum serve by opening
their reserve gallaries,
reference and photographs
published research works.
by providing necessary
of objects as well as the
The second category of
visitors consists mainly of students and researchers who
want to supplement their classroom knowledge with the
help of authentic museum collections. The third category
comprises of casual visitors, who are mostly the
illitrates, village folks, poors, tribals, who have
remained relatively untouched by the news advances of the
modern era.
85

the community more effectively and meaningfully.
It has become equally
term "Communityll. Certain
important to
scholars define
define
the
the
term
communi ty in a geographical sense. In our opinion, the
term community should be interpreted as a group of people
having common concerns and interest, values and
traditions, ideals and aspirations, irrespective of any
narrow geographical boundaries. The traditional museums,
being the originally the urban institution is not
suitable for the growth of the community. It is
therefore vital that new models of museology serving the
smaller areas with people having common socio-cul tural
goals, should be developed. These institutions will be
also have to be evolve fresh concept and new functions
which will be found more effective to fulfil the basic
needs of a community. These aims and objective of modern
museums cannot be properly fulfilled, unless there is a
complete co-operation and active participation of all
members of the community in the socio-cultural activities
of our museums. The new models of museology and
museologists will have to be made fully aware of the
socio-cultural and economic problems of the community and
will thereby planned their activities and programmes to
fulfill the same.
87

In order to attract the members of the community
and involve them emotionally in museum policies and
programmes, the modern museums must come out from there
palatial buildings and evolve various effective and out
reach programmes not only to preserve the cultural
objects housed inside the museum buildings but also to
preserve and protect the cultural and natural heritage
lying around within the geographical bounds of the
community. They must further assist the members of the
community in knowing their socio-cultural economic needs
to develop them with the help of their community museums
which will be working as a powerful tool for the
development of the community.
To involve people emotionally, the communi ty
museums must utilise the collective memory of the people
by reviveing the old legends, fairs and festivals,
traditional dances and music, age old arts and crafts to
keep the cultural heritage of the community alive. It is
necessary because it will provide continuity to the
development which will be receiving perennial inspiration
from the local soil and utilising modern means of science
and technology for an overall
community.
ADD RES 5:
ANUPAMA NIGAM
l3-6-463/A/9, Ashok Vihar,
Post: Kulsumpura,
HYDERABAD - 500 267.
(A.P.) INDIA.
88
development of the
ANUPAMA NIGAM
(Research Scholar
in Museology)
HYDERABAD - INDIA.

Paivi-Marjut Raippalinna
REGIONAL ART MUSEUMS AND CHALLENGES OF COMMUNITY ORIENTATION - A
CASE STUDY
In Finland there has been built up during about twenty' years a
system of regional museums covering for example 13 mainly
municipally run art museums and twenty cultural historical
museums provided with the status of regional museum. The system
was guaranteed by the law in the year 1989. These museums stand
for the professional expertise and are responsible for the
heritage activities related to visual art in the region. The
basic idea beyond the system was, that the nominated museums
were subsidized by the state according to certain measures (for
example number and the qualification of the museum
professionals) because of their duties as the central museum of
the region. The ideological background of the system was
coloured by the cultural policies in the seventies, that focused
on equality: Regardless of social or geographic setting he or
she should have access to art and culture and public art
activities, including also art museums, their collections and
exhibitions. Museums as public institutions were a media par
exellence to advance the idea of equality in terms of cultural
consumption along with the municipally run theatres or
orchestras.
As the regional art museums were concerned their aims were
explicated as the following:
- to make artists, acting in the region, and their products
known to everyone
- distribute knowledge on art and advance positive attitude
towards art
- advance cooperation between museums
- preserve and document art in the region
- to encourage communities in the region to use and produce
different activities related to visual art
- to create new diversified activities to respond to new
challenges of the community
The new system for regional (art) museums created new jobs and
even new museums in the field. There were different approaches
in different museums to carry out their new community orientated
duties. Cultural historical museums found their way out into the
region through excavations, cultural protection and through the
numerous local museums with a lot of energy and a little of
expertise. A common art museum mode was that of circulating
easy-to-handle-sized exhibitions. Each museum had their
individual choice of exhibitions in terms of their collections
and interests . In Finland there hasn't been such an
comprehensive system as Riksutstallningar in Sweden to produce
89

and d istribute the whole range of e xhib i tio ns on any theme one
can imagine. Another part of the a ctiviti e s was registra t ion of
local art collections owned by commun i ties a nd p r oduc t ion of
different learning materials mos tly related to circ ula t i ng
exhibitions.
This new generation of the national museum profession wi th
regional duties got to know their regions and respective
communities and they learned how to survive nearly in any
circumstances out of the center. That wasn't so easy as the
museal and professional constellations of regional activities
and actors still lagged their status within the system.
Finally at the turn of the 90s all was changed by the unbalanced
economical development in the country. Even before that the
ideas of equality and museums as social servants were already
fading in the minds of museum professionals and political
decission makers, because there weren't any more extra res ources
to be expected or accepted. The fiqures of regional activities
didn,t count any more. Municipalities became jealous for their
investments and museums couldn't get merit out of these regional
activities any more. The new outwardbound service orientation of
70s was outdated.
with the recession also the economical basis for the regiona l
activities failed. The state and communities run out of money
and most of the regional art museums ran out of resources to run
regional activities . Now the museums are questioned by the state
authorities if they can still afford their regional subsidice.
The regional museums system with strong but undefined community
orientation was a product of economical boom. As long as we
could afford the system, hardly anybody questionned it either in
terms of cultural policy or heritage action. All that figured
was numbers. Number of displays, visitors ect. The real
communication with- the community and its members was an
unexsisting problem and even the concept community could be
·defined only as an area on a map or as an administrative unit,
with no guiding topographical or demographical signs.
Is there a community for a regional art museum?
If we consider the concept of community in relation to the
system of regional museums, community in this context can only
be defined either geographically with unviolated boarders or
administratively with municipal units dictating the scope of
available resources. There has been available the region
(province), the state or the owner of the museum (mostly
munipalicity) as possible community in the framework of our
regional museum system. Althoug, one of the ideas of the new
system was to find new audiences, new communities or target
groups for cultural consumption - these were never conceived as
communities in the sense given for example by the new museology.
Neither the population or inhabitants were ever conceived as
producers or interactors but receivers. And to decide what was
culture or art wasn't a concern of a common man but that of an
specialist mostly committed to a public institution.
One definition I could find for community reminded me about the
90

insitutional ideas of Pierre Bourdieu, George Dickie or Jurgen
Habermas. The community can be understood as a brotherhood or
sisterhood, as a group of specialists sharing the same belief . I
have already mentioned the new museum generation tha t was
created by the regional muse um system . The new professionals
were young, mostly scholars in art history and their only
experience about museums was an occasionally obligatory two week
museum course . This wasn't certainly an exception wi thin the
history o f museum work. Rather, it is a tradition still very
much alive. The belief or the professional paradigm they had and
their predecessors shared was tha t of a scholar , that of history
of art.
The concept paradigm has been introduced by philosopher Thoms S .
Kuhn , who has studied history of science and scientific
communities' . Any scientifique community is sharing the same
pradigm to be able to continue its work. A shared paradigm is
also a prerequisite for the development of science, still there
cannot be any progress without animalias in the prevailing
theories leading finally to revolutions creating new paradigms.
Museums profession has also got its own paradigms and the most
influential part of the professionals can be considered as a
c ommunity of scholars. The scientifique world, scholars and
researchers have experienced several revolutions and created or
accepted new paradigms.
But the paradigm we still implicitly hold, at least in art
museums, is that of traditional museum described for example
several times by Tomislav Sola as museum of the second wave
being identified by collective pride, strive for eternity,
idividualism or principle of science (being his tory of art in
relation to art museums). This museum paradigm is crowned in the
minds of art museum curators by another paradigm, that of the
modernist idea of autonomous art. These are the main elements in
the community of art museum professionals.
These quiding institutional paradigms of art museum and art
prevented us, in spite of the good and idealistic aspirations we
had from becoming an essential and active unit in the heritage
action system and from aknowledging the true community and the
diversity in it. When describing the Great European Museum'
(Nordisk Museologi 2/ 1993), Kenneth Hudson says that it bears
marks of community museum, but he excludes fine art museums and
ethnological museums as candidates for the great museum, because
they "overemphasize their value as institution and react very
strongly against any suggestion that the concept of the Great
Museum has anything to offer them".
Regional art museum and the feeling of community
Referring to the concepts of the community museum and/ or the
Great museum by Kenneth Hudson there is still one thing missing
from our fine art museums as regional museums: the feeling of
community. This, in my opinion, is due to our professional
commitment. Our professional paradigm is that of an art
institution rather than the one of heritage action unit. We had
a good start for the community orientated museum action brought
up by the new cultural policies. Also art museums were supposed
to create new policies for community and to focus on
diversified, out-of-institution activities . Museums reached out
91

into the region, to people living out of the center, and tried
actively to create new ways to reach their undefined audience.
circulating exhibitions took works of art out of the temples of
art to ordinary people. Art was to be accessed in sub-libraries,
schools, kindergartens, municipal halls. In the vanguaard of
these activities also the idea of art education became a
conscious part of the Finnish art museum activities.
The new regional activities were adressed to a common man man
living anywhere in the country. But nobody asked after or was
even interested in, who was this ordinary man and what he liked,
needed or appreciated. The target group for the new activities
was considered homogenous in terms of national identity,
although, we have a Swedish speaking minority on the southern
and western coast, Saame-people living up to the North,
karelians settled after World War Two or a small number of
gypsies. Since those days we have got an additional group of
minorities, refugees, whose position in our society is very
vague. Anyhow the guestion of ethnic minorities or the current
splitting up of the nation into A and B citizens due to the
harsh figures of unemployment doesn't even today figure in our
museums, even in regional museums.
The community for regional museum in Finland is still, if
differentiated at all, rather a mixture of people of different
ages living in a certain area, rather than people with different
interests or identities. The only explicated target group ever
concerned within the regional art museum system has been the
age-group of potential museum visitors - children - to be
educated through art to art!
We have got the system, but there is neither knowledge nor will,
I'm afraid, to turn our regional museums into true community
museums. Another factor is that the time, when also museums are
measured only in terms of production and accountability - more
institutional merits with less money, is not favourable to the
idea of community museum.
..
2.
3.
Regional art auseu.s activities were started as an ewperl.ent and the first reqlonal art
auseuas were noainated at the beqinniq of 80s.
Thomas S. Kuhn. The structure or SCientific Revolutions. 1969, The University of Chicago.
Kenneth Hudson. The Great European Museu •. Mordlsk Huseoloql 2/1993. ISSM 1103-8152.
92

ON MUSEUM, COMMUNITIES AND THE RELATIVITY OF IT ALL
Tereza Cristina Scheiner - Brazil
The universe is relative.
Time, matter and spac:e are relative.
Life and cuffure are relative .
... Why should the museum be absolute?
The aim of ICOFOM is to study and investigate Museology as a scientific discipline. With
such purpose we have been developing a task of sistematization of terms where concepts such as
those of Museum, Community, Object and Heritage are constantly under exam. This work has
resulted in the development of a theoretical and methodological basis that is presently recognized
as museum theory.
Museum theory, it is said, enhances knowledge about the Museum as a unity of study in all
its aspects, functions, purposes and relations with reality. It helps building knowledge about
museums and their role in society, as a tool for understanding the past and shaping a beller future .
But in what consists museological knowledge? How can museum theory investigate, for example,
the relationship between Museum and Communities from a truly scientific point of view?
Let us start from the beginning, pulling under exam ...
a) THE IDEA OF MUSEUM
It is known that, although actualized, the official definition of Museum does not fit the
necessities of theoretical study, being unable to encompass the plurality of initiatives presently
recognized as 'museums' - not only in the practical field but also in the field of ideas. Twenty years
, of systematic study on theoretical Museology have not clarified this question.
This has been one of the main problems of ICOFOM, since most papers on museum theory still
refer to specific functions or characteristics of the Museum, without making clear what idea of
Museum lies behind the words. For this reason, it has been difficult to establish the chains of
relationships between one paper to the other, and consequently to develop a critical analysis of the
annual production of ICOFOM conceming the specific themes under exam.
Since we are now invited to analyse the relationship between Museum and Communities, a
first question arises: what are we referring to?
Having in mind that the Museum is a phenomenon, and that the different forms of
museums are nothing more than representations (or expressions) of such phenomenon in different
times and spaces, according to the characteristics of each social group, we may understand
Museology not as a science that investigates the museum institution or the "museological facf',
but as a scientific discipline that investigates the idea of Museum developed by each
society, in each time, through its applications to reality. That is made possible through the
investigation of the different forms of relationship between man and reality, that is, of the
relationships between man, culture and the natural environment.
95

Such relationships are better explained under the conceptual frame of the the holistic
paradigm, according to which the universe is understood as a relative system , where man is a
mere element, not the centre. Under such frame it becomes clear that the museum is not
concemed only with man and the cultural production, but to nature in all its diversity and to the
universe as a whole. That is what we understand as the total environment, or the total heritage of
humanity. The first two basic characteristics of the Museum are thus understood: its intrinsic
relationship with nature and culture; and its plurality.
Understanding the museum as a phenomenon, it is easy to accept that it assumes different
expressions in space and time. That is, Museum is not one thing - it is a generic concept that
encompasses a wide range of places, institutions, mental attitudes, cultural initiatives.
Different societies develop different conceptions of the universe - and the idea of museum is one
of the expressions of the world vision of each social group, in a specific time and situation. We are
so used to our own conceptual models of museum, specific of the occidental society, that little
attention is given to the difference. ICOFOM has barely investigated, for example, what is the
dominant idea of museum in each region of the world, or which local significances does this term
assume within specific communities. The same concept (Ecomuseum, for example) may have
several significances, according to the cultural identity of the group that is referring to it. Some
societies do not even develop an idea of museum.
But once we understand that the Museum (phenomenon) is not the same as one museum
(limited expression of such phenomenon), we are able to identify which idea of museum is present
in which community or social group. Museum may thus be understood as:
· an institution;
· a physical space (territory, area or building) wich contains movable and inmovable
parcels of heritage;
· a physical space for the exploration, investigation and experimentation of the new;
· a space for the preservation of memory of mankind and of the planet earth;
· a special relationship between man and the environment;
· an intellectual space of creativity and production of culture (herein included the
imaginary spaces of human mind - those called' the inner museum' );
· the biosphere.
Museological activity is thus possible not only in those places traditionally recognized as
museums, but also in every site or intellectual sphere where Man and Nature have integrated so as
to create culture and knowledge. That includes those rare sites in our planet barely touched or still
untouched by Man, where natural processes remain completely or almost preserved. That goes
within ourselves, towards the "inner museum" where the complicated processes of our mind shape
a very specific· mental and emotional heritage" . That goes beyond what is known as the biosphere
- towards the universe.
Within this immense framework, we need to identify which specific representations of the
museum phenomenon are we dealing with, in a specific society, time and situation - as our main
working tool.
The following step is to define what to do and how. WlJat to do may be explained by the
political and cultural approach of Museology - which aims and actions must refer to the group under
study. How to do relates to Museography - the instrumentalization of museology itself, i.e., the
practical support that makes possible to apply to reality concepts and philosophies of action
designed for each museum. One of the great mistakes of museum professionals is to imagine that
it is possible to develop museums making plain use of museum techniques - not taking into
account that museography is not and end in itself, it is a tool , a process through which
museology is implemented. We still see museums that deal only with objects subtracted from their
96

original environment - as if it was possible to represent, through those fragments, the original
context as a whole. We still see exhibits where such fragments are enumerated (with sofisticated
design) under codes of rationality that do not correspond to the scientific paradigms of the XXth
century.
We see preservation and restauration works that pretend to serve the whole society, but
that are nothing more than an opportunity of imposing aesthetic values and cultural codes of
hegemonic groups.
The responsability of the museum in the present days is to be an active agent of social
change, offering support to programs of cultural development. And this is possible because, as an
intellectual space for creativity, it produces knowledge. But, being aware of that, museum
professionals become responsible for promoting development in an open and democratic way,
enabling the participation of wide segments of society. Those are the segments we perceive as
·communities·. Which brings us to another problem, that is:
b) THE CONCEPT OF COMMUNITY
As the Museum, Community is a concept. Under the title' community" we usually refer
to several representations of human society - from the global community, which includes all of us
inhabitants of planet Earth, to the nuclear family as community core. But we must not forget the so
called' biological communities· , formed of parcels of living beings with common characteristics.
The plants in a forest, the fish in a river or a colony of microbes are communities as well - and as
such, pertain to the museum sphere. We museum professionals are also a community. As we see ,
there is an immense diversity of communities. Biological communities. Cultural communities.
Social communities .... Shouldn't the planets or our galaxy be also considered a community?
Since we consider communities in their diversity, it becames clear that the relationship
between Museum and Community is only possible when community and museum are previously
identified. We have seen through the years the development of an opportunist discourse that has
led to several mistakes such as:
· the idea that Museum is a place called 'museum';
· the idea that Community is a group of people not identified with the hegemonic strata
of a society - preferably belonging to minority groups or to countries undergoing
development;
· the idea that museums should work with the community (whatever that means) .
... To which community are we referring, when proposing museological action?
Considering the different connections between Museum and Community, we should then
identify:
· what we believe a museum is;
· what we believe a community is;
· what museum and what community are we referring to , in each specific situation;
· what is expected of the interaction between Museum and Community;
· the several possible approaches to the matter;
· the expected consequences of the interaction.
Some options will be possible:
97

· working over the community (or about the community)
· working for the community
· working with the community
· let work the community
The museologic approach towards the matter will depend of how clear these options may
be. Clear options will prevent common mistakes such as - the apocaliptic conservacionism ; the
cartesian approach to exhibitions; and the perception of the museological discourse as absolute
thnuth .
Museology, as any other science in the present days, works over relativization of
knowledge. The holistic approach, defended by contemporary Museology, does not accept the
idea of museum as a ready-made product, nor of the community as an abstract social entity. The
museum is today understood as a phenomenon with all its dynamics and the community is
perceived, in its broader sense, as a concrete representation of natural or social quanta.
Everything, as we see , is relative. Community and Museum are relative concepts. The
world itself changes everyday - which means our perception of the world is also relative. Since
nothing its absolute, what possible means do we have of making the museum promote knowledge?
The first attitude is to promote the capacity of the museological community: it is
fundamental that those who work with museums be prepared to make museology. On a second
basis, it must be understood that the changing role of the museum does not apply to reality throuhg
isolated activities, labelled as • educationar - which means that working with or for communities
(specially in the social shpere) is an attitude of life, requiring a high degree of participation on all
sides and where arrogance and prejudice are not welcome. Third - elements that will promote
generation of knowledge must be searched in the communities themselves. They may relate to the
exchange of energies, to the understanding of the processes of life and nature ... or to the
acceptance of the common knowledge of some communities (not the imposition of our own
knowledge).
It also refers to the recognition of museums and communities not previously
imagined as such, in an attitude of nupture from traditional and old-fashioned pattems of
knowledge, towards new dimensions, new fonns of perception that until yesterday may have been
called' non-scientific' or unorthodox. What better field of action than a sience under constnuction -
such as Museology?
98
Rio de Janeiro, May 1995.

Des etudes recentes prevoient que, de 63% de la population de I'ile de
Montreal (ou se trouve la plus grande concentration de population au Quebec) en
1986, les francophones de souche constitueront en 2021 moins de 50% de la
populationS. D'autre part, une enquiHe entreprise de 1991 a 1993 aupres de la
communaute italienne de Montreal a demontre la difficulte de creer dans cette
communaute des habitudes de frequentation des musees6 tout en soulignant que la
creation de ces habitudes represente 'pour les musees un investissement tres
important en temps et en ressources humaines qu'aucune institution ne peut,
aujourd'hui, se permettre'.
Par I'entremise de ses douze maisons de la culture (Ia premiere fut
inauguree en 1981), la Ville de Montreal tente de develop per I'accessibilite a la
culture aux diverses communautes culturelles en programmant, par exemple, depuis
1991, une serie d'expositions sous Ie theme de 'La culture vue par .. .' qui ont touche
jusqu'ici les communautes noire anglophone, amerindienne, grecque, chinoise,
quebecoise, juive et italienne. Les musees de la region de Montreal, par contre,
semblent peu preoccupes de developper des initiatives visant a interesser les diverses
communautes culturelles autres que frantyaises ou britanniques de souche qui
representeront pourtant d'ici vingt ans plus de la moitie de leur public potentiel.
Le cas du Musee d'art de Saint-Laurent est particulierement significatif.
Situee sur I'ile de Montreal (nord ouest), Ville Saint-Laurent est une ville au
developpement industriel accelere qui compte une population de plus de 70 000
habitants 7 . Son territoire avait ete colonise dans la premiere moitie du XVllle siecie,
so us Ie regime frantyais, et une premiere eglise paroissiale inauguree Ie 10 aoOt
S Denis Lessard, .. Les francophones seront minoritaires sur I'ile en 2021." 1£
presse, 30 mars 1994.
6 Sylvana Micillo Villata, .. Les musees et les communautes culture lies, abolir la
distance." communication presentee Ie 15 mai 1993 au colloque La recherche
universitaire en museologie organise par Ie programme conjoint de maitrise en
museologie Universite de Montreal / Universite du Quebec a Montreal. L'Auteur
remercie ici Mme Villata, du service culturel de la Ville de Montreal, d'avoir mis a sa
documentation a sa disposition.
7 Les statistiques sur Ville Saint-Laurent sont tirees de Statistiques Canada,
recensement de 1991, et du Recensement residentiel de Ville de Saint-Laurent de
1991.
100

1735, en la fete de saint Laurent8, puis, devant I'accroissement de la population, une
nouvelle eglise, de plus grandes dimensions, sera ouverte au culte en 1836.
Aujourd'hui, la population d'origine fran

eserves, d'espaces d'exposition temporaire, d'animation, etc. , et surtout I'ancienne
eglise ne repond pas aux normes museologiques reconnues, ce qui met sa collection en
danger a long terme et ne lui permet pas d'obtenir des expositions temporaires de
prestige 1 O.
La collection permanente du musee est la plus interessante et la plus
considerable de la region de Montreal pour I'etude et la connaissance de la culture
traditionnelle du Quebec. Elle est composee d'instruments, d'appareils et d'outils
relies a la pratique des arts et metiers traditionnels ainsi que d'oeuvres, objets d'art et
objets quotidiens realises par des artistes et artisans au cours des XVllle et XIXe
siecles et au debut du XXe siecle. En tout, plus de 6000 objets dont la moiM
appartiennent au Cegep et Ie reste est soit prete ou en depot. Les informations sur la
collection ont ete informatisees et font partie depuis 1993 de la banque de donnees du
Reseau canadien d'information sur Ie patrimoine .
Preoccupe par I'avenir de l'institution dont Ie personnel est reduit a trois
employes a temps complet (directeur, conservateur, secretaire-comptable) et qui
subit une baisse de frequentation (de 16422 visiteurs en 1981 a 5506 visiteurs en
1992), Ie conseil d'administration con fie en 1992 a des consultants la realisation
d'une etude de faisabilite portant sur la viabilite, la validite et Ie positionnement de la
mission du musee ainsi que sur les besoins en espaces et les diverses options pour les
solutionner11. Au cours de I'elaboration du rapport, les discussions avec les
consultants et Ie Comite de developpement 12 furent souvent orageuses, les consultants
ayant leur propres idees sur la fa

Saint-Laurent pourrait constituer sous cet aspect un musee-Iaboratoire dont taus les
musees de la region de Montreal pourraient tirer profit des experiences.
Pour ce faire , Ie Musee d'art de Saint-Laurent devrait maintenir et
renforcer sa mission actuelle qui est la mise en valeur du patrimoine culturel
quebecois a travers les arts et les traditions artisan ales du Quebec d'hier et
d'aujourd'hui et viser, dans un premier temps, a se relocaliser dans une nouvelle
annexe adjacente a I'eglise qu'il occupe actuellement afin de deployer convenablement
sa collection permanente tout en la preservant et de se doter des espaces publics dont il
a besoin. En un second temps, il devrait developper la plus grande partie de ses
activites museologiques, depuis la fa

Si les musees du Quebec veulent etre au service du developpement de la
societe quebecoise, il leur faut, de toute urgence, repenser leurs programmes publics.
lis ne doivent pas viser uniquement Ie public touristique, qui par son apport
economique important leur vaut des appuis gouvernementaux, mais aussi penser a leur
public potentiel immediat constitue deja maintenant de personnes agees et de nouveaux
arrivants de diverses ethnies. Pour cela, il faut un changement de mentalite autant des
administrateurs de musees que du personnel. II faut aussi que les musees mettent au
point des strategies et des plans d'action endosses et supportes par tous les niveaux
gouvernementaux. Si cet important virage n'est pas pris maintenant, les musees
quebecois risquent de voir leur frequentation diminuer sensiblement a partir de I'an
2000, et la justification de leur existence remise en question.
La mission bien particuliere du Musee d'art de Saint-Laurent, unique au
Quebec si elle etait redetinie, pourrait servir d'exemple et d'experimentation dans un
processus de transformation des mentalites. Mais pour cela, il faudrait d'abord qu'elle
soit clairement definie et qU'elie trouve un appui financier aupres de gouvernants
eclaires - s'iI en existe - qui aient une vision a long terme du developpement de la
societe quebecoise et du role fondamental qui pourraient y jouer les musees.
Jean Trudel
fevrier 1995
105

presentation of development all along the line. synopsis of scopes with a focal point and of the
real life 15, illustrative material in the museum, vividness of history by analogy and
simultaneousness. 16
Implicated in the same way should be the principle of "language" (speech) in its own and in a
rendered sense, with the objects of past as "a basis for an integrative construction of historical
completeness." 17
Out of this great diversity of possibilities, I have in my mind as a purpose to select only two
categories, namely the rank of the historic dimension in view of common problems of
museums, and in contrast to it the basi cal idea of" scopes of the real life" as well as their actual
reflexion in museums and memorial sites and document-centers of contemporary history.
The historic dimension and "scopes of the real life"
After these considerations it will be tried to exposed some examples how actual problems in
museums, houses of history, and in historic sites and memorial places belonging to museums
are dealed with. Also interesting is the discussion of themes of contemporary history, and,
under respect to the community and the education in politics, how the reactions of museum
conditions and the "history of future" are generally discussed. The representation of
contemporary history in museum is a subject high-explosive; otherwise than the general
presentation in museums of art, history or cultural-history it has immediately the target of
political education and of developing the democracy.
Therefore the common-social connections with the museum-tasks are here more intensively
than in other types of museums. In contrast to traditional conceptions of museums, especially
the contemporary history challenges novel, innovative and communicative designs in order to
fulfill its important task in view of a common and a socio-political effectiveness. Already
Humboldt was anxious to regard the "heads and sense of a different kind" .18 That means in
relation to a museum of contemporary history nothing else than to consider how different
museum-visitors take notice of our world and reflect the political appearance and, finally,
which conclusions they decide. In addition to that and under respect to the conditions of
museums, the" great variety by that the objects outside move our senses" 19 is to be paid the
way of attention. In the "50th year of commemorating" after the end of the NS-regime this
claim concentrates in the presence of contemporary historic museums and KZ-memorial places.
The present political situation challenges their explication on the part by the responsibles and
guarantees in addition to that significance in the whole community as well as public interest.
Years of commemoration by all means pursue the purpose, to recall and bring political topics
generally into the consciousness. With this intention they hope to awake newly this subjects to
life and to prevent their going to ruin as a "dead matter".
Democratic Museum
Setting a strong light to the present museum position face to face with the community today,
museums are generally characterized to have to be democratic. " A democratic museum isn't
one that writes chronicles of wars in golden capitals or one that stylizes the powerfuls to
supermen. Rather it informs about the history of people, about the social-history of average-
15
16
17
18
19
as Ill. 3. Bd .. 2.H. 1815·1834. s. 541.
OS IV, 2. S. 47.
Bann. Stephen: Poetik des Musewn - Lenoir und du Sonunerard. In: RUsen. JJ E.rru.t. W.I GrOner, H.Th. Gescillcht.e sehen. Beitrag.;:
zur A.sthctik. histonschcr Mu.sc:en. Praffenweiler 1988. S. 35-49.
OS L 7: Theorie der- Bildung des Menschen. BruchstOck (1793). S. 287.
Ebenda. s. 285.
109

These observations reprooving to the contemporary history elucidate the political actuality and
the challenge to the museum-responsibilities.
Museum and KZ-memorial place Dachau
The 50th memorial-day of year of the "liberation" of the Konzentrationslager this year is
celebrated on many places with a great political engagement - also at Apri1!29/ 1995 in the
memorial-camp of Dachau. Otherwise is the question how it will be initiated to achieve a
lasting concept reflecting upon past this commemoration day. This field of themes schould be
performed for the generations of the descendants and explicated in a way so that on the one
hand historical insights and appreciations of visitors will be achieved, on the other hand
consequences will be drawn for the social and political life in the future.
An only "museal" consideration wouldn't deal with the different aspects of the scope, but
otherwise it can't also be enough, that museum-visitors more or less walk over similar on a
promenade.
The most important document for the belonging of these memorial places with the original
relicts, the memorials and document centres - they are them elves a mirror of the conception
and interpretation of history and museum of that time they came into being - are the statutes of
the International Council of Museum, where we are reading in the 2nd article:
"In addition to institutions designated as "museums" the following qualifY as museums fur the
purposes of this definition: " ... ethnographic monuments and historical monuments and sites of
a museum nature that acquire, conserve and communicate material evidence of people and
their environment. ,,25
Under this regard is also to see an arrangement with the title "From the School of Violence to
a Place ofLeaming Dachau" managed by Mr. 19naz Bubis, master of "Zentralrat der Juden in
Deutschland". The special significance of "Memorials for the victims of Holocaust" related to
our community is, that compared with the events in the "Drittes Reich" in the last 500 years
nothing comparible in the German History came to pass.
So it isn't possible for memorial places to keep only remembrance. Rather it must be of value
from the sides of museums to support the reflecting-points of visitors and to respect the
following testimony of a witness: " Everybody shouldn't only remember the past, but engage
himself offensively in civil-courage therefore such things occured in the past don't repeat in
future. "
"Holocaust-Museum" and "Museum of Tolerance"
The "United States Holocaust Memorial Museum" in the meaning of their founders "is
dedicated to presenting the history of the persecution and murder of six milliion Jews and
millions of other victims of Nazi tyranny from 1933 to 1945. The museum's primary mission is
to inform Americans about this unprecedented tragedy, to remember those who suffered, and
to inspire visitors to contemplate the moral implications of their choices and responsibilities as
citizens in an independent world. "26
The museum, just opened in April 1993, has integrated this premise in view of its visitors as a
permanent message in all of its departments. After the declaration of the museum the
presentation is able to be visited by young visitors already from eleven years on. In its
methodical kind it has been created and installed "narratively", because it really narrates the
history of Holocaust by artifacts, fotos, films and in testimonies. "Daniel's story" is prepared
25
26
lntcmational Council of Museums. Statutes. Article 2 - Definitions. Paris 1990. p.3.
Folder: "Visitor's Guide" of the "United States Holo..;aust Memorial Museum", Washmgton 1994.
111

geographically and by the contents 2 9 A publication shortly be brought out will deal with the
aspects of a synoptical starting-point.
"The principle 'outside-inside' "
The second is the principle of the relation between the external area and the objects inside the
document center. By this connection of thinking the original relicts. the reconstructions and
memorials at the external area will become to holders of specifical significance in the
contemporary history. Only by a synoptical connection with original documents in the rooms of
the document center individual discussing and historical understanding are advanced
explicitely. Also furthered is the "fmding-sense", the changing one's mind and the ability of
personal consequences in the political dealing with. - These examples could be further exposed.
Ultimately the question is how the visitor will be motivated in his education to a readiness in
humanity. peace and reconciliation. A Holocaust-Museum or a memorial this kind should bring
the visitors looking the tragedy full in the face. but also make a contribution to reconciliation
and to a peaceful life.
29
To the 50th memoriaJ-day of the "liberation or the KZ Dachau" a publication will
be brought out m Muruch lJl April 1994: it's lltlc will b.!: "Das Unbtgrclfhche .. begreillich " machen",
113

The Life Itself Provides The Topics
The International Council of Museums, the "Braunschweig-Studie" and the "Declaration of
Quebec" among a lot of very important points explain exactly the connection between
museology and community, interrelating starting-points and the shapes of an "active
museology", modem methods of communication and contemporary history as a position
defining present time. So the following statement of Wilhelm von Humboldt is valid until
today: "The man is looking after so much world as he is possible grasping up, and also
connecting with himself as he is able. "
With his pilosophy of museum v. Humboldt is close to the modern anthropology of civilization
and to the social-sciences but also to interdisciplinary and inter-social concepts.
The theme "The Life Itself Provides The Topics" for that very reason is in a near correlation to
contemporary history as "the sum of first passed events relating to contemporaries
immediately." This statement gives also reasons for the opening museums to all social groups
and following their democratic mission.
Museum-visitors of different levels of education, in my mind, easiest are reached by museums
and documentation centres in the way being on good terms to contemporary history. This
epoch is closer to the visitor's own life and often discussed in mediums he uses (almost)
regularly. So he connects with topics he is interested in, and the common-social connections
with the museum tasks which are here - in museums of contemporary history - more intensively
than in the other types of museums and - as we hope - more effectively with regard to the
socio-political appearances.
Now, under a lot of possibilities, I've to characterize some examples of museums and their
intentions which are challenging museum-responsibles regarded to contemporary history and
politicai actuality.
The first is the KZ-memorial place Dachau in Bavaria! Germany, the second the "Neue
Wache"/ Berlin and its figuration to the reunification of Gerrnany in 1989, the third the
"Holocaust-Museum" in Washington and the Museum of Tolerance (MOTX Simon­
Wiesenthal-Center) in Los Angeles.
The first called challenges "reflecting over connected remembering" and wants actual "images
to hostiles" will to be discussed, on the one part having contemporary events, on the other part
future political occurrences in view.
The second is to be seen on the agreement "From the School of Violence - to a Place of
Learning", because only remembering would be to less.
The third - The United States Holocaust Museum and the Museum of Tolerance - related to
the tragedy of Jewish people - first of all are aiming at informing Americans and inspiring
visitors to contemplate the moral implications of their choices and responsibilities as citizens in
an independent world.
The needs of democratic education according to different target groups are challenging
authorities in contemporary history much more than traditional museums. The general question
for them has to be setting impulses the visitor will be motivated through to a readiness in
humanity, peace and reconciliation in future.
Hildegard Vieregg
114

Gambia National Museum, Banjul 1971). This bias of Africanization
resulted in a number of regional institutions promoting regional
cultures as for example in Ghana, Kenya and Angola.
Gaining political independence did not result in ec.onomic
independence. Most of the African countries retained strong
economic links with the previous colonizers. Some countries like
Zambia or uganda started rich but ended poor. Political
dependence was superceded by an aid dependence. Bi-Iateral and
multi-lateral organizations made their homes allover Africa. In
the thirty years of independence, billions of dollars were poured
into the development of Africa but this did not result in any
improvement of the quality of life for the great majority of
people. If anything, the contrast between rich and poor increased
as did the contrast between town and country life. The cities
founded in colonial times expanded and are now inhabited by great
numbers of unemployed. Uncontrolled migrations from rural areas
to towns created a new phenomenon, the shanty town. Bureaucracy
grew out of all proportion and is well known for its
inefficiency. Institutions of learning, hospitals and general
infrastructure are run down and in many cases do not function
properly. Economy is in decline, lawlessness has become the law
and corruption is widely accepted.
Generaly, external factors, such as lack of capital and
protectionistic economic attitude of the West are pinpointed as
being the cause of the problem. The importance of the human
factor, integrity and work ethic are often underplayed. The
people in Africa seem not to be particularly interested in
sacrifices which at present could help a great deal to develop
the continent. Many of them do not identify themselves with
Africa or even with a country. Their primary interest remains
wi'th their family or with their ethnic group. Technical and
professional skills of utmost importance in development are not
highly valued as are not maintenance skills. status supercedes
job satisfaction. There is a great concern with education but
better educated people leave easily their jobs or country of
their origin in search of greener pastures. Everybody wants to
be a Director, or even better, a President.
At present (1988) the continent is inhabited by 617,5 mln people,
more or less the population of Western Europe 684 mIn) but living
in an area three times bigger (Africa 30,3 mln km2, Europe 9,9
mln km2). While Western Europe can boast of approximately 16 000
museums (one museum per 42 750 people), Africa has not more than
SOD (in the most optimistic case it means one museum per 1 235
000 people). Nor is the i_ge of .useWlS in Africa very
appealing. They are frequently either under- or overstaffed. All
museum personnel is salaried; museums in Africa run by volunteers
are extremely rare. The majority of the museums are state run
insti tutions although there are also a few private ones. However,
the Zambian case of three national museums and three private
seems to be exceptional. The collections are still as they were
in colonial times, predominantly concerned with natural history,
archeology, history and the ethnography. There are very few art
museums, no science museums or other types that developed in
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MUSEUMS AND COMMUNITY
FINAL REMARKS
(Mathilde Bellaigue)
The core of the problem was to explore the threefold relation between the communjty (to
define), our heritage which, whether in the museum or related to it, acts as a medium for that relation,
and the museum itself.
The community
As a preambula, it appears necessary to give ourselves some theoretical bases: we have to
distinguish between the anthropological acceptance of the word "commwtity" (a primary reference
group characterized by its time, space, culture etc) and "commwtity" meaning a group of people
taking position. The former one is commonly concerned by the museum.
A commwtity, as a group of persons interacting with their environment, manipulating its
resources, having social, economical, esthetical codes, and leaving their own traces as their
expression, is continually shifting.
But the "commwtity" can also be considered from the point of view of the museum, as a
social and cultural group that wants to be in a dialectical and active relation with the museum.
The heritage as a medium
The museum is constituted of remaining things (our traces) that we choose to keep as our
heritage. The functions of heritage have to be precised :
- museum collections are not an end but a mean
- heritage is not an identity but a reference
- there is a relativity in collections : what is inside the museum is often strange to the society
around that museum.
If what is preserved is submitted to criticism (the museologist's choice), there is no effective
criticism of that choice. However such a critical stage would in fact be the sign of modernity, the
moment when we choose what we want to keep from our traces. (That is why destroying the cultural
traces of a commwtity is the base of eUmocide : it both cuts the thread from the past, therefore
annihilates the memory, and deprives the community from an instrument to organize its future).
The museum
The museum is altogether a place, a tool and a symbol for the preservation and restoration of
the memory. History gives birth to material and immaterial heritage. Museology helps us to manage
the burden of the past in museums.
Through the different museal stages, the objects acquire successive and different meanings.
Objects of to-day are supposed to represent the present truth. At every moment we can change the
construction, not only of the museum, but of history. but of memory. The museum has not to "take
the colour of the community". For true relations lie upon alterity which is the base of dignity.
123

The museum is an universal mechanism to be adapted to different contexts. We. museologists.
operate on two levels: the object context and the museum context. For the museum is also the
testimony of an epoch: shouldn't we keep some former museal achievements as samples. acting as
examples to the contrary (colonialism. communism. catholicism and so on) ?
Conclusion
In the relation community-heritage-museum. we can have no model but only some basic
principles. Knowledge is a power. that's true. but one has to acknowledge one's own ability (the
chance of gifts. education. training) and the science one has acquired to share it with the community.
In that optic. museums exist to render that sharing easier. The ideal motto of museologists in their
action could be "know thyself'. which means help the community to become self-governing on its
way towards its culture.
Our power regarding the community is primarily RESPONSIBILITY.
But other questions remains. and one among them: we don't have to cope only with existing
things. We also have to foster creation. So what is our position concerning art and the art-museums
which. at first view. do not seem direcUy community-oriented as ethnography museums?
This will be the theme of our next symposium in Rio. in 1996.
124

II
MUSEUM AND COMMUNITY
MUSEOLOGY AND NEW MUSEOLOGY
RHETORICS OR REALITIES
JOINT SESSION WITH MINOM

Jointmeeting ICOFOM / MINOM. 4.7.95
"Museology and New Museology · Rhetoric or Realities"
(rCOM 1995, Stavanger, Norway)
La nouvelle museologie -
qu'est-ce-que c'est?
Marc Maure
conservateur
Norsk Landbruksmuseum
1432 As, Norvege
Le terme de "nouvelle museologie" est apparu dans Ie monde des musees au debut
des annees 1980. n a depuis ere utilise pour designer un certain type d'ideologie et
de pratiques, mais sou vent avec des significations variables.
Je vais - de fa,>on assez schematique - vous donner ma definition personnelle de la
nouvelle museologie, etant bien entendu que d'autres museologues pourraient
probablement vous en donner une differente.
Nouvelle museologie et museologie
• Phenomeme historique et systeme de valeurs
Pour bien com prendre ce qu'est la nouvelle museologie il faut, a mon avis, faire d'abord
la difference entre les deux aspects suivants .
. La nouvelle museologie est un phenomene historique existant objectivement.
Elle est l'expression d'un changement dans la conception du role social du musee.
Elle est Ie produit d'importants mouvements culturels et sociaux qui ont marque la fin
des annees 60 et Ie debut des annees 70. Simultanement et paralielement dans de
nombreux pays, un debat a lieu a cette epoque sur Ie role du musee. nest mis en
accusation, On lui reproche son traditionalisme et son manque d'engagement dans
les questions contemporaines. n apparait mftr pour une transformation, a la fois sous
la forme d'une modernisation de ses activires traditionnelles, et - ce qui caracrerise
la nouvelle museologie - sous la forme de la creation de nouveaux modeles.
n est important de noter que la nouvelle museologie peut prendre des formes differentes
suivant les contextes socio-culturels de son application. De meme que son caracrere
novateur, ou meme "revolutionnaire", est plus fort dans certains pays que dans
d'autres, relativement aux traditions museales concernees .
. La nouvelle museologie est aussi un sysreme de valeurs, c'est-a-dire quelque chose de
plus subjectif.
Elle est l'expression d'une ideologie specifique. Elle est une philosophie et un etat d'esprit
qui caracrerisent et orientent Ie travail de certains museologues. Je dois avouer queje
suis personnellement engage dans la nouvelle museologie, ce qui eviderunent marque
mon analyse du phenomene.
127

La question que I'on peut se poser est de savoir si la museologie est - par nature et par
definition - une science pure, ou si au contraire elle est une science appliquee? C'est une
question a laquelle il est difficile de repondre, mais qui est importante et meriterait d'etre
I'objet de plus amples retlexions. On peut toutefois remarquer que la recherche
museologique existante a essentiellement - a mon avis - un caractere de science
appliquee.
En ce qui concerne la nouvelle museologie, on peut sans aucun doute la definir comme
une museologie d'action.
La nouvelle museologie - une museologie d'action
La nouvelle museologie peut etre schematiquement detinie par les parametres suivants.
• La democratie culturelle
Dans Ia perspective de la nouvelle museologie, la fonction essentielle du musee est
d'etre un instrument de developpement social et culturel au service d'une societe
democratique. Dans cette perspective, il apparait essen tiel que se developpe un
"nouveau musee" caracterise par d'autres objectifs et pratiques que Ie "musee
traditionnel".
Pour la nouvelle museologie "Ie musee traditionnel" - c'est-a-dire Ie modele cree dans
Ie monde occidental au 1ge siecIe et devenu ensuite partout la norme pour Ie
developpement de I'institution museale - est profondement marque par Ie projet de
construction d'une culture nationale basee sur Ie mythe de l'homogeneite culturelle.
Une culture dominante est selectionnee et elevee au satut de La Culture au detriment
de la variete des cultures existant ou ayant existe sur Ie territoire national.
La culture des "laisses-pour-compte" , "oublies" et "opprimes" devient Ie domaine de
choix des "nouveaux musees". Leur objectif etant que tous les groupes existant dans
.Ie cadre de I'etat-nation aient les memes droits et possibilites a preserver, mettre en
valeur, utiliser et diffuser leur propre culture.
• Un nouveau paradigme
. De la monodisciplinarite a Ia pluridisciplinarite:
Le musee traditionnel construit ses activites sur une approche monodisciplinaire heritee
de la constitution de disciplines scientifiques autonomes au 1ge siecle (histoire de I'art,
archeologie, ethnologie, sciences naturelles, etc). Le nouveau musee priorite I'approche
interdisciplinaire et ecologique; I'accent est mis sur les relations entre I'homme et son
environnement naturel et culture!.
. Du public a la communaute:
Le nouveau musee ne s'adresse pas a un public indetermine compose de visiteurs
anonymes. Sa raison d'etre est d'etre au service d'une communaute specifique. Le
musee devient acteur et outil de developpement culturel, social et economique d'un
groupe determine.
129

Magpies on Mount Helicon ?
Peter van Mensch
Nine magpies, birds who can imitate any Idnd of sound, had sealed on the boughs, and were lamenting their
fate. As Minerva showed her surprise, the Muse explained: 'These, too, hove but recently joined the ranks of the
birds, as a result of being defeated in a competition. Their father lVl1S Pierus, a rich landowner of Pella. and
Euippe of Poeonia \VaS their mother. Nine times she called upon powerful Lucina to come to her assistance. for
nine times she found herself with child. Then the foolish band of sisters, swollen with pride in their number,
journeyed through the many cities of Haemonia and Achaeo, till they came to Helicon, where they issued this
challenge to us: "Stop imposing upon uneducated people, pretending 10 be sweet singers: if you have confidence
in your powers, divine daughters of 77zespis. enter into competition wilh us. We are not inferior to you in voice
or skill, we are your eqUllls in number. If you are defeated, you will leave the spring ( ... J; or else we, in our
tum sholl with draw beyond the plains of Macedon ( ... J. Let the nymphs judge our performance". Truly, it
shamed us to compete with them, but it seemed even more shameful to yield without struggle. Nymphs were
chosen, and sworn in by their rivers. Then they took tlreir seats on blocks of living rock. ( ... J The nymphs agreed
unanimously that tire goddesses of Helicon were tire victors. Our defeated opponents replied by hurling abuse at
us, until I exclaimed: "So, it is not enough thot you have deserved punishment by forcing this COnlest, but you
add insuit to in;ury ? Our patience is not unlimited: we shall follow where our anger prompts, and proceed to
punish you". The Macedonian women laughed and scorned my threats, but as they tried to speak, menacing us
with loud cn"es and wanton gestures, they saw feathers sprouting from their nails and plumage covering their
arms. They looked at each other, watching their faces narrow inlo horny beaks, as a flew addition was made to
the birds of the forest. When they tried to beal their breasts, the movement of their arms raised them, to hoVer in
the air. They had become magpies, the scandalmongers of the woods. Even now, as birds, they still retain their
original power of speech. They still chatter horshly and hove an insatinble desire to UJIK.
Describing the development of museological thinking this story as told by Ovid seems to
be an apt metaphor. Established positions are challenged. The ruling elite pretends to hold
the keys of Truth and Beauty. The contenders are put aside and accused of advocating
Untruth and Ugliness.
The purpose of this paper is not to identify the Muses and the magpies. The paper is an
attempt to describe the development of museological thinking - and in particular the
position of New Museology - from a dialectic perspective.
The history of the development of museology as (academic) discipline is very much
connected with the history of professionalization of the museum field'. This interaction
can be analysed from three different perspectives referring to three approaches as to the
purpose of museological understanding. They have been described as: the empirical-theoretical
approach, the praxeological approach, the philosophical-critical approach. These
2
Ovid, Metamorphoses. Book V: The Pieri des transformed (290-678). The English tTanSlation is
taken from Mary M. Innes' edition as published by Penguin Books (1955) 1971, pp. 124-133.
P. van Mensch, 'Museo1ogy, museum training and the challenge of a new century', in: P.Dube &
M.C.Rocher eels., Museum training: practices and theories. Proceedings ICTOP 1992 (Quebec
1992 (1995)) 147-153.
133

ICOFOM Stavanger 1995
approaches do not exclude eachother. While the empirical-theoretical approach is mainly
heuristic and the praxeological approach designs strategies of behaviour, the philosophical-critical
approach wants to develop a definite point-of-view with resulting guidelines.
Each approach has its own past, present and (probably) future. Once in a while the
developments on each level interconnect in a special way and some synergy is created. In
retrospective these moments are to be considered as turning points in museum history,
frequently described as 'museum revolutions'3.
Three approaches
The empirical-theoretical approach aims at 'substantial rationality', i.e. the ability to see
signifying relationships between different phenomena in reality. Its aim is mainly
descriptive. It tries to understand museological phenomena in their historical and
socio-cultural contexts. Its usefulness is primarily heuristic. The praxeological approach
focusses on ' functional rationality'. Functional rationality is the ability to develop adequate
means (methods, techniques, procedures) to realize ends that have been defined
beforehand. Its aim is applicability. It should give very concrete answers to very concrete
questions.
The third approach towards museology concentrates on the development of a critical
social orientation. In this respect StranskY speaks of 'programme orientation' instead of
'cognitive orientation". It is often suggested that the prevailing attitude among museologists
is one of non-commitment. This criticism concerns museums, the museum profession
as well as museological theory. Views as to a more active social role of museums
initiated some explicit opinions concerning the programme orientation. There are (were)
tWo main schools of thought: 'marxist-leninist museology' and 'new museology' . In
addition some approaches are published which could be described as 'critical museology' .
Marxist-leninist museology was a very normative approach, where axiological norms are
applied leading to a rather strict system of rules. New museology and critical museology
advocate an attitude rather than the application of rules. As it was stated at one MINOM
conference: 'there is not just one methodology in new museology, there are several
possibilities depending the prevalent conditions". Theorization should have the role of
•
The term 'museum revolution' was used first by Duncan Cameron to characterise the radical
changes during the 1950s and 1960s in the United States ('Museums and the world of today.
Museum reform in the 1950s and 1960s', [COM News 23, 1970, (2): 41-45). Other authors using
the term are, for example, Waldisa Russio (,Museu, museologia, museologos e formacao', Revisla
de Muse%gia I, 1989, (I): 7-1 I) and Antun Bauer (in 1983 in his contribution to Muzeologicke
sesity 9) .
Z.Z.StnlnskY, 'Museology: Deus ex Machina', in: V. Sotka ed., Museology and developing
coW/tries - help or manipulation? ICOFOM Study Series 1 (Stockholm 1988) 207-214.
Quoted in A.Desvalh!es, 'Basic paper' , in: V. Sntka ed., Museology and developing countries -
help or mnnipuliltion? ICOFOM Study Series 14 (Stockhnlm 1988) 129-136.
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ICOFOM Stavanger 1995
ment, hence the term 'community museology'. Presentation and preservation of the
heritage are considered within the context of social action and change. Heritage is a resource
to be considered and developed within the context of community improvements.
The people of the community themselves have to take care of their own heritage, hence
the term 'popular museology'. Key-concept is the 'reappropiation du territoire, du
patrimoine, pour I 'autodeveloppement individuel et collectif. Characteristic is the view
that the concept of museum is not confined to a building. The museum can be anywhere,
and is anywhere and everywhere within a specified territory. For this museum concept the
term ecomuseum has been coined, hence the term 'ecomuseology'.
It is the French concept of ' museologie nouvelle' that gradually became recognized as one
of the main streams within museology. The term has been monopolized by two, related,
organizations: the Association ' Museologie Nouvelle et Experimentation Sociale'
(MNES)', and the Movement Internationale pour la Museologie Nouvelle (MINOM).
During the ICOFOM meetings in Mexico (1980) and Paris (1982) the position of
ecomuseums and new museology within the committee was discussed. A group of
members attempted to make new museology the focus of the committee's policy. As a
result the principles of ecomuseums were discussed during a special seminar at the 1983
conference in London. During the 1983 meeting the Canadian 'ecomuseologist' Pierre
Mayrand proposed forming a working group on 'museologie communautaire'. During its
first meeting the newly elected board 'decided to establish only function-oriented working
groups and not constitute any permanent working groups to deal with the different problems
within the field of museological research'. Moreover, the board considered that ' in
a situation, where the principal matters concerning museology, as such, are still being
studied and discussed, and where the justification of museology - and consequently of
ICOFOM - is even called into question, constituting working groups for detailed mUSeDlogical
matters, and especially for different " museologies " , could cause not only a split in
limited personnel resources but first of all interference in the committee's work in its
entirety'. Nevertheless, Mayrand was asked to establish a temporary working group to
prepare a special session on ecomuseums and new museology during the 1984 meeting of
ICOFOM wich was to take place in Canada.
The 1984 meeting of ICOFOM did not take place in Canada. Thus the temporary working
group had nothing to prepare, nor did it take any other initiatives regarding ICOFOM.
Instead something else happened. Disappointed by the lack of response during the 1983
meeting in London and by the failure to organize the committee's annual meeting in
Canada, the Canadian museologists organized the First International Workshop for
Ecomuseums and New Museology in Quebec. At this meeting a policy statement was
adopted, known as the 'Declaration of Quebec"o.
Founded in 1982 in France.
10 Published in Museum 148 (1986), p. 20 1.
136

ICOFOM Stavanger 1995
The 'Declaration of Quebec' expressed 'the will to establish an organizational basis for
joint reflection and experiments'. ICOM was requested to accept the creation of a special
international committee for ecomuseums. The creation of an international federation for
new museology was also proposed. The first request was rejected by ICOM. At the
second international meeting of this group (Lisbon, 1985) the Movement International de
Museologie Nouvelle (MINOM) was founded , an organization that was eventually
accepted by ICOM as affiliated organization.
Throughout the years new museology and ecomuseums kept a dominant position on the
agenda of the committee. For example, all French authors contributing to the ICOFOM
Buenos Aires 1986 symposium belonged to the new museology movement (Bellaigue,
Deloche, Desvallees, Evrard, Nicolas, De Varine). Special meetings on ecomuseums
were organized in connection with the ICOFOM conferences in Leiden (1984) and Zagreb
(1985) . In 1992, during the ICOM General Conference in Quebec, a JOint meeting was
organised between ICOFOM and MINOM , followed by a second meeting in 1995 in
Stavanger.
ICOFOM and new museology
Although new museology was often discussed within ICOFOM, it was always considered
as one possible approach rather than the main perspective. Each symposium is seen as an
open forum, with a free exchange of ideas. Conclusions are never considered as final
statements. Apart from matters concerning the aims and policy of ICOM, ICOFOM never
published 'official' statements, not even about the definition of museology. All contributions
are taken seriously -and included in analyses and summaries. As chairman Sofka
wrote: 'The decisive contribution of the committee lies in its collecting function: it brings
museum workers and museum researchers together, and by providing an international
forum for discussion and a place for publication of ideas and opinions about museology, it
leads to systematic studies and deepening museological questions'''.
Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that the rhetoric of new museology has spread beyond
MINOM and similar organizations, and had become a dominant force within ICOFOM.
When we consider Deirdre Starn's description of new museology it seems to reflect the
opions of the majority of ICOFOM members: 'Theorists of The New Museology, who
regard museums as social institutions with political agendas because of inherent shared
biases and assumptions, advocate integrating museums more closely with the multicultural
social groups which these critics believe they should represent and serve. The New
Museology specifically questions traditional museum approaches to issues of value,
meaning, control, interpretation, authority and authenticity .. 2.
II
12
V. Sofka, 'ICOFOM: ten years of international search for the foundations of museology' , Papers in
Museology I (Umea/Stockholm 1992) 20-49.
D.C. Starn, 'The Informed Muse: the implications of "The New Museology" for museum practice',
Museum Management and Curatorship 12, 1993, (2) : 267-283.
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ICOFOM Stavanger J 995
With this 'new' perspective as driving force, ICOFOM should act as catalyst to generate
the synergy resulting from the interaction of theory, practice and attitude. Muses or magpies?
or perhaps just nymphs? Let's descent from our Helicon and challenge the missions
and functions of museums before it is too late.
138

Paule Doucet (1995) «Les nouvelles museologies : approches conceptuelles et
pratiques», Nouvelle museologie : mythe et realite , Session ICOFOM-MINOM,
ICOM-95, Stavanger, Norvege, Ie 4 juillet, 1995
Le discours des practiciens et des chercheurs fait etat de I'emergences de multiples
nouveautes en museologie : nouvelles orientations, nouvelles strategies, nouvelles
methodologies, nouveaux acteurs, nouveaux enjeux, nouveaux publics, nouveaux
mouvements, alors que Ie musee comme 'institution au service de la societe et de
son developpement' (UNESCO 1974) eclate, en meme temps que les notions de
societe, de developpement et d'histoire.
Les discours deja classiques des initiateurs de la nouvelle museologie' ainsi que les
temoignages des praticiens contemporains: Miriam Arroyo, Nancy Fuller, Marc
Maure, Pierre Mayrand, Mario Moutinho, Rene Rivard, Franl(oise Wasserman,
entres autres, decrivent des points de vue d'experts et de practiciens, d'intervenants
et d'ideologues, les pourquois et les comments de la nouvelle museologie, en quoi
consiste sa nouveaute - en quoi elle est autre - et en quoi elle est encore
museologie.
J'aimerais pour ma part explorer avec vous, d'une part I'ensemble des grandes
orientations, les enjeux et les champs d'action possibles des nouvelles museologies,
et, d'autre part, les capacites et les competences des acteurs individuels et des
collectivites engages les pratiques sociales du patrimoine. Avec toutes les reserve
dues aux contraintes de temps, a I'absence de contextualisation et d'exemplification
concretes, a I'absence des references et des nuances d'usage, j'aimerais proposer
des elements d'approches conceptuelles et pratiques a la nouvelle museologie
comme action patrimoniale collective dans I'espace public.
Cette approche est issue d'une recherche empirique sur I'emergence de I'action
patrimoniale aupres d'une population francophone minoritaire de la cote Atlantique
du Canada, ma region d'origine. A travers les rapports chercheur-acteurs avec une
population, dans une contextualite socio-historique particuliere, j'y experimente et
construit un concept et une pratique de I'action patrimoniale. Dans un va-et-vient
exploratoire entre I'experience de terrain, les elaborations conceptuelles, les essais
methodologiques, dont la recherche-intervention non-directive, se constituent les
1 Voir les textes rassembl es par Andre Desvallees .
Vagues, une anthol ogie d e l a n o uvell e museol ogie, Macon,
edition W, M.N.E . S., vol. 1 , 1992 et vol. 2, 1995.
139

conditions interrel iees, de prod uction de connaissances, de production d'outils
methodologiques, et de production d'action patrimoniale collective dans I'espace
public.
Selon Touraine 2 et Melucd, iI n'y a plus de principe unificateur de I'action : la
societe, l'histoire ... L'action des acteurs est ecartelee dans Ie sillage de la modernite
avancee, des marches, de la mondialisation 4 , de la disparition de grandes
ideologies integratrices, entre la logique de rationalisation et celie de la
subjectivation, dont Ie depassement s'ebauche par I'action des nouveaux
mouvements sociaux. Selon Dubet 5 , I'experience des acteurs est eclatee entre les
trois enjeux de rationalisation, de subjectivation et d'integration. Ces logiques
peuvent etre considerees, tour a tour, du point de vue du chercheur comme un
systeme d'action et du point de vue des acteurs, comme des enjeux dans un champ
d'action.
Une premier couple logique se compose de la relation entre les orientations
contra ires et complementaires de rationnalisation et de subjectivation : orientations
d'une part au x connaissances et a la gestion des ressources, a la conscience et aux
sens d'autre part. Par I'effort strategique de positionnement dans la concurrence
scientifique, technique et communicationnelle sur un marche, les institutions
deviennent des entreprises culturelles, y compris dans Ie domaine du patrimoine,
institutions productrices de biens et services visant des publics, des
, consommateurs, des groupes d'interets, alors que les individus tentent d'assumer
leurs histoires person nelles, leurs petits recits dans I'effritement des grands recits, a
exprimer leurs desirs, leurs croyances, leurs attentes, a se ralier a des reseaux
d'appartenances et a des communautes, a marquer leurs differences, et a s'affirmer
comme acteur et comme liberte creative, dans un effort, en somme, a produire une
experience subjective, transigeant tant du cote des traditions que du cotes des
nouveautes pour donner un sens a la vie. Une deuxieme logique revele I'eclatement
Fayard.
2 Touraine, A. (1992) Critique de la modernite, Paris,
3, Melucci, A . (1991) «Qu'y a-t-il de nouveau dans les
nouveaux mouvements sociaux» in L. Maheu et A. Sales (1991) La
recomposition du politique, Montreal, P.U . F., p. 129-162.
'Voir aussi Immanuel Wallerstein (1995) Impenser la
science sociale, pour sortir du XIXe siecle, Paris, P.U . F.
Seuil.
5 Dubet, F. (1994) Sociologie de 1 'experience, Paris,
140

politiques dans des efforts de depassement des tensions sociales de la modernite.
En terme de pratiques concretes, I'hypothese centrale de cette recherche est la
suivante : I'action patrimoniale se construit dans un projet collectif, en combinant les
dimensions d'individualisation subjective et de rationnalite strategique, les
tendances integratrices et innovatrices des rapports socio-historiques d'une
collectivite a la culture et a la nature, dans I'espace et dans Ie temps (figure 2).
Proposition 1 : Les individus, les groupes et les collectivites se constituent comme
sujets-acteurs, et constituent leurs rapports au patrimoine, par I'action democratique
dans I'espace publique.
L'angle d'approche choisi porte sur la constitution de I'action collective (ou
communautaire) dans un context socio-historique donne, ou les acteurs se forment,
definissent des objectifs, des ressources et des contraintes dans les rapports
sociaux en actes. O'ap_es I'economiste Herbert Gintis 7 , entre une conception
instrumentale de I'action fondee sur les besoins, les preferences et les interets
individuels et la conception expressive, ou les conditions et les positions sociales
determinent les possibilites d'action, il y a place pour une conception constitutive de
I'action : les individus developpement leurs representations et leurs capacites
personnelles en agissant dans Ie monde. Selon Gintis, «Les objectifs, ne sont pas
donne d'avance, et les interactions sociales comportent un aspect constitutif : les
individus participent a des pratiques avec d'autres non seulement pour atteindre des
,buts communs, mais egalement pour determiner qui ils sont et qui ils vont devenir
en tant qu'etre sociaux. ( ... ) la notion de devenir-par-I'action etablit que les
individus se constituent eux-meme, pour une part importante, dans Ie cadre de leurs
projets communs».8 Ce processus de devenir-par-I'action, ainsi que celui aparente
de la constitution de I'acteur dans I'action collective est au point tournant de la
demarche de reconceptualisation de la notion du patrimoine. lis pourraient servir
d'appuis conceptuel aux experiences et initiatives de nouvelle museologie.
7 Gintis, H. (1992) «Pour une societe democratique postliberale»,
in G. Boismenu, P. Hamel et G. Labica. Les formes
modernes de la democratie, Montreal, P.U.M., 1992, p.266-267.
". Bowles, S. et H. Gintis (1988). La democratie postliberale,
Paris , Editions La decouverte, p. 213-214.
142

Des etudes recentes menees dans differents pays de la Communaute europeenne 9 ,
portant sur des actions environnementales a la base, revelent que la competence a
I'action, comprend plus qu'un ensemble de connaissances et d'attitudes. Ces etudes
explorent les conditions ou I'experience pratique d'action communautaire activent
des capacites, mobilisent des competences a I'action, responsabilisent les acteurs,
dans ce cas des enfants, et les rend aptes a devenir des agents de changement
aupres des adultes, leurs parents et autres intervenants dans la communaute. La
competence a I'action s'acquiert dans I'action collective concrete, et non dans
I'action simulee «comme si». Elle requiert des competences a la definition et a la
solution de problemes reels, a la prise de decision, au respect de la democratie et
des processus participatifs. Une action pro-active et participatoire va audela du
changement d'attitudes et de comportements, car elle com porte a la fois un
engagement dans un projet collectif et dans sa mise en oeuvre. L'action des acteurs
en actes presente des dimensions a la fois de cognitives (rationnelles) et affectives
(subjectives), et entraine des effets concrets sur les formes de solidarites
necessaires aux activites collaboratives, aux formes de partenariat, a la realisation
collective des projets. Dans Ie meme sens, Gintis 10 precise un certain nombre de
competences a I'action requises pour Ie developpement economique d'une
democratie post-liberale : les competences des individus a participer dans I'espace
public, a parler, a choisir, a agir : apprendre et travailler, se responsabiliser et
s'engager dans I'action collective (figure 3).
Une question surgit sur les conditions de production de ces differentes competences
et de leurs interrelations, dans un contexte socio-historique donne. Bien avant de
prendre connaissance de ces dernieres recherches empiriques et theoriques, j'ai
voulu saisir Ie processus d'emergence de I'action patrimoniale dans une collectivite.
D'abord Ie quoi, sans a priori: qu'est-ce que Ie patrimoine pour la population, pour Ie
chercheur ? Ensuite Ie comment agir ? Avec qui agir ? Pourquoi agir ? Pourquoi
passer d'activites patrimoniale individuelles, isolees et ponctuelles (recherches
genealogiques, collections de mementos, historiographie locale, etc.) a une action
collective ?
Apres les phases conventionnelles de documentation et d'observation participante,
les entrevues non directives et les entretiens ad hoc, les rencontres exploratoire
9 Uzzel, D., Coord. (1994) Children as Catalysts of
Environmental Change: Final Report, Brussels, European
Community.
10 Bowles, S. et H. Gintis. op . cit.
143

constitution de leur action patrimoniale comme reappropriation collective de
memoire et de sens, affirmation des experiences et des solidarites, identification des
ressources culturelles et naturelles a sauvegarder et gerer, mobilisation des
capacites individuelles et leurs investissements dans I'action collective. Par I'action
patrimoniale comme action volontaire ou comme mouvement social, les acteurs
rassemblent les dimensions eparses des rapports sociaux a la culture et a la nature,
les reconnaissent, en conserve les valeurs tangibles et intangibles, en gerent les
ressources, en projettent une action commune, un gage de sauvegarde d'un passe
encore present et de creation d'avenir.
Proposition 3 : La nouvelle museologie se constitue dans Ie contexte de la
modernite avancee, par des orientations contraires et complementaires de
rationalisation et de subjectivation, de continuite et de changement.
II n'y a pas de science exacte ni en sociologie, ni en museologie. II s'y construit des
exemplifications, des modeles, des typologies a partir d'experiences vecues dans
des contextes socio-historiques donnes. II semble pourtant possible de proposer a
partir de ces approches conceptuels et pratiques une· amorce de typologie ou les
differentes formes de museologie se retrouvent dans les axes des grandes
orientations socio-culturelles : la rationalite et la subjectivite, I'integration et
I'innovation. Cette typologie a I'etat d'ebauche revele aussi I'espace emergeant de la
nouvelle museologie, comme mediation ou comme mediance entre les formes pures
de museologie, comme combinaison ou interconnexions, en de nouvelles
manifestations tangentielles par rapport aux orientations sociales dominantes.
Nous envisageons cette typologie virtue lie, vers les poles, I'autonomie croissante
des logiques de museologies fractionnees : museologie comme entreprise,
museologie comme experience de collection privee; museologie communautaire
integratrice, museologie d'avant-garde. Les interconnexions entre ces poles
representent les nouvelles museologies mediatrices possibles : museologie
conscientisante, museologie identitaire, museologie sociale, museologie innovatrice
critique. Et, eventuellement, dans une spirale, tendant a la co-existence ou a la
rupture des tendances contraires et complementaires, nous pouvons concevoir les
tentatives d'integration ou de transformation politique des rapports d'une population
au patrimoine. L'action museologique aurait alors I'elan d'un mouvement social, soit
vers une museologie integriste ou une museologie d'action democratique.
145

Dans ce panorama des rapports sociaux possible de I'action museologique et
patrimoniale, les emergences de la nouvelle museologie, de la museologie
communautaire ou collective, pro-active, participative et democratique, ne sont pas
des excroissances, des ecarts de parcours et des actes manques, mais des actions
construites par des acteurs, a travers des solidarites et des conflits, bien engages
dans les enjeux de la modernite avancee, qui cherchent a rassembler les directions
fractionnees de I'action museologique. La nouvelle museologie, a son meilleur,
represente une experience collective de reconnaissance, de sauvegarde, de gestion
et de projection dans I'avenir du patrimoine Ie plus vital pour la survie d'une
collectivite, celui des capacites et des competences des individus, des groupes et
des organismes a I'action democratique dans I'espace public.
146

Conclusions
Ces quelques dimensions d'une approche conceptuelle sur les rapports sous­
jacents aux actions patrimoniales suggerent la pluralite des manifestations reelles et
possibles des nouvelles museologies. Des recherches empiriques portant sur leurs
orientations et les pratiques plurielles, des relectures critiques des debats et des
recits d'experiences pionnieres, des debats sur les conditions d'emergences et Ie
sens des projets actuels, des presences actives a la vitalite des mouvements qui
tentent de combiner les differentes dimensions fractionnees des rapports au
patrimoine.
147

Paule Doucet (1995) Action patrimoniale
Figure 2
Pratiques d'action patrimoniale
/
conservatIon
/
/
/
gestion des ressources
sauvegarde
/
/
149
p . et collectif

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cours des annees 11 venir},I'evolution actuelle de la museologie introduil une nouvelle approche
(professionnelle et theorique) du musee qui deborde Ie regard traditionnel forge 11 partir du
monde du musee lui -meme. CeUe recontextualisation sociale du musee, II la fois pratique el
scientifique, ne peut manquer d'evoquer Ie projet de la nouvelle museologie.
Cesl au regard de ce contexte. disons de transformation des frontieres de la museologie que je
voudrais aborder les questions suivantes.
QUELLE RELATION DU MUSEE A SON ENVIRONNEMHrr SOCIAL?
En effet, en pendant 11 cette transformation des frontieres de la museologie, il y en a une autre.
qui est d'ailleurs premiere, entre Ie musee et son environnement social. Vient alors naturellcment
II I'espritla question de savoir jusqu'ou I'ouverture du musee peut-elle aller. Ou pour dire
les choses d'une maniere un peu plus imagee et provocatrice : Ie musee est-il soluhle dans son
environnement social? D'un point de vue sociologique, on observe en effct un changement
majeur qui est Ie passage d'un systeme ferme II un systeme plus ouvert. La encore ce theme a
faitl'objet de larges discussions aussi bien du cote d'ICOFOM que du MINOM. J'essaierai de
degager ce qui interesse notre reflexion presente.
On sait que pendant longtemps Ie musee a ete une entite fermee. Les echanges entre lui et son
environnement etaient minimes - et ceux qui existaient etaient fortement contr6les. L'essentiel
de I'activite etait interne. Les sorties ctaient peu nombreuses (essentiellement du savoir); les
objets y entrant n'en ressortaient plus; I'argent w;:u etait absorb" par cette activite interne de
conservation ou de recherche et etait peu controle par I'exterieur. On peut considerer que les
individus eux-memes qui y entraient y faisaient carriere. Par exemple, en France, I 'organisation
de la profession en corps augmentait d'autant I'irreversibilite de cette entree dans la carriere des
musees 4 . Toutle systeme etait organise autour d'un principe de mise en reserve, en quelque
sorte, aussi bien d'objets, de fonds financiers, voire me me d'individus qui quittentles circuits
de communication (marchand, informationnel, etc.) et dont I'entree au musee change la nature
sociale.
Or au cours de dernieres decennies, les musees ont developpe les echanges en direction de
I 'exterieur, autrement dit les sorties du systeme. II y a bien evidemment Ie developpement des
expositions, tant en nombre qu'en taille, qui correspond a la creation d'une inIerface, par Ie
mllsee et dans Ie musee lui-meme, entre Ie monde ferme de la mise en reserve et I'environnement
exterieur. La mise en place de services, la fabrication de produits dits« derives» (objetssouvenirs
ou produits d 'edition) participent de la me me logique de mediation entre deux
mondes dontl 'ecomonie symbolique (d'un cote mise en reserve; de I 'autre, echange) est de
nature fondamentalement differente. Les discussions sur la necessite selon laquelle la circulation
dll public (dont la caracteristique physique premiere est d'entrer et de sortir) ne doit pas affecter
Ie regime de la reserve, caracterise par la perennite des objets. leur non-ci rculation, leur
non-transformation.
4, On peut obscrver d'ailleurs Ie mente processus pour !'UOI\CP.>lle. 11 ) aurall probablcment a rciaLI' iser Ie ...
affinnation

ICOFOMIStavanger
voyant au fait de savoi r de quoi traite Ie musee aujourd·hui. La question de I'objet « de» musee
ouvre a celie de I'objet « du » musee.
Traditionnellement. on considere que Ie musee traite de collections. Pourtant. cela fait deja assez
longtemps, me semble-t-il , qu'il est desonnais reconnu que ce tenne demande a etre singulierement
revu, preciseet elargi dans la perspective d'une definition plus scientifique de I'objet
de musee a la fois en tant qu'objet porteur d' une infonnation (sa dimension documentaire) et
qU'objet de societe (sa dimension symbolique, aussi bien avant qu'apres son entree au musee)6
Le tenne de « collection » condense, en une espece de tenne-valise, les operations de
collecte, de documentation, de recherche et de conservation. Mai s, la nouvelle museologie a
contribue a porter Ie debat plus loin, foryant la museologie dans son ensemble (pour peu qu'elle
accepte de s'interesser a d'autres musees que les musees d'art) a revenir sur Ie statut des objets
restant in situ, et donc a reprendre la discussion sur Ie deplacement de objets dan s Ie musee et
plus fondamentalement sur la nature meme de I 'objet de musee (Desvallees, 1994). L'impact de
I'ecomusee, par exemple, en tant que dispositif museal elargi a la constitution de
« collections» hors les murs (pour ne citer que cet aspect) fut considerable surtoute I'evolution
des musees dits de societe. L'objet, ne changeant ni d'espace social (n'etant pas retire de
I'espace de la vie quotidienne) ni de temps social (restant soumis aux aleas de I' histoire ou de la
memoire), echappait au principe de mise en reserve. Inversement, cet espace et ce temps devenaient
la matiere me me du musee 7 . Ces choses sont connues, tout particulierement dans cette
assemblee;je ne les mentionne donc ici que pour memoire, meme si elles peuvent ne pas etre
prises en compte dans des definitions du musee qui sont plus restrictives que celie de I'ICOM.
Dans ce contexte, il paralt interessant de porter attention a deux phenomenes. qui sont d'ailleurs
souvent confondus: Ie premier est I'elargissement de la notion d'objet de musee, I'autre I'elargissement
de celie de patrimoine. Ce qui caracterise les collections, c'est qu 'elles sont
constituees d'objets consideres par tout Ie monde comme des objets de musees, dont l'ensemble
est reconnu constituer un patrimoine. Leur statut social est donc celui d'objet de patrimoine.
Cela a amene a oublier Ie fait que les objets qui sont dans les musees y etaient entres et
avaient ete transfonnes en patrimoine.
Faut-il rappeler que Ie premier enseignement de I'histoire des musees est l'extension progressive
de ce statut a des objets qui ne l'avait pas auparavant : objets de nature, de technique, d' ­
histoire, de folklore. d'ethnologie, d'art et tradition populaire. d'industrie, etc. De ce point de
vue I'ecomusee a montre, dans la pratique, que I 'extension etait possible a des objets a la fois
illegitimes (disons,« ordinaires »), immaterie1s (tels que la memoire) et de surcrolt hors les
murs. Bref, des objets qui etaient en realite d' une tres grande complexite physique et systemique.
Cetle complexite est encore plus netle dans Ie cas des parcs naturels qui conservent.
preservent, valorisent des ecosystemes. Mais Ie mouvement de redefinition des objets engage
par les ecomusees devient encore plus net et visible dans Ie cas de ces macro-objets que sont les
paysages, qui non seulement sont complexes mais, de plus, ouverts et en devenir. Leurs Iimites,
leur evolution - et disons leur destin - depend non seulement des specialistes de la
conservation, mais aussi tres directement de la population qui y vit (Davallon, Micoud et Tardy,
a par.). Dans ce demier cas, on objectera que 1'0n peut, a juste titre, se demander si I'on est en-
6. Jc pense lei lout particulicrcmenl au:\ divers Lm\ aux d'ICOFOM sur ccUe question , spCclalcmcnt Ie recent
Symposium de Pekln en J 994.
7 Pour un poIOl recent sur ceUe iusloire. voir Poulot ( 1995).
158

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core dans une logique de musee et s'il convienl encore de parler d'ohjcl de musec, Le paysage
n'est meme pas aprinri un objet de patrimoine, je vais y revenir dans quelques instants, Si
mettreun paysage comme tel dans un musee n'a guere de sens,l'idee meme de Ie musealiser
appelle tout de suite des reserves: sauf 11 musealiser les gens qui vivent dans Ie paysage et 11
projeter de transformer la moitie d' un pays en musee, on est bien oblige de penser autremenl Ie
traitement de cet objet particulier.
Les difficultes croissantes qui apparaissent pour penser ces objets au fur et a mesure que I'on
s'eloigne de I 'objet de musee traditionnel vers des objets dont on sent Ie caractere patrimonial
tout en ayant une grande difficulte 11 les considerer comme des objets de musee, meritent de retenir
toute notre attentionS, D'un point de vue pratique, elles posent la question de la maniere
dont ces objets peuvent etre traites et quelle institution peutles traiter. L'objet qui entre physi ­
quement dans un musee, se trouve defini par les operations (conservation, recherche et de diffusion)
dont il va etre I'objet; operations qui sont specifiques a ce type d'institution particulier
qu'esl un musee d'art, un musee d'histoire, un musee d'ethnologie, etc, II est musealise, En
etant en charge d' un ensemble d' objets ou d'un objet complexe in xitu , I'ecomusee ou Ie parc
naturel operent une « musealisation » particuliere meme si elle n'est pas celie du musee traditionnel.
Le cas du paysage est interessant car encore plus limite; en effet, s'il ne saurait etre un
objet de musee au sens c1assique, il n'empeche qu'il devient bien allssi I'objet d' une instilution
particuliere (parc naturel , par exemple) qui va va avoir mission de susciter sa preservation, de la
recherche sur lui , ainsi que sa valorisation, II y a done bien, en ce cas, processus de transformation
du paysage en objet d'une institution museale, Cependant, si I'on a de la difficulte 11 uti ­
liser Ie terme de musealisation, c 'est que d' une part I' institution museale impliqllee dans I'affaire
doit trouver des modalites de travail associantla popUlation, et d'autre part que Ie statut
patrimonial du paysage n 'est pas totalement etabli mais depend justement de la maniere dontla
population Ie considere et de son action sur lui,
Cela nous conduit 11 distinguer la museaiisatinn, qui correspond 11 une institutionnalisation de '
I 'objet en tant qu'objet de musee (c'est-1I-dire, en tant qu 'objet des operations pratiques effectuees
par Ie musee), de la palrimnniaiisation qui est la reconnaissance d'un objet (un objet ordin'aire)
en tant qu'objet de patrimoine, II s' agit dans les deux cas d ' un cbangement de statut social
de I 'objet, toutefois dans Ie premier, c'est en tant qu'il devient, en pratique, I'objet d' une
institution; alors que dans Ie second, il est, en droit et en representation, I 'objet d' une reconnaissance
par accord des membres d' un groupe social. II est certain que les deux changements
de statut sont lies, specialement dans Ie cas du musee traditionnel : ce qui est reconnu patrimoine
est pris en charge par Ie musee et inversement ce qui entre dans Ie musee acquiert Ie statut
de patrimoine, L'interet de la situation des paysages reside precisement dans Ie fait que leur
statut patrimonial est (hormis sa complexite) celui d'un patrimoine en devenir et qu'il attendent
une forme d'institution museale partiellement 11 inventer. De ce fait, cette situation fait apparaltre,
en-deli'" de la question de leur musealisation, la modification de la conception meme que
nous nous faisons du patrimoine - modification 11 laquelle se trouvent aussi confrontes desormais
les musees qui ont 11 prendre en charge ou qui ont simplement 11 faire avec ces nouveaux
patrimoines, comme certains musees qui assurent un conseil patrimonial aupres des acteurs du
patrimoine rural. Modification de la conception du patrimoine sur laquelle je propose de nous
arreter quelques instants,
8, Ou plutoL que \'on y rcncnnc, dans la mesure au la question de j'inadaptallon du lcnne « musec» a nombrc
tl'l nstl lutions. ct %rl;ori , de silualions ont deja ele maintcs 1'015 signalecs el dlscu[ccs.
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En ce cas-la, la connai ssance des caracterisliques dudil visiteur est indi spensable pOllr all eindre
cet objectif. Mais dans les deux cas, Ie musee est dans une attitude de controle de la place de
visileur el, d'une certaine fa

ICOFOM/ Stavanger
qualitative) est remplacee par celie d'audience (notion quantitative). Remplacement dont on
prend toute la mesure a I 'etape suivante qui est celie du developpement d'une logique marketing
renversantle rapport musee-public et proposant des « musees-produits » repondant it lin marche
reel ou potentiel. Nous sommes face a un processus de merchandisation (rationnalisation de
la production et de la miseen marche) de la culture que I'on observe pOllr d'autres secteurs de
la vie culturelle (comme la musique) ou encore des secteurs de I'education.
La deuxieme et la troisieme de ces fayons qU'a Ie musee de se toumer vers Ie public correspondent
a un parti oppose de la premiere en ce qu'elles ne continuent pas a viser un controle du
public par I"institution museale, mais plutot au contraire a doter ce public d'un reel pouvoir sur
cette demiere. Elles Ie font cependant dans des directions tres differentes, voires opposees. I)
D' un cote, Ie musee est I 'outil d' une communaute. C'est la voie des ecomusees et de la museologie
communautaire. Maisc'est probablement aussi celie que devra empnmter I'institution qui
voudra que les acteurs sociaux vivant dans un espace rural Ie considerent comme un patnmoine.
On peut penser que I 'ancrage communaute-musee sera I 'action patrimoniale, I'institution
museale etant une institution patnmoniale l2 2) De I'autre cote, on voit se dessiner aujourd'
hui la constitution d'un public des expositions et des musees. II faut entendre par public
un ensemble d'individus dotes d'une competence specilique sur ce qui leur est presente. pouvant
emettre une opinion et en discuter. L'emergence de ce« public culturel »13 des expositions
et des musees demande une structuration de I'espace public de la reception comparable a
celie qui existe dans d'autres secteurs de la vie culturelle comme Ie theatre, Ie cimena, la musique,
etc. Je ferai I'hypothese que, face au developpement des expositions, nous sommes en
train d'assister a une telle structuration avec I"apparition de la publication d 'opinions et de
commentaires dans desjoumaux, celie d'outils perrnettant de developper une competence de
visiteur tels qu'ouvrages, catalogues, CD ROM, etc. Cette emergence d'un public culturel va
de pair avec I 'entree des institutions museales dans une logique des entreprises culturelles. Le
fait qui me parait absolument nouveau, c'est que les musees entrent dans les politiques culturelies,
et du coup ils se trouvent en competition avec les politiques theatrales, Ie developpement
du cinema, Ie developpement de la musique, I' edition des multi medias. Je pense qu'il est necessaire
de prendre en consideration cette situation, aussi bien lorsqu'on etudie la redelinition
du role des musees, leur fonctionnement ou a plus forte raison Ie statut des publics.
DERNIEREQUESTION, POUR CONCLURE: QUELLE OPERATIVITt SOCIALE DU MUSEE?
Cette demiere question nous permettra de mettre en rapport les precedentes avec Ie theme des
relations entre musees et communautes. Je serai neanmoins assez bref, me contentant de faire
appara1tre la difference entre deux conceptions de I'usage social du musee (fonction de marquage
identitaire et activite symbolique) en prolongement de ce que nous venons de voir.
Cela fait partie d' une sorte de my the fondateur du musee que de dire qu' il impose une identite,
tout particulierement nationale.1I convient d'interroger ce que I 'on en tend par la. Marc Maure a
ouvert la voie d'une telle interrogation lorsque, dans sa communication, il a distingue
12. VOir lei mcrnc la com mum cation de Paule Doucel. Sur Ie palnmOInC TUrdl, \Olr Da\'aJlon. Micoud el Tard)
(il par.).
13 J"emploie ce lenne pour distinguer du public du musec traditionnel ce public delini en lanl que membre d'un
cspace public.
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ICOFOM/Stavanger
nir(c'est-a-dire des objets qui ne son I pas consicteres comme palrimoine alors qu'il sont it disposition),
on se rend compte que les choses vont tout autremenl. Pour tout dire, elles I'ont
meme a I' inverse : il faut que ces objets soient reconnus comme« representants" d'un monde
qui I) n'est pas tout a fait notre monde quotidien et 2) apparait cependant dote d' un e I'aleur
pour nous. De plus, cette reconnai sance doit se faire 3 plusieurs: elle est un acte social. Meme si
un individu opere, tout seul et en premier, cette reconnaissance, il est necessaire que d'autres
membres de la communaute Ie sui vent et qu 'ils s'accordent en commun pour poser ces objets
hors du monde quotidien et les considerer comme un bien commun. C'est 3 ce moment que
I'exposition de ces objets - qui est 3 la fois les poser hors et les montrer - peut rendre visible
I 'entitecollective.
Mais la perspective ouverte par la nouvelJe museologie eclaire aussi les pratiques d' exposition.
Dans la logique que je viens de decrire, les expositions ont principalement fonction de montrer
(donner 3 voir) des objets pour lesquels il y a accord 3 propos de leur statut de patrimoine et,
par celie monstration (ce geste d'ostension). fonction de rendre visible celie communaute d'accord
(ce qui est I'en-commun). Or, I' exposition possede une dimension complementaire de
celle-ci : non seulement elle rend « visible» (Ies objets et, metaphoriquement, la colJectivite),
mais elJe rend « public ». Pour un objet, etre expose, c'est etre place sur une scene publique,
au sens ou c'est 3 la fois Ie mettre en scene (Ie poser en un lieu ou il est en representation) et Ie
rendre accessible 3 tout personne qui Ie desire. C'est objet est alors plus que lui-meme; il participe
3 une interpretation (il joue un role) et il est expose au di scours social (i l est objet de commentaires,
d'ailJeurs tout comme Ie sontaussi la mise en scene et I 'interpretation). En ce se ns,
I 'exposition rend public I 'action patrimoniale dont elle est I' aboutissement: elle I 'officialise.
Ainsi, mediation supplementaire entre Ie sujet social et la colJectivite, venant apres celie de
J'objet qui lui-meme represente Ie monde passe d'ou vient I' heritage, J'exposition propose de
realiser I 'accord des regards entre ceux qui viennent la visiter, mais elJe ouvre aussi, irremediablement,
la possibilite d'un choix, d' une reinterpretation, d' une discussion. Or, c'est peutetre
13 OU la multiplication actuelle des expositions intervient : devant la variete des choses exposees,
devant I'extension des choses patrimonialisables, les visiteurs peuvent choisir, peuvent
discuter, peuvent se former, peuvent se reconnaitre des gouts communs, peuvent donner leur
opinion. Bef. peuvent contribuer 3 I 'emergence de colJectivites partielJes et singulieres: ce que
I 'on appelle pour les autres activites culturelJes, des publics. Peut-etre, sommes-nous ainsi invites
3 repenser la relation du public 3 I' exposition et au musee (sa dimension mediatique) sans
perdre de vue sa fonction patrimoniale.
REFERENCES BIBLIOGRAPHIQUES
J. D.
Universite Jean Monnet
davallon@univ-st-etienne
DavalJon (J.). 1991. « Produire les hauts-lieux du patrimoine", p. 85-102, in Andre Micoud
(ed), Des haulJ-/ieux: La construction ""dale de I'exemplarite. Paris: Ed. du
CNRS.
165

ICOFOMlStavanger
Davallon (J.). 1992. « Le musee cst-il vraiment un media? », Puhiic.1 & mU.llie.l. 2. 2eme scm
1992 .. pp. 99- 123
Davallon (J.). 1995. « Musees et museologie », pp.243-254, Recherches el mll.llie.l.
Colloque organise par la Mission Musees et la Direction des musees de France
(Ministere de I"Enseignement superieur et de la Recherche, Ministere de la
Culture et de la Francophonie), 29 nov.- Ier dec. 1993. Dijon: OCIM.
Davallon (J.), Grandmont (G.), Schiele (B.). 1992. L 'Environnemenl enlre au musee. Lyon:
Presses universitaires de Lyon (coli « Museologies »)/ Quebec: Musee de la
civili sation a Quebec. Trad. ang\. : The Rise of Enl'ironmenlalism in Museums.
Quebec: Musee de la civilisation a Quebec.
Davallon (J.), Micoud (A.), Tardy (C.). lA par.l. « \'ers une evolUlion de la norion de
patrimoine ? Reflexions a propos du patrimoine rural », in Dominique Poulot,
Le Pmrimoine ella ciTe, Colloque international d'Annecy, 28-30 sept. 1995,
Annecy.
Desvallees (A.). 1992 et 1995. «Presentati on », in Vagues: Une anthologie de la nouvelle
museologie, t. I et t. 2. Macon: W / Savigny Ie Temple: M.N.E.S, p. 15-39.
Desvallees (A.). 1993.« Le droit a I'existence pour des musees differents: et si on reparlait de
la nouvelle museologie », Entretien avec Joelle Le Marec pour PuhliCl &
musees,3, I er sem. 93, p. 138-145.
Desvai lees (A). 1994. « Objets ou document? », p. 89-95, in Martin Scharer (ed.). ICOFOM
SlUdy Series, 23, ACle du symposi um Object-document?, sept. 1994, Beijing,
Chine.
Hooper-Greenhill (E.). 1989. « The Museum in a disciplinary society», in Susan Pearce
(ed), Museum Sludies in MaTerial CulTure. Leicester: Leicester University
Press/Washington (Dc: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Poulot (D.). 1992. « Bilan et perspective pour une hi stoire culturelle des musees », Puhiic.I &
musees, 2, 2eme sem 1992., p. 125-147.
PouiO! (D.). i994. « Identity as self-discovery: The Ecomuseum in France », p. 66-84, in
Daniel Shearman el lrii Rogoff (ed.), Museum CuilUre: Histories, discourses,
spectacies. London: Romiedge.
Marrin Scharer (ed.), ICOFOM Sludy Series, 23, ACles du symposium Objeci-document?,
sept. 1994, Beijing, Chine.
Pearce (S.M.). 1992. Museum Objels and CoUeelions: A Culturel Study. Leicester: Leicester
University Press.
Spielbauer (J.K.). i986. p. 85-95, in Vi nos SoiKa (ed.), iCOFOM SlUdy Series, ii, ACles du
symposium La museologie et I'identite, oct. 1986, Buenos Aires, Argentine.
Spiel bauer (J.K.). 1987. « Musees et museologies: outils de preservtion active et integrante »,
p. 279-286. in Vinos Sofka (ed.), ICOFOM Study Series, 12, Actes du
symposium La museologie et I'identite, sept. 1987, Helsinki-Espoo.
166

III
TRAINING PERSONNAL FOR COMMUNITY MUSEUMS
JOINT SESSION WITH ICTOP

) What is a museum?
That is a recurrent question within our Committee on Museology. We may
consider "museum" as a permanent institution, as most museum professionals in the world still
do. Coming from the latin institutione, it means a thing that has been created , instituted ,
established, socially recognized as such. To institutions we attribute the character of relative
permanence - and their are usually identifyed by the values of their codes of action, some of
them expressed as laws. Being a permanent institution, the museum would be an established
thing , continually existing within the system of values of a society, and having specific codes.
Under this concept, "training for museum awareness" means qualifying somebody to work in a
specific type of institution - thus training being based on information about specific skills to
administer, document, retrieve, preserve, exhibit, garantee security, survey the audience,
etc., etc. It may also mean giving a background about the conceptual frames into which the
museum develops its action. (This is more or less what museum training programs used to do up
to 20 years ago).
But the abovementioned experiences with community action have brought about
the relativization of the museum concept. A holistic approach has made possible the creation of
concepts such as the total museum (musee integral), the ecomuseum , the inner museum , the
museum of the biosphere. Development of technology and of Semiotics has given way to
concepts such as the virtual museum. With so many facets of the concept, it became difficult to
understand the museum as institution, now that it has incorporated the capacity to change. In
the present days, it is already accepted that the concept of Museum varies according to the
different world visions of societies, in time and in space.
So today, when we talk about training for museum awareness we usually refer to
the analytic study of such concepts, to the investigation of museum as phenomenon or to the
idea of Museum, which lead to the understanding of Museology either as philosophy or as a
scientific discipline.
c) What is a community?
That's another complicated question. When talking about ·communities· we
usually take for granted that community is a group of people, either sharing the same tenritory or
the same cultural identity or some other combination of cultural and/or social characters that
make them identifiable as a group. We seldom remember that plants and animals form
biological communities, or that biology refers to communities of microbes as well. We usually
forget the nuclear family as a basic community, or the population of the world as planet Earth
community, to which UNESCO and ICOM so frequently refer.
Since this is not a meeting on terminology, let us consider ·community· in its basic social
sense: a group of people sharing common traits and pattems of behavior.
Also for purposes of study, let us substitute the word "training· for individual or group
education and qualification.
Now we come back to training and offer you a second issue to reflection:
173

And how would a program like this be shaped?
By combining a conceptual framework with practical exercices , a program of studies for
museum and community awareness is able to provide, at the same time, the fullfilling of rational
aspects with the opportunity of emotional experiences and exchange. On the whole, it is
important that trainers (whom we will call educators) create an atmosphere that enables those
who follow the program to
LEARN HOW TO LEARN
that is, to understand how they are able to develop knowledge towards the world . The renowned
brazilian educator Paulo Freire, in his book Pedagogy of Hope, reminds us that
... To teach and to /eam are thus moments of a bigger process
- that of knowing, which implies re-cognizing (re-cognoscere).
(Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of Liberty, p. 47)
Such process involves combined change: teaching and learning are on both sides.
Programs on environmental education can be easily used for such purpose: they deal
with a conceptual framework that involves the notions of: similarity/difference;
adaptation/interaction; continuity and change; evolution; patterns. Through such notions, almost
everything around us can be explained. One successful example is the program on Interaction
museu-community through environmental education, developped at the University of Rio de
Janeiro since 1991 and which has already generated a three year research on the matter, a 290
hour transdisciplinary course and a book which preprint (I am proud to say) is already mentioned
in Paulo Freire as an example of contemporary pedagogy.
Community awareness programs may be organized by museums, universities and by
communities themselves. In ali cases, it is important that they integrate ali such spheres of
action, enabling members of each community to create and care for their own museums, schools
and universities - no more accepting imposed concepts, methodologies and models and being
able to care for their own identities and heritage.
175
Tereza Scheiner
Stavanger, Ju/y 3, 1995.

IV
MUSEUMS AND MUSEOLOGY IN NORWAY AND
SCANDINAVIA

Per-Uno Agren
NORDIC MUSEUMS AND NORDIC MUSEOLOGY - SOME INTRODUCTORY
REMARKS
ICOFOM, Stavanger juli 1995
I have been asked to give an introduction to the Nordic museum scene. It will
be sketchy and for personal reasons very much based on a Swedish
perspective. My intention is to show how easily ideas have circulated and
influences worked within the five Nordic countires, which means that
museum structures are very much alike and the ways museum work very
similar. There are certainly national differences but I am convinced that we
can claim a common museological heritage for our countries.
I.
I shall start with a simple statement: museums are creared from above or
from below.
Learned men who pursue their studies of the natural world establish
collections of naturalia, scholars who explore the temporal aspect of human
culture, create collections of artificaJia, testimonies of human history and
progress in their own and in foreign cultures; princes and aristocrats
display their fortunes and refinement in collections of fine arts and crafts
with rare and expensive items. They all represent museum initiatives 'from
above'.
And those collections mate and merge, dissolve and come together in new
combinations, becoming in the 19th century national treasures in national
museums. Most museum histories of the world deal with such museums and
most efforts in museum research are devoted to the tracing of the.
vicissitudes of collections and individual specimens through the ages of
warfare and political unrest. The whole project of the restitution of cultural
property is based on the result of this research.
In museum histories it is evident that the constant temporal changes in the
material surroundings caused by technological progress, social and ethnic
restructurings of the Western society have provoked emotional reactions in
sensitive minds and released collecting activities with the goal to salvage
material out of the flow of time in order to secure a picture of human
destinies in bygone times. What has been saved has been, roughly speaking,
ripples on the face of the stream, the splendour of power and glory, which
did not deeply affect the layers of society, which carry the burden of
sustaining and prodUCing, nor the minds and self-consciousness of the
working people. Museum history is largely a history of museums created
from above.
Only recently, in tIle 20th century, the revolutionary changes in
demography and democracy, the mass culture of the industrial age which
thoroughly transforms the world we live in and brutally desrroys the links
with our cultural past, have so affected the conditions of the mass of the
people, that an awareness of their own identity and a historical awareness
have been produced which at last made them reluctantly take up the
museum idea. Most clearly it has been expressed in the ecomuseummovement.
Museums have finally been created also from below.
179

II.
Looking at the Nordic museums, i.e. museums in Scandinavia and Finland. as
a whole, the pattern is both similar and different. The lerm 'Nordic' covers
the Scandinavian countries Denmark. Iceland. Norway and Sweden together
with Finland. today with roughly 25 millions inhabitants. The Scandinavians
are linguistically closely related, Finland has through its union with Sweden
from the Middle Ages until 1809 a history and culture closely related to
Scandinavia. Its Fenno-ugrian language is furthermore shared with the
Sami population in northernmost Scandinavia. From the common historical
destiny of the countries has grown a loyalty which has been most explicitly
expressed and reached peaks of enthusiasm in periods of aggression from
'without'. So at tlle end of the 19t1l centuJY when the solidarity with
Denmark in its conflict with Prussia inspired the scandinavistic movement
among unlversity students, so in the years of me Second World War. After
1945 formal organisations have been established to promote cooperation in
various fields of ("Ommon interest. One of mose organisations is tbe
Scandinavian Museums Association, which however was founded as early as
1915.
Obviously me early period of Nordic museum history is dOminated by
museums from above.
Denmark being part of the continent has through the ages served as
mediator ()f European cultural influences. Thus me first museum ideas no
doubt were those introduced by the Danlsh physician Ole Worm living in the
late 16th and early 17th century. He had become acquainted with collections
and collectors during his years of study, which in mose days were spent
mostly in Italy and Germany. His main subject was medicine, but his
interests were wide and he was deeply influenced by the antiquarian spirit
and archaeological activi ties of the age. On returning to Copenhagen in 1611
he visited the famous collector Moritz me Elector in Kassel as well as
Paludanus, collector of ethnography in Enkbuizen, the Netherlands. He
became professor of Medicine in Copenhagen and began collecting in the
1620's witll a view to offer his students objects for study. He entertained a
wide correspondence with the learned Europe concerning items for his
collection and started to work on a catalogue which was however printed
only in 1655, me year after his deam. The catalogue, Museum Wonnianum,
became influential as one of the first manuals for ordering a collection of
natural history specimens, making me important distinction between
'naturalia' and 'artificalia'. You have certainly seen me engraving from me
catalogue which is often reproduced in books on museum history.
But on the whole collecting was a royal and princely pursuit. So in Denmark
and in Sweden. After humble beginnings in the reign of his predecessors
the Danlsh King Frederick III in the 1640's began to arrange a collection in
me turnlng cabinet of me Royal castle in Copenhagen in the fashion of the
age. He was much inspired by travelling in France and the Netherlands
where he met with collectors and studied many of the famous collections.
The influence of his cousin Frederick residing at me Gottorp castle across
me border to Holstein was of special importance. He had completed a
KunstkanlIDer in 1648 headed by his Court Mathematician and Astronomer
Adam Olearius. In 1651 Olearius managed to acquire Paludanus' collection
from Enkhuizen and thus to enhance the fame of the Gottorp collection.
Frederick III in 1654 acquired Ole Worm's collection which was at that time
internationally well-known because of me catalogue. In 1665 it was
transferred from me castle to a building specifically designed for me
purpose. Ole Worm's close to 1800 letters covering the period 1607-1654 have
been published and mirrors the wide net of contacts with scholars allover
180

with its various departments. Thomsen's foremost preoccupaoon was me
prehistoric collection, which was the subject for discussion of a Royai
cOmmission formed in 1807, where Thomsen became the ;ecretary in 1816.
In 1820 another commission started to work with the distribution to new
specialized museums of the collections in the old Royal Cabinet of Curiosities,
to which Worm's collection had been previously added. but which was now
considered outdated. Thomsen participated in bringing the pictures to the
new National Museum of Art established in 1839. The ethnographic objects
formed the core of the Ethnographic Museum opened two years later as the
first in the world. In 1861 Thomsen became the director of the whole
National Museum complex. Like Worms, Thomsen corresponded widely with
colleagues all over Scandinavia and he was a sought for advisor on museum
issues. Thus he had a strong influence on the arrangement of the Swedish
prehistoriC collections which were now at last taken care of in a proper way.
From the century also the famous Thorvaldsen-museum (1848) and the
Carlsberg Glyptotek (1888) date.
An equally important contribution was towards the end of the century made
by Artur Hazelius in Sweden. In his university years he had eagerly
participated in the scandinavistic manifestations and at the same time his
studies of Old Norse and Swedish dialects kindled by the nationalistic
romanticism reigning in the humanistic studies of the day had made him
a.,.,=e of the swiftly disappearing traditional culture of the provinces. This
combined to inspire his project The Scandinavian Ethnographic Collections
which he brought together, arranged and opened as an exhibition in the
centre of Stockholm in 1873. This collection became the nucleus of the later
Nordiska Museet, whose completion Hazelius himself however did not live to
see. But his name is first of all linked to Skansen, the open-air museum
inaugurated 1891 in Stockholm. His idea was to create a museum, where the
objects were integrated in their proper surrounding, not only in a genuine
building, but in the complete farmstead with all buildings belonging to it
ana with the original surrounding of cultivated ground reconstructed. And
in the buildings, among the objects the visitor should have the opportunity
to meet people al horne in the culture which the farmstead represented.
Hazeliu; ha; been honoured as the inventor of the open air-museum
concept. But this is a truth which has been challenged. in the South of
Sweden, at Lund, Georg Karlin was in the same years busy with similar
plans. In Norway a number of persons had the idea to save specimens of the
extraordinary material culture both in wooden objects and timber
architecture, foremost among them Anders Sandtvig founder of Maihaugen
in Lillehamrner and Hans Jacob Aall founder of Norsk Folkemuseum. In
Denmark l3ernhard Olsen, founder of the Danish Folk Museum, inspired both
by Karlin and Haze1ius but also by a visit to the World Exhibition of 1878 in
Paris, could open his Open Air Museum in Lyngby close to Copenhagen in
1901. Although the question of original authorship may be controversial,
the open-air museum concept seems to be a genuine Scandinavian
phenomenon. In the writings of both Marc Bloch and George Henri Riviere
we can see this certified as also its importance for the later shaping of
Riviere's museological concepts.
The 19th century was permeated with nationalistic ideas. And in Finland and
Norway the nationalistic ideas kindled an opposition against the dependence
on Swedish and Danish official culture and we can witness its expression in
museum projects. As a reaction on the Royal Commission of 1807 in
Copenhagen, Norwegians began the formation of an archaeological
collection of their own began, which was located in the university recently
organised in Oslo. At the same time museum- plans were developed in Bergen
- with British Museum in London as a model. In Iceland its National museum
182

V,las founctea. ill llSbj. At 1 UfKU. !'ill1ana, me tilstonCa! Museum ..... 'as IO\lfiUetl
in 1891; in Helsinki. the National Museum in 1893.
V.
But nationalism fed on the illusory idea that an original. genuine and
unique national culture had survived and could still be found. recorded and
analysed in distant and isolated districts and settlements on the periphery.
untouched by influences from an urbanized and industrial society. In the
provinces learned associations were organized by gymnasium teachers, state
servants and officers to contribute to the nationai project by recording folk
uaditions and starting local history research. The associations were formed
ill lilt, period 1858-1885. They also started collections - collections later often
to be found as the core of many regional museums. One unforeseen result
was that those associations soon began to revolt against the centralistic
prerogative of a national heritage represented in the national museums of
the capital. It was a reaction based on local pride and a new awareness of the
diversity of cultural traditions that refused to surrender to a central
proposal of what constituted a genuine national culture.
And on the threshold of the 20th century something important is
happening, foreboding the birth of museums created from below.
In the 19th century the Swedish compulsory school system had been
organized and literacy spread quickly. The economic transformation had
slowly started both through industrialization and a considerable growth in
agricultural productivity. The population growth was speedy and the growth
of urban centres even more so, due to the demographic movement from
countryside to towns and cities. Popular movements were formed around
controversial ideas directed against the authority of church and state, and
like the anti-drug movement of the day, the temperance organizations
recruited numerous members. NFS Grundtvig in Denmark propagated his
school ideas which resulted in the so called 'folkhojskoler',
which spread over Scandinavia in the second half of the century. The idea
, was to open schools providIng adult education esp for the rural population,
an education explicitly aimed at the spiritual development of the personality.
The objective of the school should be 'life enlightenment' according to
Grundtvig. It offered unconditional admitment and no examination. The
teaching should rely on the value of the living spoken word. The first
school was opened in 1844 in Denmark, in 1864 in Norway, in 1868 in Sweden
and in 1889 in Finland.
The schools became immensely popular and strongly influenced popular
opinion. The idea was readily adopted by the popular movements whether
they honoured religious, political or temperance ideas. They started their
own schools, where of course the ideological element was prominent. Later
on also the county councils started such schools which have prepared adults
for both professional and higher studies.
Around the turn of the century a specific not much researched
phenomenon appears - the big youth meetings bringing hundreds of young
people together. The meetings had probably their background in the
idealistic and nationalistic spirit of the popular movements and they were
eVidently born in Norway. A novel published in 1900 written by a journalist,
Karl-Erik Forsslund, who had left Stockholm and settled in Dalecarlia, the
patriotic heart province of Sweden kindled the flame in Sweden. It glorified
rural life In euphoric descriptions and close to his house a new school of the
'folkhojskole' type was started in 1906. Youth meetings were held in various
183

courses tormerly organized by the museums association - and locateCl W
'iolkhojskoler ' .
in Finland there is presently a variety of museum study courses at the
universities of Helsinki. Turku and Oulu. The most developed courses are
however arranged by a special museological division of the Dept of Art
History at JyvaskyHi university.
Norway I leave to John Aage to talk about.
As you can see museology is no longer a dirty word in this part of the world
it is gradually gaining ground and force. However when in 1993 three
optimists concurred to launch the project of a journal, 'Nordic Museology'
the idea was very much to promote the concept and speed up its adoption
both in universities and in museums.
But we were also convinced that in the concept there was a consensus about
the museum mission, the role of the museum as a cultural institution in
society and its importance in public life. This consensus was rooted in a
shared hiStory, a similar development of the museum structure in our
countries and in a common commitment to the museum idea in our
communities as well as an active participation in our citizens. Those factors,
we thought. should make the interchange of ideas, the communication of
experiences singularly fruitful and meaningful to the museum profession as
well as to those standing beside in the universities trying to understand and
evaluate the achievement of museums.
Now we are five editors of the journal, representing all Nordic countries. We
have published 828 pages of reading. We have also tried to make our
countries known to museologists abroad, offering English summaries of all
texts in Scandinavian languages and we hope that many of you will fmd it
worth while to pay attention to our efforts in the years to come.
186

Construction d'une identite nationale
La Norvege est marquee par un fort mouvement nationaliste durant tout
Ie 1ge siecle. Elle se transforme en etat-nation.
Etat-nation et homogeneite culturelle
L'etat-nation est un type particulier d'institution politique, qui est de creation
historique recente et devenu la norme pour Ie developpement des etats modernes
depuis la Revolution franc;aise.
Un etat-nation est defini par I'existence d'un etat independant et souverain dans
un territoire defini juridiquement, et considere comme peuple d'un seul peuple
caracterise par une culture commune (identite, histoire, coutumes, langue, etc).
II s'agit d'un systeme politique base sur I'ideologie et Ie my the de I'homogeneite
culturelle. En realite, tout territoire national est peuple de groupes ethniques
differents.
En Norvege, au debut du 1ge siecle, Ie territoire national est peuple par des groupes
culturellement heterogenes. Elites sociales de langue et formation danoises dans
les villes, paysans dans les vallees de I'interieur, pikheurs sur la cote, minorites
ethniqueE, etc., separes par les distances geographiques et des coutumes et langues
differentes. Le sentiment d'appartenance a une meme communaute nationale est
faible sinon absent.
II s'agit d'en faire des Norvegiens, c'est-a-dire des sujets ayant une meme identite
nationale. Autrement dit des individus caracterises par un nouveau type d'identite
collective, englobant toutes les autres types d'identite et marquant la difference par
rapport aux peuples danois et suedois.
Identite collective de type ethnique
Une identite de caractere ethnique est caracterisee par un sentiment d'appartenance
a un groupe, qui lie les membres de ce groupe entre eux par des relations concretes
et vecues dans Ie quotidien.
Cette identite n'est pas donnee et statique mais dynamique; elle se construit et se
transforme dans I'interaction entre groupes differents. Elle est caracterisee par la
creation, Ie maintien et la transformation de frontieres entre "no us" et "Ies autres".
L'appartenance et la difference sont symbolisees et justifiees par des traits culturels
specifiques (croyances, va leurs, coutumes, langues, etc). Mais ces traits ne sont pas
immuables et intemporels. I1s sont choisis par les acteurs, dans des strategies et
processus interactifs entre les groupes.
Cette identite est enracinee dans Ie passe. II ne s'agit pas obligatoirement de
I'histoire reelle, c'est-a-dire celie des historiens, mais d'une histoire mythique
peuplee d' evenements et heros legendaires. Elle est caracterisee par une conception
genealogique de l'histoire, c'est-a-dire par la croyance en I'existence d'une origine
supposee commune et en des liens de parente avec des ancetres mythiques
communs.
188

Identite nationale
L'identite nationale est differente. Elle est obligatoirement liee a un programme
politique. Elle est plus large que les identites ethniques qu' elle englobe. Elle a un
caractere "abstrait" et "fictif'. Le sentiment d'appartenance n'est pas base sur des
relations concretes vecues dans Ie quotidien.
La communaute nationale a, suivant I'expression de Benedict Anderson, un
caractere "imaginaire": "It is imaginated because the members of even the smallest
nation will never know must of their fellow-members, meet them or even heard
of them, yet in the minds og each lives the image of their communion" (Anderson
1983: 15).
L'existence de I'identite nationale est basee sur la creation et Ie maintien d'une
culture nationale. II faut faire la preuve que cette culture est unique et specifique.
II faut lui donner un caractere fort et sacre. il faut ancrer cette culture profondement
dans Ie passe, en liaison avec les origines communes mythiques du peuple habitant
Ie territoire national.
Ceci necessite I'utilisation de riches systemes symboliques de forte valeur
emotionnelle, qui sont construits en utilisant d'anciens materiaux et coutumes, qui
sont modifies, ritualises et institutionalises. II s'agit de ce que Eric Hobsbawm
appelle des "traditions inventees", c'est-a-dire "a set of practices, normally governed
by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to
inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour by repetition, which automatically
implies continuity with the past. In fact, where possible, they normally attempt to
establish continuity with a suitable historic past" (Hobsbawm 1983: 1).
Le processus de construction d'un patrimoine national
Constituer un patrimoine national, et l'institutionaliser sous la forme de musees,
est une dimention essentielle du phenomene de fabrication d'une identite
nationale. C'est un processus comprenant plusieurs phases.
Choix des ancetres
Un patrimoine est par definition constitue par les biens materiels et symboliques
que I' on a herites de ses ancetres. Le patrimoine d'une nation est constitue par les
biens heri tes des ancetres d u peu pie national.
Toute nation a ses propres ancetres mythiques fondateurs, choisis suivant des
strategies identitaires specifiques. Nous verrons plus tard qu' en Norvege c'est la
figure du pays an - considere comme l' heritier et Ie conservateur de la tradition
glorieuse de l'epoque medievale - qui sera appelee a jouer ce role.
Selection et collecte
Certains expressions et objets sont identifies, selectionnes et collectes au detriment
d'autres. On choisit les objets qui sont "beaux", "purs", "anciens", "originaux" et
189

La culture nationale est fabriquee en utilisant des elements de la culture rurale
traditionnelle, c'est-a.-dire de ses musiques, de ses costumes, de ses fetes, de ses
dialectes, de ses contes et legendes, de ses objets mobiliers, de ses habitations, etc.
On construit une langue nationale a. partir d' elements de differents dialectes,
une musique nationale it partir de certaines melodies joues par certains
instruments, un costume national it partir d' elements de certains costumes
regionaux, etc.
Le musee d' ethnographie rurale / musee de plein-air
Ce type de musee est I'expression la plus importante et la plus caracteristique de
I'institutionalisation du patrimoine national norvegien. II a connu un
developpement exceptionnel au niveau local et regional dans les annees 1880-1920.
Le nombre de musees de ce type existant en Norvege constitue un phenomene
remarquable vu a I'echelle europeenne.
Le musee d'ethnographie rurale est en Norvege - par definition - un musee de
plein-air. La collection de "Batiments du Moyen-Age de la Norvege", creee par Ie roi
Oscar II it Bygdey pres d'Oslo en 1881, peut etre considere comme Ie premier musee
de plein-air d'Europe; il precede Ie musee de Skansen it Stockholm de 10 ans.
Ces musees constituent des ensembles de forte densite syrnbolique. I1s sont des
"villages imaginaires" composes de collections de fermes avec leur mobilier,
denommees "maisons / foyers" (norv. "hjem"), metaphores privilegiees et
syrnboles-cie de la nation. I1s sont la scene de pratiques ritualisees (celebration de
la fete nationale, commemoration de dates historiques, festivals de musique et de
danse populaire, etc). I1s sont des haut-lieux de l'identite norvegienne, ou Ie lien
avec les origines est etabli, entretenu et transmis it de nouveaux participants.
Le Viking - Ie heros Iegendaire
Le viking eta it - historiquement parlant - un pays an, un marchand, un artisan et
un marin. Mais ce sont ses qua lites de guerrier et de conquerant qui sont entrees
dans Ie my the.
Le viking est en fait un heros commun aux pays scandinaves. II est Ie syrnbole de
I' epoque glorieuse ou ces pays partageaient la meme langue, les memes croyances,
les memes aventures et la meme grandeur. Ceci ne I'ayant pas empeche pas d'etre
utilise dans des perspectives nationales propres. En Norvege il est au 1ge siecie
considere comme Ie fondateur historique de I'etat norvegien, et devient Ie symbole
de I'unite politique, de l'independance nationale et de la grandeur coloniale.
II y joue a. la fin du siecie, periode marquant l'etape definitive de I'accession it
I'independance en 1905, un role de premier plan. Son caractere norvegien va se voir
confirme et renforce par la mise it jour d'un patrimoine archeologique exceptionnel.
Des fouilles de tertres fun era ires sur Ie territoire norvegien livrent des bateaux
complets et des objets, qui constituent un rnateriau dont la richesse et Ie caractere
unique surpassent de loin ce qui etait connu jusqu'il.lors.
191

A la meme epoque, I' esprit viking est reincarne dans la figure des grands
explorateurs polaires norvegiens comme Fritjof Nansen. Dans un reve de grande
puissance la Norvege part a. la conquete du pole nord et du pole sud, en concurrence
avec I' Angleterre et les USA, et connait des succes retentissants.
La Norvege est pendant la 2e guerre mondiale occupee par I' Allemagne nazie.
La figure du viking devient un element important de la rethorique du
nationalsocialisme. De ce fait, Ie viking est apres la guerre un heros dechu; sa figure
est stigmatisee et inutilisable comme symbole national.
Aujourd'hui Ie viking est redevenu un heros populaire, et meme - semble-t-il - est
en train d'acquerir une importance symbolique de caractere national plus forte
qU'auparavant. On construit de plus en plus des musees, centres d'interpretation et
parcs d'attraction axes sur Ie patrimoine viking. C'est un phenomene qui, de par son
ampleur, ne va pas sans rappeler Ie developpement des musees d'ethnographie
rurale au debut de notre siecle.
Le Marin - Ie marginal
Le marin-pecheur est Ie grand absent de I'image nationale de la Norvege creee au
1ge siecle. C'est un phenomene paradoxal, vu Ie caractere essentiellement maritime
du territoire norvegien et I'importance primordiale que ce groupe a joue dans
I'histoire du pays.
Du fait de sa position sur les marges cotieres du territoire national, il ne pouvait pas
etre considere comme veritablement norvegien. Ses activites sont tournees vers
la mer, c'est-a.-dire vers I'exterieur du territoire national. Sa culture est formee par
Ie contact avec I'etranger; elle est impure, car entachee d'influences exterieures.
II est en fait membre d'une culture plus europeenne, qui est la culture cotiere de
la Mer du Nord.
C'est pourquoi Ie patrimoine maritime norvegien a ete longtemps neglige, peu
etudie, mal protege et mis en valeur. A I'exception toutefois de certains elements
du patrimoine nautique ayant une signification nationale particuliere, comme
les bateaux viking, ceux des expeditions polaires ou certains types d'embarquations
ayant conserve des caracteristiques de la tradition viking.
C'est uniquement dans Ie courant de ces dernieres annees que la preservation et la
mise-en-valeur du patrimoine maritime ont commence a. acquerir une importance
correspondant a. sa Signification historique. II a fallu attendre les annees 1980 pour
voir Ie developpement de musees maritimes regionaux et locaux. C'est un
processus qui a souvent eu lieu en dehors du systeme officiel de conservation du
patrimoine, et meme en opposition avec sa politique. Ce sont tres sou vent des
associations de benevoles qui ont pris !'initiative de sa constitution et qui assurent
sa gestion.
192

Le La pan - l' etranger de l'interieur
La Norvege se trouve dans la situation particuliere d'avoir une minorite ethnique
indigene sur son sol. Le pays lapon s'etend de plus par dela les frontieres politiques
de la Suede, de la Finlande et de la Russie.
Le lapon, chasseur et nomade, a joue Ie role du barbare dans Ie processus de
construction et de maintien de I'identite nationale. II est I' etranger de I'interieur
qui ne peut pas etre integre dans I'image norvegienne du monde.
Son existence menace la purete de la nation. II est soumis au cours de I'histoire
a une politique de colonisation et d'assimilation. Son patrimoine tombe dans
Ie domaine de la curiosite ou de I'ethnographie non-europeene.
La situation du peuple lapon est aujourd'hui marquee par un processus de
revendication identitaire, qui est commun aux peuples autochtones dans diverses
regions du monde. II s'agit en effet, pour Ie peuple lapon, de lutter contre la pression
de I'assimilation et de construire une image positive de sa culture, en retournant
la signification des anciens symboles de la stigmatisation, pour en faire des symboles
de la fierte.
AUjourd'hui, il s'agit pour Ie peuple lapon de demontrer la continuite et la viabilite
de sa culture, et pour ce faire de definir son pro pre patrimoine, de Ie reconnaitre et
de Ie recuperer, et de creer ses propres institutions pour I' etudier, Ie proteger, Ie gerer
et Ie diffuser. Ces dernieres annees ont vu la creation d'un reseau de musees lapons
dans Ie nord du pays. Ces musees lapons sont des musees qUi, suivant leur propre
definition, ne sont pas seulement des musees de culture lapone, mais aussi et
surtout des musees pour les lapons et geres par les lapons.
Des ancetres internationaux et commerciaux
Les Jeux olympiques d'hiver, qui ont eu lieu dans la ville norvegienne de
Lillehammer en £evrier 1994, ont fait fonction de gigantesque rituel national.
Leur fonction symbolique etant de regrouper la nation autour de nouvelles valeurs,
et de diffuser vers l'exterieur, a I'aide des massemedias, une image moderne et
positive de la Norvege. Le contexte contemporain est celui de I'internationalisation,
qui est marque par une interaction toujours plus importante entre Ie domaine du
national et du culture!, et celui du commercial.
N ous retouvons, a cette occasion, nos personnages dans les roles suivants.
La figure du paysan, caracterisee par I' enracinement dans la tradition, peut
difficilement symboliser les valeurs d'une nation moderne. On I'utilisa dans les
ceremonies d'ouverture, sous forme de stereotypes folkloriques a usage touristique.
Le viking, par contre, est un meilleurs representant des nouveaux ideaux
nationaux, c'est-a-dire des valeurs de concurrance, d'agressivite, d'individualisme,
d'innovation. Le patrimoine viking a fournit de nombreux motifs et symboles
a l'architecture et diverses autres expressions esthetiques des jeux olympiques.
Le lapon a montre son costume colore et son troupeau de rennes a I'occasion des
ceremonies d'ouverture. Sa presence a ainsi fait la preuve au monde en tier que
la Norvege etait une nation pluriculturelle. Le marin etait absent de ces jeux.
193

Bibliographie
Aarnes, Sigurd. 1983. "Myths and Heroes in 19th-century Nation-building
in Norway", in Eade (€d.), Romantic Nationalism in Europe. Canberra
Anderson, Benecict. 1983. imaginated Communities, Reflections on the Origin
and Spread of Nationalism . London
Hobsbawm, Eric. 1983. "Introduction: Inventing Tradition", in Hobsbawn, Eric
& Terence Ranger (ed.). The Invention of Traditio/!. Cambridge
Klausen, Arne Martin. 1991. Le savoir-etre norvegien. Paris, L'Harmattan
Klausen, Arne Martin. 1993, "Construction of the Norwegian Image: Reflections
on the Olympic Design Programme", in Puijk, Roel (ed.), 01 og forskningen III.
Lillehammer, 0stJandsforskning
Kuhn, Hans. 1983. "The Farmer and the Viking: Forms of Romantic Nationalism
in 19th-century Scandinavia", in Eade (ed.), Romantic Nationalism in Europe.
Canberra
Maure, Marc.1993. "Nation, paysan et musee - la naissance des musees
d'ethnographie dans les pays scandinaves", Terrain, no. 20, Paris
Maure, Marc. 1995. "Le Pays an et Ie Viking au musee - nationalisme et patrimoine
en Norvege au 1ge siecle", in Mission du patrimoine ethnologique (€d.),
Ethnologie et patrimoine en Europe / Socialanthropology and Heritage in Europe.
(rapport du colloque de Tours, 1993).
Olsen, Bjornar. 1986. "Norwegian Archeology and the People without (Pre)History
or How to Create a Myth of a Uniform Past", Archeological Review from
Cambridge, 5:1, Cambridge
194

An Industrial Community
and its Heritage
by Randi Bllrtvedt
Curator at Western Norway Industrial Museum, N-5770 Tyssedal, Norway
Paper given at the Semillar on Museums alld Mu seology in Nonvay and Scandinavia,
ICOFOM Stavanger July 2, 1995
I was asked to speak here at the General Conference of ICOM 1995 on the
issue "An industrial community and its heritage" . I am honoured and very glad
to have the possibility to present our museum. I guess I was asked to come
because I represent a new type of museums in Norway; a museum that
combines industrial history with social history and where the scenery and
cultural landscape are parts of the museum concept. Here I am also going to
exemplify the challenges in creating an industrial museum which depicts
everyday-life in our century.
As a curator of Western Norway Industrial Museum I do not work for an
interested minority, but for all the people in my home town Odd a, the suburb
of Tyssedal and the surrounding district. My task is to point out the
importance of knowing our history, our roots and our identity in order to
understand other people. I am myself a member of this local society, but as a
professional I am paid to take care of the cultural heritage and document
contemporary life. I have been given the job to build a brand new museum
from scratch. It has been interesting to work so hard for what I believe in -
the idea of the folk museum and its aim: education.
Ten years ago I was employed by the municipality of Odda to elucidate the
possibility of establishing a museum in Odda. I had just finished my studies as
an ethnologist and was fascinated by the idea of the ecomuseum, that engages
in the local society and political issues. I believe in the fact that a museum must
be a place of activity, involve and interest people, engage them in their
surroundings, contemporary life and history. History does not exist in a
museum alone, but between people in a society.
I will now try to tell you about the process of building an industrial and social
museum from scratch in a small community.
195

In these last ten years I have mainly worked with people and their attitudes to
their own community and history. The frame of our Jives consists of a
dramatic scenery, water power as a key resource, modern technology and 3
big factories producing zinc, titanium oxide/high quality iron and calcium
carbide/dicyandianide. The community has 8000 inhabitants. The place
Tyssedal was at the turn of the century merely a crack in the mountain with
two farms. In 1906 it changed to become the largest construction site in the
country. In 1918 Tyssedal was a small town with a big power station as its
heart. Through water power and electricity Tyssedal and Norway became a
modern affluent society. This is the story of a rural village and an
internationally known tourist resort that changes overnight to become an
industrial town. It is the story of modernization and the story of women, men
and children that moved to Odda.
The society is the raw material of the Western Norway Industrial Museum.
The museum has gradually grown to what it is today, located in a living
industrial society where boats from all over the world come and go with raw
material and produce for export.
Today the museum is one of the largest in Norway on the subject of water
power. We show exhibitions on man in the industrial society, the history of the
environmental problems and the history of technology. We have archives
where information from the organizations and factories are collected and used
for research. Furthermore we have a film room with slides shows specially
designed to depict our history, and 3 workmen's dwellings, one of which
shows different interiors up to the 1990's. Finally the museum arranges guided
tours in the footsteps of the pioneer workers and to the industrial monuments
inside and outside the factories and the power station.
Hardanger is internationally known as an idyllic tourist resort. The glaciers,
the waterfalls, the blue-green fjord and the apple blossom make the scenery of
Hardanger look like a romantic poem. I am now going to take you to a
different and dramatic Hardanger where the mountains are high and the
valleys deep.
Tyssedal in Hardanger has another tone and rhythm, namely that of a shift
working society, a town of smelting works, heat and electricity.
As I mentioned previously, I was, as a student, familiar with the idea of the
ecomuseum; to preserve buildings and objects on their original site or
environment rather than moving everything to a museum building or a
museum area, and to document and explain how man coped with nature. Now
I had the opportunity to create a museum, a place where people were
encouraged to engage themselves in history, in the local community and
contemporary life and issues. To my mind a modern museum is interesting
only when the audience - the visitors- engage themselves and are participants
196

and the curator has the role as a skilled adviser and a member of the world
outside the museum building.
Let us see what happened in Odda, when we went from an idea to hard work.
As an ethnologist 1 work with a holistic view of the society. I wanted to collect
and show all parts of an environment and interview different groups in the
local society. 1 wanted to let people tell the story of their life, their home,
work and leisure time, to document their feelings, thoughts and dreams.
1 was the only person employed and it was necessary to engage voluntary aid,
for example skilled workers, house wives and children so that they could tell
about their lives and show me what we could use in exhibitions.
Our first museum building was a workman's dwelling with 1 room and a
kitchen per family, and 4 families in each house. We saved this building from
being demolished, and we started to collect furniture, clothes and photos.
Many people came to see what they could give to create an original interior.
Gradually we were able to tell the stories of real families in different time
periods, one in the 1920' s, one in the 1930' , one in the 1950' s etc. We told the
story of Mr. Ingebrigtsen, who worked at the factory as a blacksmith. He
moved from the town of Bergen to Odda with his family, a wife and two
children (two already died from disease), and two to be born in the flat that he
was lucky to let from the factory (with electricity and everything). They
moved to Odda because the wages were much higher here. We also told what
happened to the family when the factories owned by the British Sun Gas Co.
went bankrupt and 1000 men were on the dole for four years in the 1920' s
before the factory was refinanced. We described the work of a mother, and
how she had to make everything herself, and work as a cleaner at the school
nearby. We described happiness and sorrow in the family, e.g. how difficult it
was when the 14 year old son died and his class came to take farewell, and
when his brother Willy earned his first money to buy a suit for the
confirmation day, and later when he saved money to buy a radio (1938) in
order to get the news from the Civil War in Spain.
At first everyone said: "I have nothing interesting to tell you", but fortunately
some of them told their story anyway. Finally they were proud of what they
managed to tell, down to the tiny little detail and at first sight unimportant
incident. We collected different life stories in a book illustrated with photos
from their own private album. The readers really got to know little Willy as a
boy in the 1920' s, and Alice told us how she, as the daughter of a managing
director, grew up. It was all so close, and it was possible to recognize things,
to see the connection between the groups in the local society at a time when the
industry was young.
The interviews went on and suddenly we had 200 story tellers and friends of
197

the museum. They were curious, and some of them also collected things for
us. They got an owner's attitude to the museum.
When we opened the museum, there were about 1000 visitors in the
workmen's dwelling in one week. At that time we had already produced a
slides show called "The children at Bakke", which told about the living
conditions in the neighbourhood around the workmen's dwellings. It became
very popular, and today slide shows are our speciality.
Since little or nothing had been done to collect the history of industrial Odda
until this museum project was established, we had to form different groups to
work with various subjects. One group started to collect working equipment at
the Norzink factory in order to display the work in a big factory.
Unfortunately much was already thrown away. We therefore had to involve
the specialists in their own history, and my task was to advice, co-ordinate and
encourage the museum work. For example we succeeded in documenting by
photos and tape recordings the last working day at the old production hall at
Norzink.
Little by little the museum became a reality and a positive factor in people's
mind, and thus their identity was strengthened. This was not the case when the
work with the museum started. Then people from Odda often felt
discriminated and thought that their history was of little value because the
factories here were polluters. It was merely a shame to tell for example people
in the capital of Oslo that you came from Odda, a terrible place with heavy
industry and politically radical people .
. After three years of work paid by the local authorities, the trade unions, the
power company and the factories, the Western Norway Industrial Museum was
established with three persons fully employed, a curator and leader, an
archivist and a secretary, all women. As from now the museum also got a
yearly grant from the state.
The museum experienced a great deal of goodwill from the local society and
received project money from the state for pioneer work in the field of
documentation of industrial history. We also catalogued and saved the
voluminous archives at the three factories and the hydro power station for the
purpose of research and preservation. Gradually we also succeeded in
restoring three workmen's dwellings and started on the next neglected field,
architecture and the history of technology.
We engaged the museum in the issue of pollution. This was a touchy topic for
many persons in the local society. To put it simply, it was not good public
relation policy. In addition the pollution problems did not catch much interest
among ordinary people at that time. Today, with many of the pollution
problems being solved, the museum is asked to show all sides of the industry,
198

and what we lost when the air and the fjord were severely polluted by heavy
metal waste. We also depict the process of cleaning up the fjord and, in this
respect, measurements taken by the local industry and the government. In
1988 this discussion was a hot topic in the news, and some inhabitants felt that
Odda was a scapegoat. The town was looked down upon because of the
production of heavy metals, which were bought by other countries as
necessities in modem welfare states. The museum produced a slides show on
the pollution problem, and we also have interviews and photos from this
period.
It must be mentioned that we are not a pure technical and industrial museum.
We have made an effort to describe all sides of the society, and naturally this
means that we also try to present the social history in our society.
What is the status of the museum today?
The local politicians and the Mayor are well aware of the value of the work
done by the museum. They are 100% behind our proposals and grant us as
much money as they can, but it is not enough to cover the costs of the work we
are doing. It is expensive to take care of our industrial history. Odda is an
important town in the Norwegian industry. The monuments here are of great
national interest, and therefore we feel that the government must grant more
money in the future.
Tyssedal power station dates back to 1908 and was one of the biggest power
stations in Norway and Europe when it was built. It is no wonder therefore
that the key word of our museum activity is "With water as a key resource".
We took the initiative together with the local politicians to get the power
station and the intake pipes acknowledged as listed monuments. The power
company no longer produces hydro electricity in this building and wanted to
remove the equipment from 1908 - 1989 (unique machinery) in order to use
the building for the production of small fish or other commercial purposes.
To my mind Tyssedal power station is unique also because of the fact that it is
the heart of the very existence of this society. It has been dependent on
electricity for the last 90 years.
At present the government wants to secure the middle part of the power
station with its interior and let the remaining parts be used for commercial
purposes, decided by the power company. The museum and the local
politicians however, want to save the entire building. The final decision is yet
to be made.
The industrial town of Tyssedal was planned by the most prominent
Norwegian architects, and we can still read this place like a book. A clear
199

pattern of the class distinction. There are dwellings for the staff in one area.
for ordinary workers in another, and on the best sites, the manager's
residences. The factory, the school, the assembly hall, everything accurately
planned and of architectonic value.
Some time ago, the local authorities wanted to demolish a house in a
residential area, once known as a good neighbourhood, where the owners
competed in having the nicest gardens. The museum rejected this, and with
economic and professional help from the Central Office of Historic
Monuments the house was saved and restored. In this case it was also necessary
to show the politicians the importance of restoring the whole housing
environment. Again, the museum, with support from outside acted as an
adviser on how to take care of the local cultural heritage. Accordingly, we
started a project, the Tyssedal-project, with the aim to restore the entire town,
and not only the interior of the old power station and the intake pipes. In this
way we also try to make Tyssedal more interesting and accessible to tourists,
local people and pupils. A special tourist/cultural programme aims at creating
new jobs in this field. The last three years the municipality of Odda has been
responsible for this project and grants money to this work.
Today I think most people are proud of having a museum in Odda, and that is
an important result of our work. Still the museum has not managed to increase
the number of visitors, but in this respect it must be mentioned that it is our
first year in a restored museum building. So far we are not an important
tourist attraction, and many people see the number of visitors
as a measure of success. However, with the resources available, I think that
this is as far as it has been possible to reach for the time being. The aim now
. must be to increase the number of visitors in order to be recognized as an
important museum. Some of our "competitors" are for example different
"experience centres" which have commercial purposes, and not necessarily
educating purposes. Educating people is a more "invisible" aim and not so easy
to measure. In the long run the aim of showing authenticity, showing a living
society and securing our cultural heritage will be accepted as important.
As a leader of the museum I am constantly struggling to get enough money in
order to do a proper and professional job. I think it is high time to recognize
the necessity of the "old fashioned" idea of the folk museum as an educational
and not a commercial institution. To my mind we need strong, local museums
that have the local community as a basis and research area, in order to
document the history of the individuals and their surroundings in a micro
perspective. In our case to preserve and explain the experience and history of
an industrial society as a chapter and an on-going story of the western world.
But at the same time it is also an interesting aspect of our national history in a
macro perspective. One of the advantages of our museum is that it is close to
its users and informants. This is not the case in a national museum, which has
the whole country as its responsibility.
200

Fig. :i
209

v
ICOFOM - LAM

ICOFOM LAM REPORT
1990 - 1995
During the XV ICOM Conference, held in The Hague in 1989, Vinos Sofka and Peter Van
Mensch - immediate past and newly elected Presidents of ICOFOM - suggested that a Latin
American ICOFOM group should be created, on the grounds of decentralization and
regionalization policies set for the 1989-1992 ICOM Triennial Programme.
As Latin American representatives on the ICOFOM board, Nelly Decarolis (Argentina) and
Tereza Scheiner (Brazil) were in charge of the task. In November 1990 both met in Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil, to plan and program the creation and implementation of the ICOFOM regional
organization that has, since then, received the name of ICOFOM LAM.
The aim of ICOFOM LAM is to promote and to document research work on museological theory
in Latin America and the Caribbean, thus allowing wider participation of our members in the
activities of the Committee - through discussion, publications and professional exchange. A
central point for action is the production of papers on museum theory, in the main idioms of the
region: Portuguese, Spanish and English (for the Caribbean) . Work is developped togheter with
National Committees in the region and with the help of ICOM LAC.
During the past five years, the ICOFOM LAM coordination has carried out the following activities,
included in two Regional Triennial ICOM programs:
1) A preliminary circular letter was sent to alilCOFOM members in the region, infonming about
the creation of ICOFOM LAM, its main goals and proposed activities. In the same
correspondence, a question was posed to members about their interest in joining the new group.
Answers were thoroughly positive, with people stating their wish to participate .
. 2) Having confinmed the viability of ICOFOM LAM, a letter was sent to the President of the
Regional Organization of ICOM for Latin America and the Caribbean, Lucia Astudillo,
infonming about the new group and asking for political support in the region - which was
immediately granted.
3) A special fonm was created and sent to all members, with questions about their
professional and institutional data, with the aim of building a database.
4) A newsletter (Bulletin ICOFOM LAM) was conceived, created, prepared, edited and
distributed to all ICOFOM LAM members, as well as to Museology training centers and to the
National Committees in the region. Such Bulletin is produced in Spanish and Portuguese.
During these 5 years, 7 issues have been produced and distributed, as follows:
· number 1 - March 91
· number 2 - July 91
· number 3 - December 91
· number 4/5 - August 92
· number en -April 93
This issue had a synopsis in English, speciailly made for colleagues in the Caribbean
area.
215

From the second half of 93 to the second half of 94 it was not possible to edit the Bulletin, due to
priorization of regional and national meetings on museum theory and to the production of the
book with the proceedings of the II Regional Meeting. We expect to have a special issue
published and distributed around the end of 1995.
5} Organization of 4 ICOFOM LAM Annual Meetings, in different countries of the region :
· Museums, Society and Environment - Buenos Aires, Argentina, April 1992
(toghether with an intemational seminar held by the National Committee)
· Museology, Museums, Space and Power in Latin America and the
Caribbean - Quito, Ecuador, July 1993
· Museology, Education and Community Action - Cuenca, Ecuador, October
1994 (this meeting was held toghether with the Annual Meeting of CECA as a
preparation for the ICOFOM Seminars in China and Stavanger)
· Patrimony, Museums and Tourism in Latin America and the Caribbean -
Barquisimeto, Venezuela, April 1995 (in the realm of an intemational seminar on the
same theme, organized by the National Committee of Venezuela).
The next regional meeting will be held in Rio de Janeiro, BraSil, in May 1996, togheter
with the Annual Meeting of ICOFOM. The theme for both groups will be Museology
and Art.
A national meeting was also held in Mendoza, Argentina, in August 1994, by
invitation of the Municipality of Mendoza. The theme was Cultural Policies: Museum,
Space and Power.
These meetings were all organized within ICOFOM LAM, from program development to
proceedings to management of all the processes. Infonmation and call for papers were sent to all
ICOFOM LAM members in successive groups of correspondence. Special invitations were made
to distinguished specialists of different countries to participate as keynote speakers. We have
had an average of 40 to 45 participants per meeting.
During the meetings, papers previously selected among those produced by ICOFOM
Intemational, as well as by regional and intemational conferences, are distributed to the
participants. Papers produced for the meetings by regional members are also analyzed and
discussed.
6} Diffusion of ideas - Conclusions and recommendations presented by participants are issued,
translated into the three idioms already mentioned, published and distributed to all ICOFOM LAM
members, as well as to National Committees in the region , ICOM LAC, ICOMSUR, ICOFOM and
some other Intemational Committees. Museology Schools and museum training centers are also
included in the mailing list.
The English versions of such conclusions and recommendations have been systematically
presented in the Annual Symposia of ICOFOM and in the General Conferences (Canada and
Norway). You will find in ISS number 25 the conclusions and recommendations of the II
ICOFOM LAM meeting.
7} Selection and publishing of working papers sent by members from different countries in
the ICOFOM LAM Bulletin.
216

AUTHORS
Per-Uno AGREN, Umea University, Sweden
Eurydice ANTZOULATOU-Retsina, Ionian University, Corfu, Greece
Randi BARTVEDT, Western-Norway Industrial Museum, Odda, Norway
Mathilde BELLAIGUE, Laboratoires de recherches des musees de France, Paris, France
Jean DAV ALLON, Universite Jean Monnet, St-Etienne, France
Nelly DECAROLIS, ICOM Argentina, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Paule DOUCET, Secreta ire generale du MINOM, Ottawa, Canada
John Aage GJESTRUM, B0Verbru, Norway
Maria de Lourdes HORTA, Museu imperial, Petr6polis. Brazil
Nicola LADKlN, Museum of Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas, USA
Lynn MARA.."JDA, Vancouver Museum, Vancouver, Canada
,
lvo MAROEVIC, University of Zagreb, Croatia
Marc MAURE, Norsk Landbruksmuseum, As, Norway
Raymond MONTPETlT, Universite du Quebec, Montreal, Canada
'Anupama NIGAM, Hyderabad, India
Paivi-Marjut RAlPPALINNA, Alvar Aaho Museum, Jyvaskyla, Finland
Tereza Cristina SCHEINER, University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Anita B. SHAH, Hyderabad, India
Jean TRUDEL, Universite de Montreal, Canada
Peter V AN MENSCH, Reinwardt Academie, Amsterdam, The Netberlands
Hildegard VIEREGG, Ottobrunn, Germany
Grazyna ZAUCHA, Choma Museum, Zambia

ICOFOM STUDY SERIES (ISS)
Papers of ICOFOM's scientific symposia
1-20 are available as reprint
1, 1983 Methodology of museology and professional training I
2,1983 Museum - territory - society. New tendencies and new practices I
3,1983 Methodology of museology and professional training 2
Museum - territory - society. New tendencies and new practices 2
4,1983 Museum - territory - society. New tendencies and new practices 3
5,1983 Methodology of museums and professional training 3
6,1984 Collecting today for tomorrow I
7,1984 Collecting today for tomorrow 2
8,1985 Originals and substitutes in museums I
9,1985 Originals and substitutes in museums 2
10,1986 Museology and identity I
11 ,1986 Museology and identity 2
12, 1987 Museology and museums I
13, 1987 Museology and museums 2
14,1988 Museology and developing countries - help or manipulation? I
15,1988 Museology and developing countries - help or manipulation? 2
16,1989 Forecasting - a museological tool? Museology and futurology
17,1990 Museology and the environment
19, 1991 The language of exhibitions I
20,1991 The language of exhibitions 2
21,1992 Museological research
22,1993 Museums, space and power [in preparation 1
23,1994 Object - document?
24,1994 Museum and community I
25,1995 Museum and community 2