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THE ARCHITECTURAL DRAWINGS OF AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY JESUIT CHURCH (NANTANG)
IN BEIJING: ANALYSIS AND RECONSTRUCTION
Lianming WANG¹, Fangji MA²
¹Institute of East Asian Art History, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany
lianming.wang@googlemail.com
²Sino Italian Cultural Exchange Center, Hebei Normal University, Hebei, PR China
sergeje@vodafone.it
Abstract
The present study deals with the analysis of two architectural drawings on an ancient Jesuit church
(Nantang) in Beijing as well as a revision of previous interpretations of their iconographical statement.
For the first time, the drawings will be discussed both in their functional and their visual aesthetic
sense. An important result of the second part (chapter 4) is the attempt of visualising and
reconstructing the eighteenth-century church building, whereby we are provided with insightful
information to understand its structural discrepancies between various periods. Three-dimensional
images are created – based on the two drawings – and moreover are, compared with the third drawing
(floor plan), which has recently been found in the same archive, further modified.
Keywords: drawing, Jesuit church (Nantang), Beijing, eighteenth century, reconstruction
Introduction
As the first Jesuit church in Beijing, the ecclesiastical centre of Portuguese Padroado, but principally
as a historical monument, which was magnificently decorated with illusionary frescos and masterful
saint’s pictures, there is no doubt that the Portuguese church of Jesuit College has been considered –
and confirmed by a number of contemporary chorographical texts and travel literature – besides the
temples and palaces, as one of the highlights of the eighteenth-century Chinese imperial city. This
church has left a deep impression on the work of many Chinese historians, literati and poets who
stayed in Beijing at that time, among them especially Yu Mingzhong (1714-1779), Wu Changyuan (?-
1770) and Zhao Yi (1727-1814), as well as in various travelogues of foreign diplomats [1]. However,
the church building is not only of great importance to the Christian mission, but is also considered as a
masterpiece of Jesuit art from an architectural and artistic perspective; compared with the manners
and solutions in Portuguese Goa and Macao (in particular the St Paul’s church of the Jesuit College)
this is also the case, both in Europe and in the missionary areas of East Asia.
1. Brief Overview of Nantang’s History
According to the written accounts, primarily from Ricci’s diary, the beginnings of this church are traced
to his small chapel (started in 1605) inside the Xuanwu gate designed by Sebastiano de Ursis and
decorated with saint’s pictures by his pupil Manuel Pereira. Concerning the naming of St Joseph’s
church (Dongtang), probably built in 1655 in the east side of the city, the church was then renamed the
Western Church (Xitang) [2]. In 1703 the church got a significant name – the Southern Church or in
Chinese the Nantang, when the French missionaries possessed their own church (Beitang) beside the
Forbidden City. The church building itself at that time was not the artistic invention of its initial builder,
Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), but mainly the result of gradually completed reconstructions und
renovations due to power changes during the second half of the seventeenth and the beginning of the
eighteenth century; in 1652 the Nantang underwent an important architectural modification and was
monumentally enlarged by the German Jesuit, Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1592-1666), so that a
public Christian church in the strict sense rose for the first time in the capital city of the Chinese
emperor »after nearly 80 years of efforts« [3] of their missionary work.
Despite doubts it is provable that, at least from the 1690s, and in particular between 1703 and 1711,
the Nantang has received a number of significant architectural renewals, so that the church was very
different in appearance from the most of Adam Schall’s original design, but it has barely changed until
it gained its new building (1903/4). At this point one thing is evident that the Portuguese Father
Thomas Pereira (1645-1708) enlarged together with his colleague the church in noster modus
procedendi (in our way of proceeding) with chapels and two remarkable towers just like we see in
Europe [4]. Therefore, the question is raised as to how the Nantang exactly looked during different
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periods. How to answer the question of structural modifications that were gradually realized under the
successors of Ricci is still a controversial issue. Thus, at this point the authenticity of the figurative
representations of each period of the Nantang, and the reliability of their iconographical statements,
should undoubtedly be discussed.
2. The Mystique of Motifs
Comparing the vast size of its building project asserted in writing, one must be disappointed by the
extremely scarce examples of its figurative representation. Apart from two anonymous architectural
drawings (Fig. 1-2) often discussed in literature, now stored in the Cartographic Collection of the
Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Overseas Historical Archive) in Lisbon, there is almost no further
pictorial representation of the church building before the eighteenth century. Even the largest Jesuit
archives in Rome and Paris (Vanves) with their comprehensive collections from this period have
nothing to contribute. One might wonder whether it may really be as we have often assumed – or at
any rate hoped – that a number of files and documents still remain in some forgotten corner of
archives and libraries in China. Nevertheless, efforts to build reliable evidence from written accounts
have also been made; based on a wide-range of primary sources, Nöel Golvers suspected further the
existence of another image, which has not been found to date. According to him, this is probably a
piece of an engraving (or woodcut) in Mainland China, which was in all probability made by the
experienced hand of a seventeenth-century Chinese artist.
It must be remarked that the results of academic debate on the motifs of the drawings are obviously
not homogeneous. Starting with the article of João Basto (1987) on the contributions of the
Portuguese crown in building two churches in Beijing, a first assertion has been made [5]; according to
him, these drawings actually represent St Joseph’s church, which was “recreated” in 1721 by
Fernando Buonaventura Moggi (1688-1761) and Giuseppe Castiglione’s (1688-1766) ingenious
redesign after an earthquake one year before. Furthermore, the drawings appeared in 1993/4 in the
doctoral thesis (La Sorbonne) of Gonçalo Couceiro, but were considered this time as the pictorial
representations of the church of Nossa Senhora da Assunção, which was said to be the Nantang [6].
However, we don’t have enough reliable proof to establish which dedication the church had during
each period. At least, there is no evidence to confirm that the dedication of Mary’s Assumption existed
before 1776 (see next chapter). Moreover, the drawings were referred to – especially propagated
through Basto and Bailey [7] – as works of engraving for a long time until a revision (2010) by Cesar
Guillén-Nuñez, in which he discussed the iconography of those two finely-made original drawings as
following: »We are nonetheless left with the doubt that the design of the new St Joseph’s church could
have echoed those of the new Nantang and that the two Lisbon pictures do in fact represent the new
St Joseph’s« [8]. All this seems exactly to be in line with Elisabetta Corsi’s conviction [9].
But what exactly is the reality of this statement? At this point it seems to be considered merely as a
temporary solution. Perhaps we must provisionally accept it, because the participation of the two
Italian artists mentioned above in the reconstruction of the St Joseph’s church is documented in detail
[10] and the striking resemblance between those drawings and the written accounts of that church
cannot be ignored. The early archival recording of the Overseas Historical Archive supports at least
this attribution. But where is the material to confirm this? In this regard, attention should also be paid
to the fact that Guillén-Nuñez’s presumption must now be facing a challenge: it looks as if the pictorial
materials of the church building from the nineteenth century must be completely ignored [11].
Therefore, he finally conceded at the end of his article that the two drawings after all do represent the
Nantang dedicated to St. Savior. [12] So it is worthwhile closely examining the question of which
precise period those drawings depict as well as the question of for what purpose they were created. In
addition, the Lisbon drawings will be studied for the first time in terms of both their technical and
artistic characteristics.
3. The Authenticity of the Drawings
These two drawings, which today are found with the signatures (AHU.Cart.Ms.-XI.CM 758-759), were
– according to archival protocol – transferred in 1861 from the Cartographic Collection of the Arquivo
da Marinha e Ultramar in Madrid into the Overseas Historical Archives in Lisbon. So, it is no less
probable that Spain is the first repository in Europe. This is also confirmed by the seal inscriptions of
their two owners, which are clearly visible on the right-hand edges: on the sheet (Cat. 758) we can see
a round stamp in purple colors with the inscriptions "Biblioteca Nacional - Archivo do Marinha e
Ultramar" right above and the in middle of the seal the national emblem of Spain with the royal crown.
On the right side at the bottom is the seal of the current owner »Arquivo Historico Colonial • M DAS C
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•« (the predecessor of the Overseas Historical Archives) in black ink next to the edge. In the inventory
they are described today as the »Igreja de Nantang ou da Imaculada Conceição / Interior (D.758) and
Exterior (D.759)«. A rough date estimation is not quite so unfounded, as there are some written
materials to support this (see below). They can generally be dated to about the middle and the last two
decades of the eighteenth century. Personally, I lean towards a relatively late date of 1776, when the
Nantang church had been burned by accident and was rebuilt. In any case, an early date is definitely
unreliable. This matter will be discussed in detail at the end of this chapter.
The first sheet (Fig. 1, 50.5 x 55.5 cm) is a hand drawing on Chinese rice paper (Xuan zhi) in black ink
with a scale and two length-marks. It shows us a richly decorated interior framed in a perspective
view. It is mounted on a relatively large stand and is in very good condition except for some cracks at
the bottom. It can be assumed, because of the vanishing point located outside the picture frame, that
the viewpoint of its artist was probably located – diagonally opposite the transept – at the point beside
the third wall pilaster (from inside to outside) on the right side. Below the frame at the bottom we can
find the following remarks written with initials in Portuguese, clarifying the object of the design: »A.
Altar mor (but without altarpiece); B. Capella de S. Joseph (left), C. (C)apella Thurs Sancto Xavier
(left); D. Capella do Anjo do Guarda (left); L. Mesa emqueince Christãos os (...) Cheiros; EF Corpo da
Igreja. « One interesting point to be discussed here is why the iconography of the main altar is not
depicted. Apparently, the main altar didn’t have an altarpiece at the time when the interior was drawn.
As previously mentioned, the drawing includes two length-marks and one scale located above and
vertically beside the image. The latter to the right edge explained with the inscriptions below »Pe
Sinico do Tribunal das Obras« (The Chinese foot of Ministry of public works / Gongbu). A double
arrow in the middle of this scale marks the separation between two big units of length (zhang = 3⅓
meter). A zhang separated again into five major sections is made up of two smaller units (chi = ⅓
meter) with ten basic units (cun = ⅓ decimeter). Thus, the size and proportion of the interior is made
extremely clear: the width of the nave from east to west amounts three zhang, five chi and five cun,
totaling 21.58 meters, and the height from the floor to the main cornice is three zhang, nine chi and
eight cun, so 13.13 meters. The height is nearly 3:5 the width.
Not only the faithful reproduction of natural light and shadow effects, but also the virtuoso mastery of
perspective technique mean the drawing could be doubtless be ranked alongside the outstanding
pieces of the European masters. In a way, this has explained exactly why the drawings are often
referred to as the work of engraving. The image areas are washed in grey throughout with
indescribable care and dominated by monochrome tones. There is clear evidence that a few white
colors have been used deliberately as the high gloss to strengthen out the plasticity of the decorative
elements in the vault. Therefore, it is remarkable that a limited use of colorant may also be observed,
but only on closer inspection. For example, in both capitals of the main altar, the volutes and the
cartouche mounted centrally above the altarpiece are colored in ochre throughout. This leads us
necessarily to the question of its original state. Was a colorful reproduction the original intention of the
artist, or are these just additions by subsequent owners (maybe a clerical client who knew nothing
about art)? Obviously, the latter would seem the more plausible theory to us.
At first glance it is difficult to identify which edificial schema the church has. At this point it can be seen
only as a spacious, barrel-vaulted nave flanked to the left side by a transept and two lateral chapels,
so that a hall-like impression is clearly suggested. The left longitudinal wall is filled with wall pilasters
at regular intervals. The pilasters with ionic capitals rise consistently over the high pedestals and
appear extremely slim in “low-relief” due to their shaft. They also act exclusively as the vertical
elements and cut into the main vault through the double-cranked main cornice. In essence, the height
from floor to cornice is also prescribed by them (13.13 meters). In addition, the overall impression of
the interior is characterized by arcades with semicircular arches supported by pillars, whereby the
interior space is divided into several cubes: a chancel, a transept and two lateral chapels. They are
bound together, in turn, by the balustrade and the main cornice (as horizontal elements) to a “unity of
space” as we commonly see in Baroque architecture. Essentially the pillars are playing a supporting
role instead of the wall pilasters, which are only used as decorative elements. Amid the pilasters there
are two arches on the left wall reaching about ¾ of the height of the pilaster shaft. Above them, the
wall is filled with two windows with grid used to admit light.
Compared to the longitudinal wall, the opulence of the vast vault is visually overpowering. It is quite
remarkable that a small “dome” is mounted centrally on the ceiling without crossing piers. But there is,
unfortunately, no further evidence to prove the possibility of a real cupola from this view. Between the
transverse arches filled with rich ornamentations a part of a frame is visible, which indicates the
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existence of a ceiling painting. It seems difficult to clarify whether the decorations are frescoes and
stucco works due to their tiny material distinction.
In addition, we can observe clearly in this view that the chancel, which is hidden behind an arcade,
does not have enough spatial influence on the nave. It is very closely related to the arcade as if it is in
an altar niche. However, it is interesting to observe that the main altar inside the chancel is presented
in the form of a modified baroque aedicula with four columns just as we find it in the chapel S. Luigi
Gonzaga in Rome or in the St Joseph (1746-1758) in Macao, and it actually represents the focus of
the whole space due to its monumental size. Compared to the main nave, the lateral chapels are
considerably narrow and low. The dividing walls of the chapels are interrupted by arches and therefore
accessible. But, their floor appears obviously lower, at least in this view. Unfortunately, we could not
get any information from this sheet about the height of the chapels or whether their vault system is
identical to that of the main nave. On this occasion, the reality and the correctness of this interior
needs to be questioned and further modified in the light of another exterior drawing.
The exterior (Abb. 2, 104.5 x 65.4 cm) is presented in perspective with light and shadow effects. In the
middle of the rectangular sheet, the church building is seen from the outside as a longitudinal edifice
with a monumental two-tower facade. But a representation of its topographic area is excluded. The
two-storied facade decorated with pilaster pairs and entablature is not as unusual with a remarkable
“theatre effect” facing the street, but hidden – in a very shy way – after a rectangular Chinese atrium
which connects the building to the outside world. A huge monogram “IHS” in a beam of light is
moulded on the front side of the facade, whereby its affiliation to the Society of Jesus is confirmed. We
have assumed that the units of length used here are consistent with the drawing of the interior and the
exact dimension of the building is therefore indicated by three length-marks (left, right and bottom): the
width of the facade amounts to 25.85 meters and the height from the floor to the roof about 13.11
meters. The height and width are in a balanced proportion of almost ½. Other inscriptions in the upper
right corner clarify the meaning of the different parts of the church in relatively smaller font size in
Portuguese: »ADE Frontispicio da Igreja; ABC Tres Portas da Igreja; G Porta de Oesteda Igreja; I
Adro da Igreja; H Porta Este da Igreja; E As tres Portas da rua«. Two Chinese pavilions unexplained
in the label (the right preserved an imperial commissioned stele of the Chinese emperor Shunzhi
carried by a stone turtle) are in front of side portal, so it can be assumed that just the three portals in
the middle are used as entrances.
So now we see the “inside” and “outside” together in a complementary view, which shows clearly,
where the discrepancies between them are. In fact, the structure of the exterior is basically identical to
the interior but with a significant modification; a “central dome” appears imaginary in the first drawing
and is here excluded in the architectural sense. This indicates an undeniable fact noted by Bailey in
his book [13] in 1999, that the technique of false dome and illusionistic ceiling painting, which had
been used previously in the French North Church by Giovanni Gherardini (1654-1723?) and realized
by Moggi in his St Joseph’s Church in Beijing, was also used in this church and served – in my opinion
– probably as a trial. At least, it is absolutely possible in terms of its theoretical basis, and two editions
of Pozzo’s Perspectiva (1692-1700) held by the Jesuit library in Beijing was traceable at that period
[14]. But Bailey has not explained who created the false dome and who would have been able to
create it at that time. On this matter some things still need to be discussed. After all, it now appears
reliable that the above-mentioned decorations in the vault could be confirmed as pictorial features
instead of stucco. This is very plausible and easy to explain: fresco as a decoration element is
apparently cheaper than stucco and easy to accomplish if there was an experienced painter like
Castiglione.
As mentioned above, most parts of the two views still have a lot of congruence. In comparison to the
interior the main nave covered with a gabled roof appears very broad and rises above the lateral
chapels, so that it could at this point be basically ascertained that it is a type of church supported by
supporting pillars with single-nave and accompanied by lower lateral chapels, a type of church already
established by early Renaissance architects since Alberti ’s Sant’Andrea in Mantova (started 1462). In
particular, the layout of the facade is characterized by the pilaster bundles and the multiple-cranked
entablature: vertically it has five axes and is radically divided horizontally into two zones by a main
entablature. The lower section is dominated by six pilaster bundles with ionic capitals, while the upper
section is vertically divided by pilaster pairs with reduced forms. The central axis is especially
emphasized through the double pilaster and a remarkable pediment formulated by volutes. It is also
striking that the two typical Iberian towers (with bells) are not as we usually see, rising high over the
nave, but severing as a part of the facade only in a few elevated levels. It must especially be noticed
at this point that the aesthetic considerations of the pioneering work of Vignola, the Il Gesù (1568-
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1584), or more precisely its successor São Vicente de Fora (1590) in Lisbon seem by no means to be
overlooked.
A so far unexamined floor plan (Fig. 3) could probably help us to gain unique understanding of its
structural attributes. The meaning and relevance of that drawing, which was – according to the local
archivist – already added to the inventory of the archives in the 1990s, so far have been unconsidered
for unknown reasons. Questions like when the drawing was made, why and by whom are still
unanswered. Anyway, the drawing would not have been used as the workshop drawing for the
Chinese workers, because important data such as exact length and width of each architectural part
are missing. However, the stylistic similarities to manuscripts on the sheet indicate to us that it might
originate from the same time and probably also from the same circle as the other drawings.
The plan has an unusual and huge size of approximately 227.3 x 50.2 cm and appears stripe-like due
to its excessive length, so it might seem at first sight that the authenticity of its content needs to be
questioned. In the middle, it has been cut into two pieces with nearly the same width probably to make
it more portable. The two parts are the church building (103.3 x 50.2 cm) and the atrium (124 x 49.5
cm). The first part marked with orientations (in Chinese characters) shows a longitudinal edifice with a
nave and transepts, which is accompanied only by two lateral chapels, while the northern side is
embellished with sacristies and a chapel. The second part includes a rectangular atrium on the
southern side and two triumphal arches in front of it: one in European style (inner) and the other in
Chinese style (outer). Attention should be paid to the Chinese characters appearing vertically in three
lines at the bottom of this part, too: »each cun (on this sheet) includes five chi and each chi includes
five zhang and each fen five cun« (from left to right), which show us that the scale used in this plan is
1: 50.
But nothing on this plan reminds us of those two drawings mentioned above regarding their artistic
expression and the unprofessional quality of this plan has also caused the doubt against its affiliation
to them, even though its origin is confirmed by the manuscripts on the sheet. Both the framework
structure and the vault system are not clearly flagged up. It is interesting to observe in this view that
the impression of an extremely short nave is created through reducing of the quantity of lateral
chapels (only two each side), so it appears that both of the transepts dedicated to the St Joseph (left)
and the Annunciation of Mary (right), are now located almost in the middle of the whole building.
Furthermore, the main altar is positioned with a large distance to the nave and claims a spacious
square in contrast to its position in the interior view. The transepts are – according to the plan – the
same length as the chancel and are twice as large as the lateral chapel. It should be noted that a
presentation drawing was apparently the primary interest of the plan maker instead of a professional
workshop drawing of its building structure. The meaning and the location of the different architectural
parts are here clarified through a series of textual explanations framed by a balustrade in the bird’s
eye view of the vault. The inscriptions saying: »ADE Fronstispicio da Igreja; ABC. Tres Portas da
Igreja; G Porta da Oeste da Igreja; I Adro da Igreja; H Porta de Leste da Igreja; F. As tres Portas da
rua; A Altar mor; B Altar da Anunciada; E Altar de S. Joseph; G Capella da S. Ignacio; C Capella do S.
Xavier; H Capella de S. Miguel; D Capella do Anjo da Guarda; I Pateo, ou Adro da Igreja. Escada da
Torre para Couro; F Capella para depositar o Sanctissimo na Semana Sancta; U Porta da Capella
mor da parte deste; U Porta da Capella mor da parte de Oeste; S.S. Sacrstia; S Portas da Sacristia
para as vias da Igreja; VS. Portas das Vias para a Igreja; T Capella para depositar o Sanctissimo na
Semana Sancta; Z Repositorio das Cousaj da Igreja; M Coro; I Escada para o Coro; F. Escada para
o Relogio; F As tres portas da rua; QQ Dous Seons dentro das tres portas da rua; LLL Portas do Adro
da Igreja; NO Dous Alpendres, em que estão escrita os louvores que os Imperadòres derão aos;
Europeos pelos seos merecimentos; PP.NO. Adro da Igreja com degraos; PPP. Adro da Igreja; N.
Alpendre Imperial; K Antiparo da rua, para impediir, que não passem bestas, nem gente a Cavallo«.
It is very interesting to observe that the information about the iconography of each altar, which the
floor plan provides us, is exactly – except the main altar – in line with the description about Pereira’s
new Nantang from a letter of 1711 written from Lisbon by Francisco da Fonseca, to the Duchess of
Aveiro; » [The Nantang] (…) aberta aos 5 de Maio de 1711 e se disseram simul 7 missas nos 7
altares dela (…) São 7 os altars. No Altar-mor está a imagem do Salvador do Mundo com a inscrição
Incarnato salvatori mundi vero Domino. Nas duas que se seguem, numa está a Santíssima Virgem
com a inscrição Dei incarnate Virgo Mater, e noutro o Senhor S. José. Das duas seguinte, uma é
dedicada a S. Miguel e outra ao Anjo Custódio, e as duas últimas a S. Inácio e a S. Francisco Xavier«
[15]. This detailed description confirms a highly important fact that the main altar in Pereira’s Nantang,
which was finished in May 1711, was – still identical to the Nantang in the Adam Schall era –
dedicated to the Lord of Heaven, but now equipped with seven other altars (from left to right): the left-
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transept to St Joseph, the chapel withs St Francisco Xavier, the chapel withs the Guardian Angel, the
right-transept withs the Annunciation of Mary, the chapel withs St Ignatius, and the chapel withs St
Michael.
Indeed, this brings us back to the question of why the iconography of the main altar has not been
depicted in our drawings and why the marbled triumphal arch in the middle of the atrium, which was
mentioned by Adam Schall in his memoir [16] could not be found. A possible explanation has been
provided now by a city map of Beijing surveyed by the Imperial Household Department (Nei wufu) in
1750 [17], in which it could be observed that a three-door triumphal arch was positioned right in the
middle of the atrium; in other words, the arch was still there around the middle of the eighteenth
century. It must be also noticed that there is no further evidence that could confirm a significant
change of the Nantang’s architecture in the following several decades until then, when the Nantang
burned down after an accident on 14. February 1775. [18] It means also that the most parts of the
reconstructed Nantang after 1776 should be in accordance with its original state during the second
and third decades, in which Moggi and Castiglione were also probably involved.
Further evidence shows that the church building depicted in our drawings, after all, does represent the
Nantang, but in all probability the reconstructed building after fire disaster and before the main altar
with the new altarpiece completed in the 1776 by Castiglione’s Successor at the Royal Academy of
Painting (Ruyiguan), Giuseppe Panzi (1734 - before 1812): »En 1776, il (Giuseppe Panzi) fit un grand
tableau de 11 pieds sur 8, représentant l’Immaculée-Conception, pour l’église des PP. Portugais qui
venait d’etre rebâtie« [19]. These have explained exactly why the altarpiece of the main altar and the
triumphal arch are missing. Since then the Nantang has been ultimately dedicated to the Immaculate
Conception instead of the Lord of Heaven, which has been consistent since Ricci’s chapel in 1605.
4. The Models
Based on the previous observations, a series of three-dimensional reconstructed views of different
architectural parts is created, which provides us insightful information towards understanding the
architectural features from different viewpoints and, especially, the structural discrepancy between
different periods as well as other contemporary sacred Baroque architecture. Due to the shortage of
space, only a few examples will be selected in the following section to demonstrate the most
controversial issues in current research.
For instance, the reconstructed floor plan (Fig. 4) shows us clearly that the twentieth-century building
of Nantang (1903/04) was enlarged based on Pereira’s old plan and extended, most of all, northward
at its nave includes the chancel, and has the schema of a three-nave Romanesque basilica instead of
the type of Baroque pillar church with single-nave. This can be more closely observed, if we compare
it to the three-dimensional models of the twentieth-century building created by Francesco Maglioccola
(Università degli Studi di Napoli “Parthenope”), who has been starting a survey on its current state
several years ago. Basically, the topographical situation of the church building has barely changed.
The limited view of the one-point perspective in the interior-drawing is further modified through the
descriptions of other two drawings, especially the floor plan, and now extended to a complementary
view (Fig.5). It shows us a very broad nave (without vault) supported by solid pillars with subordinated
lateral chapels. It has been confirmed again in this view that the wall pilasters, as we mentioned
above, are not playing a weight-bearing role. In contrast to the interior-drawing, the floor of the lateral
chapels (Fig.6) is located obviously at the same level as the nave’s floor. The vault system of chapels
is evidently identical to that of the transept on the opposite side although it has not been depicted in
this view.
A most controversial issue in those three-dimensional models should furthermore be discussed and
precisely studied namely where exactly the main altar is located inside the chancel; the last view of the
chancel (Fig.7) is merely based on the floor plan, so that the main altar seems to claim now a
spacious area at the back of the barrel-vaulted chancel. In essence, the precise revision of current
observations and comparing the complementary models of the eighteen-century architecture and that
of twentieth-century are the main aims of the next step and the result will be presented in the near
future partly in the doctoral thesis of the first author of this present study [20].
Conclusion
To conclude, it should be remarked that these drawings on the Nantang, which are discussed above,
were probably made by different hands including the assistance of Chinese helpers (at least the
church was surveyed by the Chinese by using Chinese feet) and could be generally considered as the
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esult of close cooperation between the Jesuit artists and their Chinese colleagues; the drawings of
the interior and the exterior can only have been made by an excellent European artist like Castiglione,
or more specifically his successor Panzi (because the former had already died when those drawings
were finished), who are very familiar with the technique of perspective drawing. The third, the floor
plan has been drawn by a person – perhaps the missionaries themselves or one of their Chinese
helpers, who has no experience making a workshop drawing. In addition, the inscriptions written
mainly in Portuguese reveal us, in a way, for what purpose they were made. Apparently, they have
been used to present the new Nantang after its reconstruction in 1776 as proof of brilliant achievement
during the almost two hundred years of missionary work for their European patron and financier, in
particular the Portuguese Royal family and church.
The drawings themselves show us that the eighteenth-century Nantang was in the form of a reduced
il-Gesù-type, or to be more precise, carrying on the spatial arrangement originating from the São
Vicente de Fora (1591) in Lisbon, which is, indeed, a Baroque single-nave pillar church, expressed by
the reducing of the quantity of lateral chapels as wells as by the omission of the crossing piers
(perhaps for financial reasons), but with a prominent two-tower facade, which was undoubtedly
echoing the design of facades in Portuguese Goa, from its asymmetric prototype of the Sé Cathedral
of Santa Catarina (1562-1651) in Velha Goa through the Nossa Senhora da Graça (1597-1602) until
Santo Espírito (1675-1684) in Margão, and after all, served as an extraordinary pattern for St Joseph
of the eighteenth-century in Macao.[21]
Bibliographical References
[1] HUANG, Shijian. Chaoxian yanxinglu suoji de Beijing tianzhu jiaotang [The Christian Churches in
Beijing in Korea’s “Songs of Journey to Peking”]. In Hanguoxue lunwenji [Collection of essays on
Korean Studies], Beijing: Peking University Center for Korean Studies, 1999, p. 152-167.
[2] STANDAERT, Nicolas. Handbook of Christianity in China. Vol. 1, Leiden: Brill, 2001, p. 583.
[3] SCHALL VON BELL, Johann Adam. Geschichte der chinesischen Mission. Facsimile Ed (1834). Bad
Mergentheim: Ascanio, 2008, p. 353.
[4] A Letter from Augustin Hallerstein to Joseph Ritter S.J., 1. November 1743. In Welt-Bott. Vol. 3, No.
681, Augsburg/Graz: Veith, 1728-1758, p. 75.
[5] BASTO, João. A contribuiçã portuguesa para as duas primeiras igrejas da Companhia de Jesus
construídas em Beijing no Século XVII. In Revista de Cultura, Macao: Instituto cultural do Governo da
R.A.E. de Macao,1987, p. 40-45.
[6] COUCEIRO, Gonçalo. L'église de Notre-Dame de l’Assomption (ou de Saint Paul) à Macao et l'art de
la Compagnie de Jésus en Chine: art et adaptation, unpublished PhD Diss. (La Sorbonne),1992; see
also COUCEIRO, Gonçalo. A igreja de S. Paulo de Macau. Lisboa: Livros horizonte,1997, p.142-143.
[7] BAILEY, Gauvin Alexander. Art on the Jesuit missions in Asia and Latin America 1542-1773.
Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001, fig. 61
[8] GUILLÉN-NUÑEZ, César. Matteo Ricci, the Nantang, and the Introduction of Roman Catholic Church
Architecture to Beijing. In Portrait of a Jesuit, Matteo Ricci, Macao: Macao Ricci Institute, 2010, p. 102-
119.
[9] CORSI, Elisabetta, Perspectiva Pictorum et Architectorum – La diffusione. In Mirabili disinganni,
Andrea Pozzo (Trento 1642 – Vienna 1709), Pittore e architetto gesuita, Roma: Artemide, 2010, p.
180, fig. 130-131.
[10] WELT-BOTT, ref 4, p.75 (No. 681, 1.November 1743)
[11] GUILBAUD, Pauline. Archives des Lazaristes de Pékin. Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de
Nantes. 1998, p. 6 (Sig. Vieux Nantang avant 1860: plans (chinois)); DE MAS, D. Sinibaldo. La Chine
et les Puissances chrétiennes. Vol. 2. Paris: Hachette, 1861, p. 361; Raccolte Museali Fratelli Alinari
in Florenz, Codice AVQ-A-001102-0042. Web:http://business.alinari.it/internal/Default.aspx; p.527;
HÜBNER, Joseph Alexander. Promenade autour du monde. Paris: Hachette, 1877, p. 528; see also
GUILLÉN-NUÑEZ, ref 7, fig. 4.6.
7

[12] GUILLÉN-NUÑEZ, ref 8, p. 114 114-115.
[13] BAILEY, ref 7, p. 110.
[14] CORSI, ref 9, p. 179-180, 180, fig. 130 130-131.
[15] DE SALDANHA, , António Vasconcelos. De Kangxi para o Papa, pela via de Portugal, Memória e
Documentos relativos à intervenção de Portugal e da Companhia de Jesus na questão dos Ritos
Chineses nas relações entre o Imperador Kangxi e a Santa Sé Sé. . Vol. 3. Macao: Instituto Português do
Oriente, 2002, p. 180-181 181 (doc.130).
[16] SCHALL VON BELL, ref 3, p. 355 355-356.
[17] Digital Maps of Old Beijing (1750). In Digital Archive of Toyo Bunko Rare Books Books. Vol.11. ID 2768.
Web: http://dsr.nii.ac.jp/cgi-bin/toyobunko/show_page.pl?lang=en&book=II
bin/toyobunko/show_page.pl?lang=en&book=II-11-D-802/V 802/V-
11&page=0011&keyword=tianzhutang
yword=tianzhutang
[18] Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan [The First Historical Archive in China] (ed.). Qing zhongqianqi
xiyang tianzhujiao zaihua huodong dang’an shiliao [Sources on the Activities of Catholic Missionaries
during the Early-mid Qing Dynasty ynasty]. Vol. 4, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003, no. 476, p. 387.
[19] PFISTER, Louis. Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l'ancienne mission
de Chine 1552-1773. Vol. 2, Chang Chang-Hai Hai (Shanghai): Impr. de la Mission Catholique, 1932-1934, p.
972.
[20] This is a PhD thesis entitled » »Die Nantang (1610-1776) und die Transformation jesuitischer
Baupraxis in der Vizeprovinz China China«, which has been written since 2009 at the Heidelberg University
(Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Lothar Ledderose Ledderose) and is financed by the Foundation of Siblings Supp.
[21] PEREIRA, José. Churches of Goa Goa, New Delhi/New York: Oxford xford University Press, 2002, fig XII, XX,
XXI.
Fig. 1: The interior of eighteenth-century century Nantang Nantang, anonymous, nonymous, 1776, Chinese ink on paper drawing, 50.5 x 55.5
cm, Microfiches, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino in Lisbon, A.H.U. Cart. Ms. Ms.-XI.CM 758.
8

Fig. 2: The exterior of eighteenth-century Nantang, anonymous, 1776,Chinese ink on paper drawing, 104.5 x 65.4
cm, Microfiches, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino in Lisbon, A.H.U. Cart. Ms.-XI.CM 759.
Fig.3: The floor plan of the eighteeth-century Nantang, anonymous, 1776, Chinese ink on paper drawing, 227.3 x
50.2 cm, scale 1:50, Microfiches, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino in Lisbon, A.H.U. Cart. Ms.-XI.CM 760.
Fig. 4, the reconstructed floor plan of eighteenth-century Nantang (in red and blue) and the twentieth-century
building (in black) by comparison
9

Fig. 5: The three-dimensional Modeling of the interior view (without decor)
Fig. 6: The three-dimensional Modeling of the view inside the lateral chapel (right side)
Fig. 7: The three-dimensional view of the chancel
10