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<strong>Fascist</strong> <strong>Spectacle</strong> http://content.cdlib.org/xtf/view?docId=ft18700444&chunk.id=0&doc.v...<br />

― 126 ―<br />

glory. Fascism could not tolerate the existence of personal aspirations, the possibility of choosing. The<br />

suppression of private desires was necessary to eliminate individual initiatives and conflicting<br />

demands. Hence, fascism's attack on the senses led to the totalitarian intrusion into the personal,<br />

private sphere—a space that through incessant regulation became politicized at the same moment that<br />

it was in principle denied.<br />

In reality, however, the suppression of the senses and the taming of the "masses" was not an<br />

easily accomplished task for the regime, especially at a time when a developing consumer culture was<br />

beginning to establish itself in many Western countries. Indeed, Mussolini feared consumption's<br />

potentially disruptive effects. The multiplication of desires and temptations, as the necessary result of<br />

an enlarged spectrum of options, would threaten to reintroduce individualistic principles into a society<br />

that was being organized around totalitarian premises. In contrast to social critics who viewed the<br />

suppression of individuality and the coming of a "one-dimensional" world as the most negative<br />

consequences of mass propaganda and consumerism, the Italian fascists questioned consumption from<br />

the perspective of its emancipatory force (although they were also afraid of the leveling effects of<br />

mass production). The aesthetic being a "contradictory, double-edged concept," as Eagleton<br />

argues, [29] fascism dreaded consumption's appeal to the senses and its potential to provoke a revolt<br />

against power. [30] In this fear, however, fascism was not alone. Its worries about consumption and<br />

modernity reflected the terms of a moral controversy that took place in many European countries and<br />

the United States at the turn of the twentieth century around the question of mass consumption.<br />

Although the development of a consumer public interested in commodities is sometimes situated<br />

as far back as the fifteenth century, with the rise of a global trade network, [31] the preoccupation with<br />

consumer culture's effects on society became intense at the fin de siècle. It was only then that the<br />

growing production of goods gave wide strata of the population access to items previously obtainable<br />

only by the upper class. The mass availability of once unreachable products seemed to be encouraging<br />

more and more people to possess certain objects in order to achieve a higher social status. The<br />

emphasis on luxury, seen as a result of the imitation of superior models, caused economists, social<br />

scientists, and philosophers to worry about the consequences on civilization of the democratic<br />

revolution. [32] In France, the morality of the desire to consume became an important topic of<br />

discussion. The proliferation of unlimited wants solicited an answer to the basic question: "How could<br />

the modern economic imperative to multiply needs be rec-<br />

― 127 ―<br />

onciled with the moral tradition inherited from Christian and non-Christian antiquity, which counseled<br />

self-discipline and restraint of desire?" [33] Economic rationale seemed to dictate that a consumption<br />

system was necessary, but consumption appeared to many to be undermining the morality of society.<br />

Which should one renounce, morality or progress? And were the two actually incompatible? The debate<br />

also addressed the problem of the future of civilization if progress were stopped and the issue of social<br />

justice. On the one hand, it was argued, inequality motivates people to work hard in order to attain<br />

what others possess, and in this process progress is enhanced. On the other hand, equality establishes<br />

social harmony, which grants well-being. Others claimed that consumerism would not necessarily bring<br />

inequality. [34] In the end, however, the quest to find happiness through material possessions seemed<br />

to many an enslavement of the spirit, a moral degradation. Thus, whether individual consumption was<br />

directed toward the acquisition of social status or the achievement of personal self-fulfillment, its<br />

deleterious consequences came under attack. [35] Émile Durkheim, for example, wrote that<br />

consumption fed "a fevered imagination," which would bring the individual to anomic behavior. [36] For<br />

Durkheim, society was possible only if people sacrificed themselves and established social bonds<br />

through communal rituals, so he proposed to restrict consumption in order to prevent an objectified<br />

and materialistic life. This detachment from the mundane and "profane" world, through what was<br />

considered a limited form of asceticism, would allow the individual to enter the sacred—that is, the<br />

social. In this process, every person would end up acknowledging society's authority, with rituals<br />

sanctifying this recognition. [37]<br />

In Wilhelmine Germany, an ambivalent reaction to consumerism also took place in discussions<br />

about luxury's impact on middle- and working-class people and about how to manage the changes<br />

brought about by modernity. [38] Between 1900 and 1914 several articles and books of both academic<br />

and popular circulation debated the question of whether luxury was harmful or beneficial. [39]<br />

Continuing a century-old attack on luxury, which was then limited to the aristocracy, critics of<br />

conspicuous consumption targeted all classes who seemingly spent beyond their means. Instead of<br />

advocating the widespread banning of luxury, however, these critics set forth a productivist ethos as a<br />

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