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Synthetic report - EURAC

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Ordinary people could not escape ethnic polarization. In an interview a<br />

Serb taxi driver explained: “No one wanted the coming war, but if I<br />

don’t fight, someone from my side will kill me, and if my Muslim friends<br />

don’t fight, other Muslims will kill them” 131<br />

There are no reasons to believe that the situation in this regard was much<br />

different outside BiH. However the exclusion of moderates was, as noted, a<br />

general political plan which was only reinforced by threats of violence. The only<br />

republic in which the paramilitary units played a more or less autonomous role in<br />

this regard was Macedonia with the NLA. 132<br />

The declining JNA made it possible for Serb rebels in Croatia and BiH to<br />

keep the territories won by force. The Serb military, police and paramilitary forces<br />

helped stabilize the occupation through ethnic cleansing conducted by executions,<br />

deportation of non-Serb civilians, or in BH by deportation. Similar tactics were used<br />

by the Croatian forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina.<br />

Bosnian Croats were assisted financially and technically by Croatia and the<br />

Croatian army. Once ethno-mobilization captured the ARBH, each of the three<br />

armies stood for one ethnic group and religion.<br />

4.4. Influence of Diaspora<br />

The role of the diaspora was very important among the Croats, Albanians and<br />

Macedonians, even if the modes of influence fundamentally differ.<br />

The situation in Croatia is best explained with the citation from the Croatian<br />

<strong>report</strong>, which comprises all that can be said.<br />

General Martin Špegelj, first minister of defence, argues that the<br />

Ustashism in Croatia has “been brought from outside, by the return of<br />

extreme emigrants in Croatia. They were not high or lower ranking<br />

officers of former NDH, but those who thought that heritage of<br />

Ustashism will be good ground for creation of new power in Croatia, and<br />

that they would obtain personal profit. Indeed, they won power and<br />

personal profits; however, their presence in politics has caused shaking<br />

of power and big problems even nowadays. That fact, alongside with<br />

undermining of Serb’s houses in Spring 1991, made worse damage to the<br />

Croatia’s defence than whole JNA aggression. We have suffered<br />

consequences ever since and witness different sorts of neo-fascism<br />

emergence”. 133<br />

The Macedonian diaspora supported the independence of Macedonia and the rights<br />

of Macedonian minorities in the neighbouring countries in the sight of disputes with<br />

Greece and Bulgaria. 134<br />

The Albanian diaspora, of which some members had immigrated to western<br />

countries to find refuge and were politically involved, endowed Albanians in Kosovo<br />

financially. 135 Some of the young diaspora members returned to Kosovo to take part<br />

in the hostilities. 136<br />

131<br />

Oberschall, 996.<br />

132<br />

Ilievski, 17-18.<br />

133<br />

Petricusic, 21, cited after Martin Špegelj , Sjećanje vojnika (Memories of a Soldier)<br />

(Znanje, Zagreb, 2001), 55-56.<br />

134<br />

Ilievski, 4.<br />

135<br />

MIRICO Work Package 2 country specific <strong>report</strong> on Kosovo (forthcoming); Ilievski, 4.<br />

There are estimations that about half a million of Kosovo Albanians were living abroad, paying<br />

regularly 3 % of their income for the maintenance of the “shadow state” led my Ibrahim<br />

29

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