Synthetic report - EURAC
Synthetic report - EURAC
Synthetic report - EURAC
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new ally who would secure the strong position it once held. 106 JNA officers had<br />
offered to defend Yugoslavia’s unity but were rejected by the Yugoslav Federal<br />
presidency. 107 JNA became de facto “vojska bez države” – an army without a<br />
state. 108<br />
Milošević, claiming to be the guardian of Yugoslav unity and assertor of<br />
socialist values, won the high representatives in the JNA over to his purposes,<br />
pursuing his goals with behaviour models well known and well fitting to the JNA<br />
from former Yugoslav times. 109<br />
When tensions rose, the military servants were withdrawn to their<br />
respective republics and the JNA-Corps became nationally homogenized with a<br />
composition of almost exclusively Serbs and Montenegrins. 110 This “Serbization” of<br />
the JNA was to some extent also brought about by members of other nationalities<br />
which deserted from the army or simply left it, as they were unwilling to<br />
participate in its attempts to preserve Yugoslavia. 111 Much of the personnel who<br />
left the JNA became the root of new armies in the separatist territories. 112 The<br />
decisive fact is that in a relatively early stage of the conflict the JNA was standing<br />
shoulder-to-shoulder with Milošević’s regime and Serb separatists in Croatia and –<br />
most evidently – in BiH. This mere fact was known to the Croats and Bosniaks and,<br />
as will be argued below, could have contributed to ethno-mobilization. One may<br />
also conclude that the Titoist JNA was not a source of ethno-mobilization but let<br />
itself be used by politician as an instrument of it.<br />
4.3.2. The Republics<br />
Military staff in the territories barricaded by the Serbs comprised regular JNA units,<br />
local Territorial Defence Forces (hereinafter: TDF 113 ), Serbian and Montenegrin<br />
TDFs, local and Serbian Ministry of Interior (hereinafter MUP) police forces and<br />
paramilitary units. 114<br />
The JNA officially withdrew from the Croatian territory in May 1992, leaving<br />
equipment behind, which provided the local Serb rebels with arms. Initially the<br />
JNA did not openly take sides between the Croatian government and the Croatian<br />
Serb population. With these events, the JNA openly took sides with Serbs in<br />
Croatia. 115<br />
A similar scene developed in BiH, even though the incidents in the forefront<br />
of violent conflict were less spontaneous than in Croatia. The JNA’s own newsletter<br />
regularly issued accusations against the Croatian and Muslim parties and individuals<br />
for taking a hostile attitude towards Serb leaders and the Army. 116 The Bosnian<br />
<strong>report</strong> traces the scaremongering in the Serb population by diverse Serb institutions<br />
precisely. In November 1989 the National Security Service of Serbia had already<br />
evacuated the Serb population in two Bosnian municipalities allegedly under<br />
106<br />
Pešić, 14.<br />
107<br />
Petricusic, 8.<br />
108<br />
Eiff, 180.<br />
109<br />
Petricusic, 8.<br />
110<br />
Pešić, 15.<br />
111<br />
See Eiff, 197<br />
112<br />
The armies of Slovenia, Croatia and BH consisted mainly of military personnel and<br />
equipment of the former JNA. Final <strong>report</strong> of the United Nations Commission of Experts established<br />
pursuant to security council resolution 780 of 1992 (hereinafter: “Bassiouni Report”),<br />
Annex III, The military structure, strategy and tactics of the warring factions, available<br />
under http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/comexpert/ANX/III.htm, at § II.<br />
113<br />
Which were republican Territorial Defence Forces.<br />
114<br />
Petricusic, 8.<br />
115<br />
Petricusic, 8.<br />
116<br />
Ćurak, Seizović, Šačić, Turčalo, 18, 19, 20.<br />
26