From life crisis to lifelong learning: Rethinking working-class 'drop out'

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5 Reframing lifelong learning and student ‘drop out’ In this chapter, we draw on the findings of the international colloquium and the international research reports. We also use data from interviews with university careers and employment services, and from a survey of those involved in admissions, plus further data from the student interviews and research jury days. Introduction Our research with young working-class students who have withdrawn from higher education found that many students were ‘captured’ by the dominant view that this experience should be perceived as a ‘disaster’ and that the young people concerned are ‘failures’: 52 I was worried about being seen as a disappointment, or some sort of failure. (Female) But the in-depth nature of this research was able to reveal more about the decisions made, the feelings involved and the subsequent consequences. These findings undermine the dominant discourse of failure associated with leaving early. This chapter of the report focuses on this challenge, and traces the implications and possibilities for reframing lifelong learning and student withdrawal. It draws on data from the student interviews, research jury days, and the international colloquium and policy seminar, interviews with university careers and employment services, and the admissions survey. Young people The majority of young people took the decisions carefully and thoughtfully: I didn’t find it an easy decision. I took lots of things into consideration. I didn’t want to stay just for my friends. I wanted to do what was right for myself. (Female)
Reframing lifelong learning and student ‘drop out’ Either at the time or on reflection, the students tended to feel that leaving was the correct decision, and that making this tough decision had had benefits for them: It just made me realise that there are other areas to be explored. For me, leaving was a positive experience. (Male) Students gained from their decision in a number of ways. ■ An informed decision about entering/not entering higher education based on experience: this is likely to be of greater significance to students who are the first in their family to attend university and so do not have access to ‘hot knowledge.’ ■ Increased knowledge about specific disciplines and awareness of the subject area they do/do not want to study: many of the students in the study had made decisions about which course to study based on very limited information. Some left with the intention of re-entering a different discipline area in the future. ■ Greater confidence having tried higher education and made a decision to leave (which can be contrasted with a non-decision to enter HE): this gave some students confidence in their own ability to make decisions and to pursue their own pathways. ■ Opportunities to pursue alternative pathways, which included entering directly into employment and careers, changing courses or institutions and reorienting the direction of their lives: some students had felt that few alternative opportunities were available to them as they were making their post-18 transition. These ‘benefits’, as the students perceive them, indicate that leaving early should not necessarily be termed in wholly negative terms. The negative implications of early withdrawal for students, institutions and the local area are not intrinsic, but are created by higher education policy and cultural norms. Structural and attitudinal factors contribute to students’ feelings of failure, institutions being labelled as ‘failing’ and being penalised financially too, and the local society and economy not benefiting from the skills of these ex-students as fully as they might do. 53
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Contents Acknowledgements vii 1 Int
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Acknowledgements With thanks to our
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From life crisis to lifelong learning: Rethinking working-class 'drop out'

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