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Separate Realities: The Dream and the Iceberg - Scarecrow Press

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66 Chapter 2<br />

by comparisons of “entry-level” wages for high school–educated workers,<br />

which indicate sharp income drops have occurred across generational lines.<br />

For example, <strong>the</strong> real entry-level hourly wage received by male high school<br />

graduates (ages nineteen to twenty-five) declined from $13.39 in 1973 to<br />

$10.93 in 2005 (wages for both years computed in 2005 dollars); female high<br />

school graduates’ entry-level hourly wage fell from $9.81 in 1973 to $9.08 in<br />

2005. 112 While some young workers (e.g., college educated) experienced<br />

modest wage gains in <strong>the</strong> 1973–2005 period, <strong>the</strong> fact remains “that entry<br />

level wages for men <strong>and</strong> women high school graduates in 2005 were still below<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir levels of 1979 or 1973.” 113<br />

Research findings showing lower wages for young U.S. workers today than<br />

was <strong>the</strong> case a generation ago should not be surprising given <strong>the</strong> massive<br />

shifts that have occurred in <strong>the</strong> U.S. occupational <strong>and</strong> wage structures over<br />

<strong>the</strong> past thirty years. For young workers, finding a “good job” is increasingly<br />

problematic, as illustrated by a recent study which found only 50 percent of<br />

young workers (ages eighteen to thirty-four) without college degrees (73 percent<br />

of all young workers) held full-time, permanent jobs. 114 Given <strong>the</strong> kinds<br />

of jobs young workers hold, wage trends among young workers, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact<br />

that most U.S. job growth through 2014 is projected to occur in low-wage<br />

occupations, it appears that downward intergenerational mobility is, <strong>and</strong><br />

will continue to be, a relatively common experience among young adults today<br />

<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> future. 115<br />

Class Secession<br />

America’s top tier has grown infinitely richer <strong>and</strong> more removed over <strong>the</strong><br />

past 25 years. It is not unfair to say that <strong>the</strong>y are literally living in a different<br />

country. Few among <strong>the</strong>m send <strong>the</strong>ir children to our public schools.<br />

—Senator James Webb (D-VA), Wall Street Journal, November 14, 2006<br />

As class polarization <strong>and</strong> downward mobility intensify <strong>and</strong> contribute to<br />

growing community tensions <strong>and</strong> social problems, <strong>the</strong> privileged class is increasingly<br />

distancing itself from public institutions in ways that suggest not<br />

simply more suburbanization but a kind of class secession. Of course, <strong>the</strong> very<br />

wealthy have always separated <strong>the</strong>mselves from <strong>the</strong> nonwealthy through exclusive<br />

neighborhoods, clubs, <strong>and</strong> schools. However, what Robert Reich once<br />

termed <strong>the</strong> “secession of <strong>the</strong> successful” now combines traditional forms of<br />

physical <strong>and</strong> social separation <strong>and</strong> increasing numbers of privately provided<br />

services with <strong>the</strong> ideology of neoliberalism, an idea system of free market fundamentalism<br />

that encourages <strong>and</strong> legitimates hostility to public institutions.<br />

116 In short, class secession today involves both a separatist social identity<br />

<strong>and</strong> a conscious secessionistic mentality.<br />

One measure of <strong>the</strong> increasing physical separation of <strong>the</strong> privileged class<br />

from <strong>the</strong> working class is <strong>the</strong> growing number of home-owner associations,

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