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coincidence that from 1995 onwards<br />

discrete negotiations were held by<br />

the OECD, resulting in what is often<br />

referred to by its French acronym,<br />

AMI (Accord multilatéral sur l'investissement)<br />

– soon unmasked as a<br />

'false friend' when public debate on<br />

the proposed regulations became<br />

possible. With hindsight, it is hard to<br />

fully deny the conspiratorial nature of<br />

these negotiations.<br />

What had happened? The OECD's<br />

AMI project – or MAI (Multilateral<br />

Agreement on Investment) in English<br />

– proposed to give international investors<br />

equal rights across all of its<br />

Member States. This would prevent<br />

'discrimination' by national governments<br />

in the form of preferential<br />

treatment - with no differentiation<br />

between sectors, and without the<br />

right enshrined in the GATS allowing<br />

states the discretion to propose or<br />

not such options (cf. Serge Regourd:<br />

L'exception culturelle, Paris 2002).<br />

This urgently raises the question of<br />

transparency and the need for democratic<br />

debate of such wide-ranging<br />

decisions; an issue that has recently<br />

attracted renewed attention in the<br />

wake of the referenda on the draft<br />

EU Constitution. When the OECD<br />

negotiations became known, the reaction<br />

of professional organisations<br />

in France was so intense that the<br />

Jospin government sounded a retreat<br />

in October 1998, leading to the<br />

end of the OECD project in December<br />

1998. (Since then the OECD has<br />

managed, thanks to its comparative<br />

evaluation of education systems, to<br />

regain the kind of goodwill that is intuitively<br />

accorded to any good educational<br />

reform, however questionable<br />

the methodological approach behind<br />

it may be).<br />

It is at this point, at the very latest,<br />

that we come up against a problem<br />

that has proved to be fundamental:<br />

the problem of political coherence.<br />

Paragraph 151.4 of the European<br />

Community Treaty does, in fact, contain<br />

a 'Cultural Compatibility' clause,<br />

which is a general commitment on<br />

the part of the EC to take account of<br />

cultural issues in all of its activities.<br />

However, it has become commonplace<br />

to cast doubt on the effectiveness<br />

of this commitment. It may be<br />

justified that trade and security considerations<br />

tend to take priority;<br />

nevertheless, it seems less than justifiable<br />

that, at the WTO, decisions<br />

of fundamental importance are taken<br />

as to which instruments of cultural<br />

policy are to be deemed 'superfluous'<br />

in the context of continuing<br />

deregulation. Political action is determined<br />

by the need to foresee its<br />

consequences as accurately and as<br />

completely as is possible; therefore,<br />

the participation of the competent<br />

cultural politicians in both parliament<br />

and government is to be called on<br />

whenever cultural policy is at stake.<br />

Intangible Cultural Heritage: Sanskrit theatre from the province of Kerala, the Kutiyattam. The oldest living theatrical tradition in India<br />

Photo: <strong>UNESCO</strong><br />

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