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<strong>Fascist</strong> <strong>Spectacle</strong> http://content.cdlib.org/xtf/view?docId=ft18700444&chunk.id=0&doc.v...<br />

fascism and the "October revolution." [106] However, Mussolini failed to acknowledge that the Milizia<br />

also granted him a larger hegemonic role within the fascist movement. First, by recruiting its members<br />

from the violent fascist squads who used to act<br />

― 59 ―<br />

on the orders of a local ras , the Milizia highly diluted the power of local fascist leaders. The militiamen<br />

now responded directly to Mussolini and were supposed to obey him with absolute, blind<br />

discipline. [107] Second, through the Milizia Mussolini was able to exercise control over fascist leaders<br />

and prevent challenges to his authority. On October 13, 1923, the Gran Consiglio decreed that holding<br />

both military and political positions was inadmissible. [108] Those who held posts within the party could<br />

not lead the Milizia nor, by implication, have any influence on it. As a matter of fact, the cadres of the<br />

Milizia mostly came from the regular Italian army and presumably obeyed the head of government out<br />

of a sense of duty. [109] Hence, with the Milizia Mussolini undermined the possibility that any fascist<br />

member could ever hold enough power to challenge his own leadership.<br />

The organization of the Milizia constituted a further step in the process of neutralizing the party's<br />

role, a process that Mussolini carried out first as prime minister and later as head of the regime. Other<br />

measures Mussolini adopted in this direction included the opening of party enrollment immediately<br />

after the March on Rome. [110] This opening helped devitalize the identity of the party by allowing<br />

people of minimal conviction to become members. The new rule of October 15, 1923, further<br />

undermined the political vitality of the party. The rule stated that many appointments within the<br />

<strong>Fascist</strong> Party should be determined from above and no longer through internal elections. [111] In<br />

October 1926 the new statute of the PNF definitively proclaimed the system of nominations from<br />

above, suppressing the voice from the base and any form of debate within the fascist<br />

membership. [112]<br />

The laws on the Gran Consiglio had opened the way to Mussolini's supremacy over the party. From<br />

the juridical point of view, and in the face of the Gran Consiglio's transformation into a state organ in<br />

1928, the laws also marked the end of the division between party and state—a division that had<br />

already been dissolved in practice with the establishment of the dictatorship. [113] However, in this<br />

case the state encapsulated the party, and not vice versa. Since the beginning of his appointment<br />

Mussolini had emphasized the difference, in terms of authority, between party and state and had<br />

privileged the state over the party. In the first measure of a series aimed at weakening the party's<br />

role, on June 13, 1923, Mussolini circulated to the prefects of the provinces a note in which he gave<br />

them power over party representatives. [114]<br />

The Prefect and nobody else is the one and only representative of the Government authority in the provinces. . . . The<br />

fascist province leaders and other party authorities are subordinated to the Prefect. It is intended<br />

― 60 ―<br />

that since fascism is the dominant party, the Prefect has to keep contacts with the local fasces in order to avoid dissent<br />

and whatever else can disturb public order. [115]<br />

Mussolini conceded that because the <strong>Fascist</strong> Party was the dominant one, the prefect had to be in<br />

touch with local fascist sections, primarily in order to avoid disagreements and violence. Nevertheless,<br />

he stated in absolute terms that any illegal act, independent of its origin, needed to be curbed:<br />

"Phenomena of illegalism must be inexorably repressed, no matter who practices them." [116] This<br />

clause doubtless applied to his own party. On April 3, 1926, Law Number 660 definitely affirmed the<br />

power of the prefects. The following year, in the document to the prefects of January 5, 1927,<br />

Mussolini wrote that the prefect was the highest authority of the state: "He is the direct representative<br />

of the central executive power. All citizens, and first of all those who have the great privilege and<br />

highest honor to serve Fascism, must respect and obey the maximum political representative of the<br />

<strong>Fascist</strong> Regime." [117] The party, Mussolini continued, needed to be "a conscious means of the state's<br />

will, at the center and at the periphery." [118] Two years later, on September 14, 1929, Mussolini told<br />

the party's high hierarchies gathered at the PNF assembly: "The Head of the Province (the prefetto )<br />

has at his orders all the peripheral forces in which the State and the Regime express themselves; this<br />

also includes the Party, and the federal Secretary who plays his function of subordinate collaborator of<br />

the Head of the Province, a true functionary of the regal Prefettura ." [119]<br />

On October 28, 1925, Mussolini inaugurated a formula that became a password of fascism:<br />

"Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state." [120] Four years<br />

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