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Synthetic report - EURAC

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new ally who would secure the strong position it once held. 106 JNA officers had<br />

offered to defend Yugoslavia’s unity but were rejected by the Yugoslav Federal<br />

presidency. 107 JNA became de facto “vojska bez države” – an army without a<br />

state. 108<br />

Milošević, claiming to be the guardian of Yugoslav unity and assertor of<br />

socialist values, won the high representatives in the JNA over to his purposes,<br />

pursuing his goals with behaviour models well known and well fitting to the JNA<br />

from former Yugoslav times. 109<br />

When tensions rose, the military servants were withdrawn to their<br />

respective republics and the JNA-Corps became nationally homogenized with a<br />

composition of almost exclusively Serbs and Montenegrins. 110 This “Serbization” of<br />

the JNA was to some extent also brought about by members of other nationalities<br />

which deserted from the army or simply left it, as they were unwilling to<br />

participate in its attempts to preserve Yugoslavia. 111 Much of the personnel who<br />

left the JNA became the root of new armies in the separatist territories. 112 The<br />

decisive fact is that in a relatively early stage of the conflict the JNA was standing<br />

shoulder-to-shoulder with Milošević’s regime and Serb separatists in Croatia and –<br />

most evidently – in BiH. This mere fact was known to the Croats and Bosniaks and,<br />

as will be argued below, could have contributed to ethno-mobilization. One may<br />

also conclude that the Titoist JNA was not a source of ethno-mobilization but let<br />

itself be used by politician as an instrument of it.<br />

4.3.2. The Republics<br />

Military staff in the territories barricaded by the Serbs comprised regular JNA units,<br />

local Territorial Defence Forces (hereinafter: TDF 113 ), Serbian and Montenegrin<br />

TDFs, local and Serbian Ministry of Interior (hereinafter MUP) police forces and<br />

paramilitary units. 114<br />

The JNA officially withdrew from the Croatian territory in May 1992, leaving<br />

equipment behind, which provided the local Serb rebels with arms. Initially the<br />

JNA did not openly take sides between the Croatian government and the Croatian<br />

Serb population. With these events, the JNA openly took sides with Serbs in<br />

Croatia. 115<br />

A similar scene developed in BiH, even though the incidents in the forefront<br />

of violent conflict were less spontaneous than in Croatia. The JNA’s own newsletter<br />

regularly issued accusations against the Croatian and Muslim parties and individuals<br />

for taking a hostile attitude towards Serb leaders and the Army. 116 The Bosnian<br />

<strong>report</strong> traces the scaremongering in the Serb population by diverse Serb institutions<br />

precisely. In November 1989 the National Security Service of Serbia had already<br />

evacuated the Serb population in two Bosnian municipalities allegedly under<br />

106<br />

Pešić, 14.<br />

107<br />

Petricusic, 8.<br />

108<br />

Eiff, 180.<br />

109<br />

Petricusic, 8.<br />

110<br />

Pešić, 15.<br />

111<br />

See Eiff, 197<br />

112<br />

The armies of Slovenia, Croatia and BH consisted mainly of military personnel and<br />

equipment of the former JNA. Final <strong>report</strong> of the United Nations Commission of Experts established<br />

pursuant to security council resolution 780 of 1992 (hereinafter: “Bassiouni Report”),<br />

Annex III, The military structure, strategy and tactics of the warring factions, available<br />

under http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/comexpert/ANX/III.htm, at § II.<br />

113<br />

Which were republican Territorial Defence Forces.<br />

114<br />

Petricusic, 8.<br />

115<br />

Petricusic, 8.<br />

116<br />

Ćurak, Seizović, Šačić, Turčalo, 18, 19, 20.<br />

26

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