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Securing the Right to Land FULL - ANGOC

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Stanvac, Total Oil Company, etc. are examples of big corporations<br />

that are able <strong>to</strong> influence <strong>the</strong> policies of <strong>the</strong> Indonesian<br />

Government in regard <strong>to</strong> land and o<strong>the</strong>r natural resources.<br />

The second fac<strong>to</strong>r is <strong>the</strong> inefficiency of production which is <strong>the</strong><br />

legacy of many years of feudalism. Where modern technology<br />

has been introduced, this has benefitted not <strong>the</strong> small peasants<br />

but big local businessmen, big landowners, and transnational<br />

agricultural corporations.<br />

Third, is state violence and <strong>the</strong> anti-democratic, anti-people,<br />

and anti-peasant policies of <strong>the</strong> Government. Successive administrations<br />

have used draconian measures intended <strong>to</strong> maintain<br />

<strong>the</strong> security of <strong>the</strong> state, particularly in <strong>the</strong> face of agrarian<br />

unrest. Peasant leaders have been arrested, jailed, and even<br />

murdered. Cases like <strong>the</strong>se have taken place in Bulukumba<br />

(South Sulawesi), Garut, Subang, Pangalengan, Bogor, Sumedang,<br />

and Ciamis (West Java), Banyumas and Wonosobo (Central<br />

Java), Manggarai (East Nusa Tenggara), Muko-Muko (Bengkulu),<br />

Labuhan Batu and Porsea (North of Sumatra), Sesepa-Luwu and<br />

Dongi-Dongi (Central Sulawesi), Lombok (West Nusa Tenggara),<br />

Halmahera (Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Mollucas), and Banyuwangi and Pasuruan<br />

(East Java).<br />

The State uses violence <strong>to</strong> put down local resistance <strong>to</strong> many<br />

state or corporate infrastructure projects funded by multilateral<br />

financial institutions, such as <strong>the</strong> ADB and <strong>the</strong> WB. These infrastructure<br />

projects generally infringe on <strong>the</strong> land rights of local<br />

communities, particularly indigenous peoples. Infrastructure<br />

projects are Yudhoyono’s second priority after <strong>the</strong> expansion of<br />

big-plantation areas for bio-fuel energy.<br />

Civil society organizations and NGOs in Indonesia are conducting<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir advocacy work in response <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> abovementioned<br />

THE PERSISTENCE OF POPULAR WILL<br />

101<br />

analysis of <strong>the</strong> country’s agrarian crisis. A number of <strong>the</strong>m are<br />

demanding <strong>the</strong> cancellation of all infrastructure projects and<br />

debt problems. These groups include peasant movements such<br />

as AGRA (Alliance of Agrarian Reform Movement), STN (Serikat<br />

Tani Nasional), API (Aliansi Petani Indonesia), Petani Mandiri,<br />

and o<strong>the</strong>r social movements. Since <strong>the</strong> 1990s <strong>the</strong> networks of<br />

NGOs and a number of progressive intellectuals have played an<br />

important role in promoting land rights. These are Bina Desa, KPA<br />

(Konsorsium Pembaruan Agraria), Walhi (Wahana Lingkungan<br />

Hidup Indonesia), and YLBHI (Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan<br />

Hukum Indonesia).<br />

The Indonesian peasant movement is demanding an end <strong>to</strong><br />

state violence directed at <strong>the</strong>ir sec<strong>to</strong>r, and <strong>the</strong> release of peasant<br />

leaders that have been thrown in prison on <strong>the</strong> basis of<br />

anti-peasant laws. At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong> Indonesian peasant<br />

movement rejects <strong>the</strong> plan of <strong>the</strong> current government <strong>to</strong> repeal<br />

<strong>the</strong> Basic Agrarian Law of 1960 (UUPA). The draft law intended<br />

<strong>to</strong> replace <strong>the</strong> UUPA strongly favors <strong>the</strong> interests of big landowners.<br />

It <strong>to</strong>tally rescinds <strong>the</strong> spirit and intent of <strong>the</strong> UUPA <strong>to</strong><br />

carry out agrarian reform.<br />

Strategies <strong>to</strong> Advance Access<br />

<strong>to</strong> <strong>Land</strong> and Tenurial Security<br />

Maximizing Opportunities Made Available by<br />

<strong>the</strong> RPPK Policy<br />

The RPPK outlines <strong>the</strong> policy of <strong>the</strong> Yudhoyono government in<br />

discussing, evaluating, and resolving problems in <strong>the</strong> agricultural<br />

sec<strong>to</strong>r, particularly in regard <strong>to</strong> farming, plantations, fisheries,<br />

and forestry, and especially those arising since <strong>the</strong><br />

1997-1998 economic crisis.<br />

In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> policy defines <strong>the</strong> government’s strategy <strong>to</strong><br />

address challenges that affect farmers, farm workers, fishers,<br />

forest dwellers, and o<strong>the</strong>r poor communities. The RPPK is a<br />

starting point for observers attempting <strong>to</strong> understand how <strong>the</strong><br />

Yudhoyono government intends <strong>to</strong> address poverty in <strong>the</strong> country<br />

and <strong>to</strong> improve <strong>the</strong> lives of farmers. For <strong>the</strong> present, at least,<br />

<strong>the</strong> RPPK would be judged according <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> actions of <strong>the</strong> government<br />

in <strong>the</strong> past two years (2005–2007).<br />

The RPPK emphasizes not just production and economic aspects,<br />

but ideological ones as well. The ideology behind <strong>the</strong><br />

RPPK policies demands that agricultural revitalization must be<br />

ASIAN NGO COALITION FOR AGRARIAN REFORM AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT

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