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Islamic Republic of Iran: Computer Crimes Law

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24<br />

“illegal access.” The definition provided<br />

for “confidential data” is particularly<br />

problematic. Note 1 makes a provisional<br />

suggestion that it is information that when<br />

disclosed damages the security or interests<br />

<strong>of</strong> the country. Note 2 acknowledges that<br />

this definition is insufficient and confers on<br />

the Ministry <strong>of</strong> Intelligence, in collaboration<br />

with other ministries and the military,<br />

the power to define, identify, classify and<br />

protect “confidential data.” ARTICLE 19<br />

has not been able to gain access to this<br />

guidance. This delegation <strong>of</strong> legislative<br />

authority to the executive concentrates<br />

power in that arm <strong>of</strong> government and<br />

allows it to penalise conduct based on its<br />

own prerogatives. We note that the HR<br />

Committee’s General Comment No.34<br />

explicitly provides that a law must not<br />

confer unfettered discretion for limiting<br />

freedom <strong>of</strong> expression on those charged with<br />

executing the law. 47 Significant clarification<br />

<strong>of</strong> this provision is required before it can<br />

be considered “prescribed by law” under<br />

Article 19(3) ICCPR.<br />

A restriction on free expression must pursue<br />

a protective aim as contained in Article<br />

19(3) <strong>of</strong> the ICCPR. Article 19(3)(b) permits<br />

restrictions on freedom <strong>of</strong> expression<br />

that safeguard national security or public<br />

order. Article 3 is illegitimate as it claims<br />

to protect two values that are much more<br />

generic: “security” and “interests <strong>of</strong> the<br />

country.” Even national security interests<br />

may only justify restrictions on expression in<br />

certain narrow circumstances. Johannesburg<br />

Principle 2 states that restrictions<br />

sought to be justified on this basis are<br />

illegitimate unless their genuine purpose<br />

and demonstrable effect is to protect the<br />

country’s existence or its territorial integrity<br />

against the use or threat <strong>of</strong> force, or its<br />

capacity to respond to the use or threat <strong>of</strong><br />

force. Article 3’s reliance on the broader<br />

“security” or “interests <strong>of</strong> the country”<br />

indicates that the provision may be targeted<br />

to insulate the government from criticism.<br />

Such a pre-textual reliance on “national<br />

security” interests to suppress legitimate<br />

speech would directly contravene Article 19<br />

<strong>of</strong> the ICCPR.<br />

Further, restrictions under Article 19 <strong>of</strong> the<br />

ICCPR must be necessary and proportionate.<br />

However, Article 3 <strong>of</strong> the Cyber Crime <strong>Law</strong><br />

does not provide the least restrictive means<br />

available to safeguard national security.<br />

The provision fails to demonstrate a direct<br />

and immediate connection between the<br />

expression and the harm sought to be<br />

prevented. Johannesburg Principle 15(1)<br />

states that individuals must not be punished<br />

for conduct unless actual or likely harm to

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