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Historical Security Council - World Model United Nations

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anew; instead there was refinement at the margins of<br />

the overall structure. 73 it is unsurprising that there was<br />

major reform; Belgium had little history as a colonial<br />

power and had to learn quickly to administer an area<br />

80 times its size thousands of miles away. 74 in part to<br />

assuage public anger in Europe, the Belgians adopted<br />

a colonial constitution, crafted by major shareholders<br />

in Belgian and the Catholic Church, which had an<br />

interest in proselytizing. 75 The first Belgian minister<br />

of the colony reduced compulsory labor and stopped<br />

the most significant government-led atrocities. 76 His<br />

appointments of local administrators were typically<br />

young men with little formal education who utilized<br />

the colonial army of white Belgian officers and African<br />

infantry to enforce forced labor and collect taxes. 77<br />

The colonial administrators were, like during<br />

Leopold’s time, focused on economic exploitation<br />

and providing corporations with adequate land to<br />

mine. 78 Belgian domestic politics were not organized<br />

in a way to drastically change colonial affairs, and thus<br />

allowed the minority in the home country with vested<br />

interests in the region to gain disproportionate say<br />

in the governance of the region. 79 The new king<br />

of Belgium could rule by decree after consulting<br />

a purely advisory colonial council of conservative,<br />

business-oriented appointees, but this decree was<br />

constrained by the Belgian minister of colonies. 80<br />

The Belgian minister of colonial affairs wrote in 1921<br />

that the major goal of colonialism was to develop<br />

“the economic action of Belgium,” which means that<br />

the law and order control of the colony is at most as<br />

important as the labor recruitment for companies. 81<br />

In the initial ownership of the Congo by Belgium, the<br />

state’s authority in the countryside was literally a<br />

function of company’s administration and extraction<br />

of a particular region. Companies would use African<br />

chiefs as supplementary workers on behalf of the<br />

company to recruit labor for them. Although the<br />

state eventually established control over most of the<br />

region at local level displacing the rule by companies,<br />

the new requirements for the people were<br />

sometimes more onerous as they needed to provide<br />

extra labor and taxes for public works projects and<br />

adhere to certain regulations governing most parts<br />

of people’s lives. 82 ultimately, companies continued<br />

to have monopolistic powers over vast swaths of<br />

the region, resulting in either no pay or very low pay<br />

for the local workers and their production. 83 Often,<br />

though forced labor was technically frowned upon,<br />

companies and administrators would recruit and hold<br />

locals as workers through the imposition of fines and<br />

imprisonment for breach of contract. 84<br />

However, as time progressed, leaders in the<br />

colonial regime began to understand that in order<br />

This 1922 map illustrates the holdings of African countries by various<br />

European colonial powers.<br />

to have effective control over a population, the<br />

Europeans needed effective local allies. A series<br />

of decrees on colonial administration in 1906,<br />

1910, and 1933 transformed chiefs from outside<br />

powers to intermediary powers with the colonial<br />

administration. 85 if chiefs helped meet export<br />

expectations, signed up tribes for conscription,<br />

provided forced labor, and paid taxes, they were given<br />

14<br />

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