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Wöber – The Autonomy of Gagauzia
the autonomy” were leaving the region 128 because of the economic situation,
which was true for the whole country, leading to instabilities with cadre
policies as well. 129 Approximately 25,000 of 160,000 inhabitants permanently
migrated for work, with men leaving mainly for Russia and women for
Turkey. 130
One aspect that was pointed out by a few experts was the fact that the
People’s Assembly in Comrat did not function on a professional basis, which
also meant that deputies would not often meet and at times there were
poorly attended sessions. 131 The 35 deputies worked on a volunteer basis and
only members of the presidium were paid. 132
3.1.2.3. Transnistria
Bashkan Formuzal explained the current position of the autonomy as follows:
if the Transnistria problem was solved the status of Gagauzia could not be
lower than that of the other entity. If a federation was set up, the autonomy
wanted to have a federative status as well. In late 2012, as in previous years,
the de-facto government in Tiraspol (Transnistria) sees Gagauzia as an antimodel.
133 While Transnistria was not a frequent topic during talks in Comrat,
some participants voiced the hope that once this question was solved, it
might have a positive effect on the south too. 134
Other experts expressed the opinion that in Chisinau’s view, Transnistria
needed a wider autonomy arrangement than Gagauzia, but that a federation
was not a very popular idea; if some sort of asymmetric model was
nevertheless found, the Gagauz would want as much as the Transnistrians –
indicators of this have always been visible. So somehow the Gagauz had to be
involved and, even more importantly, willingness had to be shown in order to
solve the obstacles to the implementation of the 1994 Law, in parallel to the
negotiation process with Transnistria. 135 “Based on what is happening in
Gagauzia, they [Moldovans] have failed their exam here” 136 . The elites in
Chisinau were aware that Gagauzia was not like Transnistria, but still
a permanent dialogue was needed so as not to further antagonize the citizens
in the south. 137 At the same time, Comrat’s display of solidarity and links with
Tiraspol were not well perceived in Chisinau. 138 The ‘Gagauz factor’ thereby
128
Gottfried Hanne.
129
Liubomir Chiriac. Furthermore, Stepan Mihailovitsh Topal pointed out it was the young who could
change something in the autonomy, but the eco-social situation made them passive or simply
indifferent.
130
Mihail Macar Formuzal.
131
Stepan Mihailovitsh Topal, which he mentioned with a critical eye towards the deputies.
132
Ana Harlamenko.
133
Mihail Macar Formuzal.
134
Fiodor Gagauz.
135
Gottfried Hanne. He added that otherwise the Gagauz will “more strongly demand than what is on
paper”.
136
Anonymous background talk; June 2011 – Vienna. The interlocutor is involved in the ‘5+2’ talks.
137
Igor Botan.
138
Oazu Nantoi.
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