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<strong>Fascist</strong> <strong>Spectacle</strong> http://content.cdlib.org/xtf/view?docId=ft18700444&chunk.id=0&doc.v...<br />
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glory. Fascism could not tolerate the existence of personal aspirations, the possibility of choosing. The<br />
suppression of private desires was necessary to eliminate individual initiatives and conflicting<br />
demands. Hence, fascism's attack on the senses led to the totalitarian intrusion into the personal,<br />
private sphere—a space that through incessant regulation became politicized at the same moment that<br />
it was in principle denied.<br />
In reality, however, the suppression of the senses and the taming of the "masses" was not an<br />
easily accomplished task for the regime, especially at a time when a developing consumer culture was<br />
beginning to establish itself in many Western countries. Indeed, Mussolini feared consumption's<br />
potentially disruptive effects. The multiplication of desires and temptations, as the necessary result of<br />
an enlarged spectrum of options, would threaten to reintroduce individualistic principles into a society<br />
that was being organized around totalitarian premises. In contrast to social critics who viewed the<br />
suppression of individuality and the coming of a "one-dimensional" world as the most negative<br />
consequences of mass propaganda and consumerism, the Italian fascists questioned consumption from<br />
the perspective of its emancipatory force (although they were also afraid of the leveling effects of<br />
mass production). The aesthetic being a "contradictory, double-edged concept," as Eagleton<br />
argues, [29] fascism dreaded consumption's appeal to the senses and its potential to provoke a revolt<br />
against power. [30] In this fear, however, fascism was not alone. Its worries about consumption and<br />
modernity reflected the terms of a moral controversy that took place in many European countries and<br />
the United States at the turn of the twentieth century around the question of mass consumption.<br />
Although the development of a consumer public interested in commodities is sometimes situated<br />
as far back as the fifteenth century, with the rise of a global trade network, [31] the preoccupation with<br />
consumer culture's effects on society became intense at the fin de siècle. It was only then that the<br />
growing production of goods gave wide strata of the population access to items previously obtainable<br />
only by the upper class. The mass availability of once unreachable products seemed to be encouraging<br />
more and more people to possess certain objects in order to achieve a higher social status. The<br />
emphasis on luxury, seen as a result of the imitation of superior models, caused economists, social<br />
scientists, and philosophers to worry about the consequences on civilization of the democratic<br />
revolution. [32] In France, the morality of the desire to consume became an important topic of<br />
discussion. The proliferation of unlimited wants solicited an answer to the basic question: "How could<br />
the modern economic imperative to multiply needs be rec-<br />
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onciled with the moral tradition inherited from Christian and non-Christian antiquity, which counseled<br />
self-discipline and restraint of desire?" [33] Economic rationale seemed to dictate that a consumption<br />
system was necessary, but consumption appeared to many to be undermining the morality of society.<br />
Which should one renounce, morality or progress? And were the two actually incompatible? The debate<br />
also addressed the problem of the future of civilization if progress were stopped and the issue of social<br />
justice. On the one hand, it was argued, inequality motivates people to work hard in order to attain<br />
what others possess, and in this process progress is enhanced. On the other hand, equality establishes<br />
social harmony, which grants well-being. Others claimed that consumerism would not necessarily bring<br />
inequality. [34] In the end, however, the quest to find happiness through material possessions seemed<br />
to many an enslavement of the spirit, a moral degradation. Thus, whether individual consumption was<br />
directed toward the acquisition of social status or the achievement of personal self-fulfillment, its<br />
deleterious consequences came under attack. [35] Émile Durkheim, for example, wrote that<br />
consumption fed "a fevered imagination," which would bring the individual to anomic behavior. [36] For<br />
Durkheim, society was possible only if people sacrificed themselves and established social bonds<br />
through communal rituals, so he proposed to restrict consumption in order to prevent an objectified<br />
and materialistic life. This detachment from the mundane and "profane" world, through what was<br />
considered a limited form of asceticism, would allow the individual to enter the sacred—that is, the<br />
social. In this process, every person would end up acknowledging society's authority, with rituals<br />
sanctifying this recognition. [37]<br />
In Wilhelmine Germany, an ambivalent reaction to consumerism also took place in discussions<br />
about luxury's impact on middle- and working-class people and about how to manage the changes<br />
brought about by modernity. [38] Between 1900 and 1914 several articles and books of both academic<br />
and popular circulation debated the question of whether luxury was harmful or beneficial. [39]<br />
Continuing a century-old attack on luxury, which was then limited to the aristocracy, critics of<br />
conspicuous consumption targeted all classes who seemingly spent beyond their means. Instead of<br />
advocating the widespread banning of luxury, however, these critics set forth a productivist ethos as a<br />
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