Figure 2.2. Class-Power Network Model
<strong>Separate</strong> <strong>Realities</strong> 87 see, <strong>the</strong> corporate practices <strong>and</strong> public policies that emerge from <strong>the</strong>se structural linkages weave legitimation, co-optation, distraction, <strong>and</strong> coercion into a dense organizational web that sustains <strong>the</strong> new class system’s inequalities. Members of <strong>the</strong> new working class find <strong>the</strong>mselves targets of <strong>the</strong> dominant power networks depicted by <strong>the</strong> model. Specific public policies, programs, business practices, <strong>and</strong> cultural ideas maintaining <strong>and</strong> legitimating superclass interests, <strong>the</strong> corporate empire, <strong>and</strong> class inequalities in <strong>the</strong> new class system are routinely <strong>and</strong> repeatedly directed at working-class members (<strong>and</strong> privileged-class consumers) through <strong>the</strong> four basic social institutions shown in <strong>the</strong> model. For members of <strong>the</strong> working class, <strong>the</strong> cumulative effects of lives lived under superclass-dominated social institutions encourage public acceptance of class hierarchies, extensive corporate power, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> inequalities associated with <strong>the</strong>se arrangements. Oligopolistic corporate control of <strong>the</strong> economy (e.g., aerospace, auto, electrical, media industries), corporate-funded bashing of big government (Rush Limbaugh), <strong>and</strong> corporate-media sponsored celebrations of <strong>the</strong> free enterprise system (e.g., Fox News Channel) produce patterns of ideas <strong>and</strong> experiences that constantly remind <strong>the</strong> working class that private businesses are “good” <strong>and</strong> public enterprises are “bad” (or at best inefficient). 210 In short, working-class behaviors <strong>and</strong> attitudes are shaped in ways that promote public acceptance (ideological legitimation) of class inequalities. Such outcomes ensure that <strong>the</strong> distribution of capital resources in <strong>the</strong> new class society remains relatively unchallenged <strong>and</strong> unchanged—with a small number of highly rewarded positions reserved for members of <strong>the</strong> privilegedclass top diamond <strong>and</strong> those in <strong>the</strong> new-working-class bottom diamond restricted to positions with much lower rewards. Alternative Class-Power Networks Of course, <strong>the</strong> top portion of figure 2.2 is only part of <strong>the</strong> story. At <strong>the</strong> bottom of <strong>the</strong> figure we find an alternative class-power base grounded in new-workingclass activist groups. <strong>The</strong> labor movement, along with o<strong>the</strong>r progressive groups, such as many women’s rights, civil rights, environmental, <strong>and</strong> gay rights organizations, form <strong>the</strong> heart of three overlapping alternative power networks. <strong>The</strong>se alternative networks challenge, with varying degrees of vigor <strong>and</strong> with limited resources, <strong>the</strong> strategies, policies, <strong>and</strong> messages of <strong>the</strong> dominant power networks within <strong>the</strong> economy, <strong>the</strong> state, <strong>the</strong> media, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> schools. <strong>The</strong> alternative-network dimension of our model underscores <strong>the</strong> point that we do not equate superclass dominance in <strong>the</strong> economic, political, <strong>and</strong> cultural arenas with total control. On one h<strong>and</strong>, inequalities embedded in <strong>the</strong> new class society are largely maintained <strong>and</strong> legitimated by <strong>the</strong> actions, policies, <strong>and</strong> ideas orchestrated by superclass-sponsored <strong>and</strong> credentialed-class-managed organizations within <strong>the</strong> dominant power networks. But on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>se activities <strong>and</strong> ideas are subject to challenges by alternative-power-network actors in