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Focus in IP: the Particle ma in Florentine<br />

raise to a position adjacent to ma, say the specifier of the low Focus projection. This<br />

first hypothesis is exemplified by the structure in (14):<br />

(14) IP<br />

2<br />

maP<br />

2<br />

ma FocP<br />

2<br />

XP Foc’<br />

2<br />

Foc° vP<br />

This first hypothesis implies that the contrastive interpretation encoded by ma<br />

requires also the checking of the [Focus] feature. In other words, “contrast” is a<br />

property given by ma to an element already marked as Focus.<br />

Before adopting this hypothesis, some other facts must be considered.<br />

2. More about the syntax of ma<br />

In this section I will describe more in detail two properties of the syntax of ma<br />

that can be provided as evidence that the focused item is moved from its basic<br />

position, i.e. the focused item is not in VP or vP. The first one concerns<br />

Marginalization (“Emarginazione” in the sense of Antinucci and Cinque, 1977) and<br />

clitic Right Dislocation, the second one the focusing of the entire VP.<br />

2.1 Marginalization and Right Dislocation<br />

So far I have examined mainly sentences with only one internal argument.<br />

Consider now the case where there are two internal arguments, for instance a direct<br />

object and a dative PP. In this case, it is possible of course to focus by the particle<br />

ma one of them. However, the non-focused argument must appear as a clitic Right<br />

Dislocation. This is shown in (15):<br />

(15) a. l’ho dato ma [a Mario]focus, i libro (non a Giorgio).<br />

it have given ma to Mario the book not to Giorgio<br />

‘I gave the book to Mario (not to Giorgio).’<br />

b. gl’ho dato ma [i libro]focus, a Mario (non i giornale).<br />

to-him have given ma the book to Mario not the newspaper<br />

‘I gave the book to Mario (not the newspaper).’<br />

25

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